Territorial Vocation and Territorial Governance: A Situationist Point of View. The Case of Manfredonia Area.

Abstract

The concepts of ‘territorial vocation’ and ‘territorial governance’ are focal in the literature of tourism management. These same concepts are also the link with many other research fields such as territorial marketing and local economic development. The paper aims to contribute to the debate on territorial vocation and territorial governance processes by giving an alternative vision, called ‘situationist’, compared to the prevailing one, defined as ‘systemic’. In the traditional paradigm territory is represented as a pre-determined system with respect to the local actors and coalitions. In this epistemological framework the ‘territorial vocation’ appears as an objective character, self-evident, expression and synthesis of the potential of resources, skills and capacities of a territory. Sharing this approach, the strategic goal in tourism management is to design, implement and control a mechanism of local planning that integrates the local community in the common goal of sustainable development of the territory. In a ‘situationist’ point of view territory is a concrete system constructed by the actors. This different paradigm qualifies the territory as a space of games, a place of different interests and strategies, a place of interaction, negotiation and conflict among actors and their coalitions. The territorial vocation becomes a rationalized myth, an intersubjective construct, not assisted by an aura of objectivity and functionality to the interests of territory. It is the result, influenced by unintended effects, of the strategic action of a pro-tempore dominant coalition. The situationist perspective into the territorial governance processes is far from simplistic predictive models. It also debunks models of strategic management and place marketing and proposes the winding road of exploration of the strategies - cooperative and conflictual - enacted by actors and / or local coalitions to pursue their interests. The paper presents the case of the concrete dynamics of territorial governance of Manfredonia (Foggia, Italy) and its oscillation between touristic and industrial vocation in the light of the processes of action and institutionalization.

Full text

TERRITORIAL VOCATION AND TERRITORIAL GOVERNANCE
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TERRITORIAL VOCATION AND TERRITORIAL GOVERNANCE: A
SITUATIONIST POINT OF VIEW. THE CASE OF MANFREDONIA AREA.(◆)
Piero Mastroberardino*, Giuseppe Calabrese**, Flora Cortese***
* Università degli Studi di Foggia, Full Professor in Business Management,
0881/781714, piero.mastroberardino@unifg.it
** Università degli Studi di Foggia, Assistant Professor in Business Management,
0881/781714, giuseppe.calabrese@unifg.it
*** Università degli Studi di Foggia, PhD in Business Management,
0881/781714, flora.cortese@unifg.it
(
◆
)Even though the Authors share responsibility for the entire paper, output of a common research effort, note that “Introduction" and
“Conclusions” may be attributed to Piero Mastroberardino, whereas "Conceptual and theoretical framework” may be attributed
to Giuseppe Calabrese and "Case study: Manfredonia through 50 years of territorial vocations” may be attributed to Flora Cortese.

TERRITORIAL VOCATION AND TERRITORIAL GOVERNANCE
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Abstract
The concepts of ‘territorial vocation’ and ‘territorial governance’ are focal in the literature of tourism
management. These same concepts are also the link with many other research fields such as territorial marketing
and local economic development. The paper aims to contribute to the debate on territorial vocation and
territorial governance processes by giving an alternative vision, called ‘situationist’, compared to the prevailing
one, defined as ‘systemic’. In the traditional paradigm territory is represented as a pre-determined system with
respect to the local actors and coalitions. In this epistemological framework the ‘territorial vocation’ appears as
an objective character, self-evident, expression and synthesis of the potential of resources, skills and capacities
of a territory. Sharing this approach, the strategic goal in tourism management is to design, implement and
control a mechanism of local planning that integrates the local community in the common goal of sustainable
development of the territory. In a ‘situationist’ point of view territory is a concrete system constructed by the
actors. This different paradigm qualifies the territory as a space of games, a place of different interests and
strategies, a place of interaction, negotiation and conflict among actors and their coalitions. The territorial
vocation becomes a rationalized myth, an intersubjective construct, not assisted by an aura of objectivity and
functionality to the interests of territory. It is the result, influenced by unintended effects, of the strategic action
of a pro-tempore dominant coalition. The situationist perspective into the territorial governance processes is far
from simplistic predictive models. It also debunks models of strategic management and place marketing and
proposes the winding road of exploration of the strategies - cooperative and conflictual - enacted by actors and /
or local coalitions to pursue their interests. The paper presents the case of the concrete dynamics of territorial
governance of Manfredonia (Foggia, Italy) and its oscillation between touristic and industrial vocation in the
light of the processes of action and institutionalization.
Key words: territorial vocation, territorial governance, power, action, institutionalization

TERRITORIAL VOCATION AND TERRITORIAL GOVERNANCE
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Introduction
The economic, political and social scenario, in a global sense, is made of continuous, radical, often
sudden changes. New consumers, industries, competitive models, new political, industrial and financial forces
are emerging. The new economic dynamics, both macro and micro, do not respond anymore to many of the
acknowledged theories.
Concerning these issues, the management literature widely shows an approach of mutual dependence,
sometimes virtuous, sometimes vicious, between development-decline of a firm and development-decline of a
territory. The theory describes a co-evolutionary process in which firms and territories mutually are presented as
resources one for the competitiveness of the other (Valdani & Ancarani, 2000). There is also a strong
convergence on thinking that the sources of competitiveness and value creation, both for firms and for territories,
are progressively and irreversibly shifted from tangible to intangible factors.
With respect to similar evolutionary dynamics, public administrators, managers and social scholars
should abandon the most widespread theories and practices, as acknowledged as overcome. They should
experiment with new prospects for observation, able to better understand the emerging logic that supports both
the competitive advantage of a firm and the comparative advantage of a territory.
Consistent with these assumptions, the concept of territory has evolved from a mere place, to a
“relational space, complex, unique and difficult to imitate” (Rullani, 1999, p. 25), going beyond the meaning
related to physical space and including cultural and social interspatial connections. The definition cited, with
emphasis on uniqueness and difficult imitability, immediately placed in the foreground the issues on which this
paper is focused.
How much, epistemologically, can be correct to define and apply models of territorial governance
aspiring to high levels of generalization and including large “pretence of knowledge” (Hayek, 1989)? How much
can metaphors coming from different fields be really effective in this field?
As a matter of fact, in our view the issue of territorial governance is still faced with naivety or hypocrisy
and easily adapted to numerous and attractive ‘metaphors’.
Consider, for example, the metaphor of ‘territorial marketing’ that suggests an idea of territorial
governance aiming at ‘selling a product’ (a city, an area, a region, a country) ‘to a specific target’ (citizens,
tourists, investors and so on) as a result of a strategic analysis aiming at converting the ‘territorial vocation’ in a
sustainable competitive advantage (Bellini, 2004).
Another example concerns the approaches framing territorial governance in so-called ‘industrial policy’.
Wide and referenced scientific studies define the “true” territorial vocation and determine top-down strategies of
economic, social and cultural development. Smart adhocracies of policy makers enlightened by science establish
a ‘board of designers’, technicians and experts – rigorously independent – who conceive and design a rational
strategic plan for territorial development.
On the other hand, using biological metaphors, there are many approaches that show territorial
governance as a spontaneous ordering process, due to phenomena of ‘self-organization’ and able to create
virtuous development processes. Models of self-government of the territory should then come out, according to
a bottom-up logic, able to reduce to unity the multiplicity of interests of local actors.
All the cited examples refer to the same paradigm, which is widely dominant in management studies, that
we can address at as a ‘unified approach’ (Burrell & Morgan, 1979; Mastroberardino, 2006, 2010).
This framework, although with significant differences between the ‘board of designers’ option or top-
down perspective (Bertalanffy, 1968; Beer, 1966, 1967; Emery, 1974; Golinelli, 2000, 2011; Gross & Etzioni,
1987; Scott, 1981) and the ‘self-organization’ one or bottom-up perspective (Bertuglia & Staricco, 2002;
Faggioni & Simone, 2009; Morin, 1993; Prigogine & Stengers, 1981; Taylor, 2005; Waldrop, 1995), reifies the
territory and interprets it as a collective entity with its own identity and strategic thinking aiming at generating
order, harmony and integration.
In other words, territory is defined as a ‘pre-determined system with respect to the actors’
(Mastroberardino & Calabrese, 2013b).
This paradigm is characterized by the interpretation of territory as a system, which is divided into sub-
systems at lower levels and is part of inclusive, higher-level systems. In this way all the social actors are
interconnected in a total and charming – at first glance – representation of functioning of the whole society
(Mastroberardino, 2010). This approach, recalling the expression “domain of teleology” (von Wright, 1971),
opts for a systemic rationality, selecting the logic of functionalist explanation in a collectivist and holistic view
of social phenomena (Burrell & Morgan, 1979; Mastroberardino, 2006).
The local actors, in the frame of pre-determined systems, operate for ‘common good’. The healthy forces
of cooperation and convergence are projected to prevail over individual interests.

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The competitive advantage of territory is sustainable if it meets the expectations of several local
stakeholders (individuals and/or organizations) directly or indirectly involved into the process of value creation.
In this respect, wide ranges of typical concepts of strategic management (mission and vision, positioning,
strategy, resources, stakeholders, competitiveness, value, ethics, etc.) are declined with reference to territory.
In this epistemological framework ‘territorial vocation’ appears as an objective, self-evident character,
expression and synthesis of the potential of resources, skills and capabilities of a territory, resulting from its past
and constraining for its future, to be implemented in a sort of implicit and always winning strategy of
differentiation in the competition among territories. Sharing this approach, the strategic goal in tourism
management is creating and presenting attractions that draw tourists, while simultaneously engaging
stakeholders to contribute to conservation of tangible and intangible heritage assets. The function of tourism
management is to design, implement and control a mechanism of local planning that integrates the local
community and attracts towards the common goal of sustainable development of the territory.
This paper, according to previous considerations, shows an alternative point of view – called
‘situationist’ – for the understanding of the processes of territorial governance. In a situationist framework
territory is not qualified as a “pre-determined system with respect to the actors” but as a “concrete system built
by the actors”. This different paradigm, a synthesis between political and neo-institutional perspective, qualifies
territory as a space of games, a place of different interests and different strategies, a place of interaction,
negotiation and conflict among actors and their coalitions (Mastroberardino et al., 2013a).
Territorial vocation becomes a “rationalized myth”, an intersubjective construct not assisted by an aura of
objectivity and functionality to the interests of territory itself. It is the result, influenced by unintended effects,
of the strategic action of a pro-tempore dominant coalition.
Through these lenses, territorial vocation is thus interpreted as a pressure, as a material and symbolic
constraint that induces beliefs, practices and patterns of behaviour in the actors of that territory. Similarly,
territorial governance becomes a result of a power game based on continuous individual and coalitional
strategies. Communication and negotiation processes structure a pro-tempore local order that is, at the same time,
product and constraint of human interaction.
Putting these different lenses on, a deep pattern of political actions comes in evidence, aiming at
protecting the interests of specific coalitions but systematically communicated as functional to the harmonious
development of territory in order to pursuit ‘common good’.
Conceptual and theoretical framework
Territorial vocation and territorial governance in a situationist framework. The paradigm of “concrete
system built by the actors”.
Prior to present the peculiar meaning of key concepts like “territorial vocation” and “territorial
governance”, as provided by the situationist framework (Sparti, 2002), it is appropriate to briefly introduce the
framework itself.
First of all, let’s point out its clear distinction from the Contingency Theory, which is – in organizational
studies – also called ‘situational approach’ (Burns & Stalker, 1961; Lawrence & Lorsch, 1967; Woodward,
1965). The distance is relevant: the paradigm of “concrete system built by the actors” refers to the micro-
actionist epistemological framework, in particular: social phenomenology (Berger & Luckmann, 1966; Husserl,
1976; Schutz, 1974; Searle, 1995); symbolic interactionism (Mead, 1934); ethnomethodology (Garfinkel, 1967).
Two theoretical approaches, seemingly divergent, are linked to these roots (Barley & Tolbert, 1997;
Mastroberardino, 2006): the political approach (Crespi, 1999; Crozier & Friedberg, 1978; Friedberg, 1994;
Pfeffer, 1981) and the neo-micro-institutionalism in organizational studies (Meyer & Rowan, 1977; Powell &
DiMaggio, 1991; Zucker, 1977).
The political approach emphasizes the strategic action of local actors (individual or coalitional) oriented
to protect their own specific interests. The concept of ‘power’ with respect to a specific ‘field of concrete action’
(Crozier & Friedberg, 1978; Thompson, 1967) is central to this approach. Power is defined as ‘exchange’ and
not as ‘strength’ (March, 1994), a social work of construction of fields of strategic action and degrees of
freedom with respect to the constraints of a specific local context and not just a struggle among opposing groups.
The perspective here called ‘situationist’ is focused on the processes of ‘action’ and ‘institutionalization’,
based on the concrete contexts of human action in everyday life.
The continuous work of these two processes produces building, breaking and reconstruction of social
reality (Giddens, 1984). Between action and institutionalization arises the vision of a local actor who, even
institutionally constrained, does not surrender to act strategically.

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The strategies of local actors contribute to – even not strictly determine – the construction of the complex
social reality that we define territory (Mastroberardino et al., 2006; Mastroberardino, 2010). In a situationist
point of view, a territory is therefore defined as a “concrete system built by the actors”, never a “pre-determined
system with respect to the actors”.
Territorial vocation: from objective meta-resource to rationalized myth.
Shifting from the paradigm of “pre-determined system with respect to the actors” to the paradigm of
“concrete system built by the actors”, the concept of territorial vocation radically changes. Not just an objective
character, a self-evident meta-resource defined as “the personality of a territory, its natural, social, cultural and
economic inclination” (Golinelli, 2002). Not a neutral cause on which the strategy of development of territory
has to be built, but the effect built – even not wholly intentional – by a pro-tempore dominant coalition of local
actors, public and private, with converging interests, temporarily joined to achieve specific objectives. The pro-
tempore dominant coalition works to give an identity to the territory, helpful to a looked-for positioning and to
the acknowledgment of the role of collective actor in a wider institutional framework. In this institutional work
(Lawrence & Suddaby, 2005; Leblebici et al., 1991), this coalition pursuit legitimacy and consistency with the
institutional framework, tries to connect with the key players, evaluates the available options and chooses a path
rather than another based on the opportunities that aims to catch (Mastroberardino, 2010).
The available options are undoubtedly influenced by certain characteristics of the territory, but the
strategic choice of a specific development path is the result of political and institutional games among local
actors who later on, in a justificatory perspective, build a coherent and rational story that strengthens – or
weakens – the social construction of territorial vocation. The believed constraint of a certain territorial vocation
(eg, agricultural or touristic) breaks and is overcome by a new story that suggests a different development plan
which promises a greater chance of creating value for the territory itself, for common good.
The objective character of territorial vocation fades. It rather appears as a social construct, emerging from
a complex institutional work in which specific strategies of power and communication are compared (Cyert &
March, 1963; Mastroberardino et al., 2012; Thompson, 1967; Govers & Go, 2004).
Once erected and appropriately justified, territorial vocation becomes a specific dimension of meaning
for local actors (Nigro, 2006), who are pressured to conform their behaviour to gain legitimacy and not be
excluded from local practises of distribution of value (funds, supplies, institutional roles, etc.). In this
perspective territorial vocation, like any other form of social construct, is an instrument of power – cognitive,
semantic, cultural – through which it is possible to steer the behaviour of local actors and the dynamics of local
development.
For example, the opportunity to obtain public funds linked to a certain development plan of the territory
applies a pressure with respect to entrepreneurial choices and increase the degree of institutional thickness
(Braczyk et al., 1998) towards the territorial vocation embedded in those plans, generating the well known
phenomenon of self-fulfilling prophecy (Merton, 1948). Through these processes of isomorphism
(Mastroberardino et al., 2013), local actors reinforce territorial vocation. Macro-level (territorial vocation as a
social construct) and micro-level (individual or coalitional strategies) are inextricably intertwined.
In other terms, once institutionalized, a certain territorial vocation generates and endorses socially correct
beliefs and practices, becoming a rationalized myth. A rationalized myth is a powerful taken-for-granted rule or
belief system that embodies stories about cause and effect and successful solutions to problems (Meyer &
Rowan, 1977; Zucker, 1977). It appears rational because specifies what local actors must do to be efficient, but
it’s a myth because its efficacy depends on the fact that it is widely shared rather than inherently correct (Scott,
1983). A rationalized myth is expressed in various forms: classifications, evaluation criteria, performance
criteria, quality or environmental standards, product standards, contracts, and so on. A rationalized myth
challenges the notion of an objective rationality, arguing that concepts of rationality are socially constructed by
widely accepted norms and patterns of behavior (DiMaggio & Powell, 1983; Meyer & Rowan, 1977; Powell &
DiMaggio 1991).
On the other hand, rationalized myths are not immutable but constantly changing: local actors (individual
or coalitional) continuously challenge a certain territorial vocation – that obstructs or damages their interests –
to build a new, different one, where they could have wider degrees of freedom. The potential for change
depends on the degree of cultural persistence. In particular there are three fundamental aspects to understand:
generational uniformity of cultural understandings, maintenance of these understandings and resistance of these
understandings to change (Zucker, 1977).
The higher is the degree of objectivity and exteriority of a rationalized myth, the more effective will be
the transmission of cultural values to local actors, the smaller the potential for change and the probability of
break-up of the institutional framework.
In the situationist perspective, territorial vocation provides a temporary general screenplay to local actors.
In relation to this screenplay coherent scripts are written (territorial vision, territorial mission, territorial

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development plan, territorial projects, etc.) emphasizing some aspects rather than others. Roles, behavioural
expectations, schemes and procedures emerge to regulate the relationship among local actors. Specific signs and
icons verify the compliance of behavior in such patterns and allow external recognition. Some obvious examples
are: territorial brands, collective brands, appellations of origin, territorial product trademarks.
Territorial governance as political and institutional games between ‘action’ and ‘institutionalization’.
Understanding territory as a “concrete system built by the actors” means to focus on the political and
institutional dynamics among different interests from which interaction, conflicts and negotiations arise.
Territorial governance, therefore, is not the solid and rational effect of a rational strategic planning but the pro-
tempore local order that is, at the same time, product and constraint of human interaction between action and
institutionalization.
Local actors (individual or coalitional) work to structure social interactions within a “field of concrete
action” for their own advantage, in order to gain, preserve and increase their degrees of freedom and
unpredictability (Calabrese, 2006; Friedberg, 1994). Strategic action is realized by using political mechanisms
(communication, negotiation, cooperation and conflict) in order to increase their influence. So they contribute,
even not wholly intentionally, to create, preserve or change structures of territorial governance, which are only
pro-tempore stable.
On the other hand, neo-micro-institutionalism focuses on material and symbolic constraints that
institutions make on human behaviour (Bonazzi, 2000, p. VII), on institutional frameworks and institutional
pressures that work on the actors of a specific “field of concrete action”. Institutions, however, are not natural
entities: they appear as the non-deterministic result of strategic action of local actors who, even unintentionally,
end up creating a pro-tempore coercive local order. With respect to this order local actors, with the aim of
achieving legitimacy, adapt their strategies to institutionalized rituals and behaviours, to common practices and
procedures, reinforcing the “iron cage” of institutional isomorphism (DiMaggio & Powell, 1983).
Territorial governance, even building an institutional framework defined by the balance of power among
actors and constricting against them, never produces a definitive and irreversible outcome (Colasanto et al.,
2010; Mastroberardino et al., 2010; Nigro & Trunfio, 2010). It appears as the effect of a complex network of
interdependent actions, as a never ended continuous construction. In other terms territorial governance can be
defined as a process of negotiation among different bundles of interests in which actors (individual or coalitional)
pursue a mutually acceptable outcome (Pruitt, 1981). As well as social order is a product of negotiations, so
negotiating is in turn limited by previous interactions. Rules and constraints, thus, on one hand create order and
minimize uncertainty, on the other hand generate new conflicts, contradictions and ambiguities (Powell &
DiMaggio, 1991).
The territorial characteristics, the indeterminacy of human action and the political nature of the
phenomenon do not allow an approach to territorial governance aiming at defining its general laws. On the
contrary, priority should be given to qualitative research methods aiming at understanding, hic et nunc, the
specific power relations among local actors (Mastroberardino & Nigro, 2009; Mastroberardino et al., 2011).
The pretence of knowledge inherent in the paradigm of “pre-determined system with respect to the
actors” is weakened and, with it, the idea of a local development in a consistent, defined, purely technical
perspective. Ex ante rationality of strategic planning is replaced by ex post rationality of the “dynamic,
contextual and practice dimension of acting of the actors” (Ogien & Quéré, 2005).
This approach does not deny the existence of strategic planning processes of local development, but
debunks them and switches them among the ‘strategic games’ that characterize territorial governance as a
process of social construction of reality. The territorial development plan looks like a general frame which has
few, blurred requirements of a map, to be followed by actions that resemble an open path along the way and not
a track on pre-determined rails (Mastroberardino, 2010).
In this perspective each pattern of territorial governance shows the coding of a social and political
negotiation and, at the same time, the crystallization of certain power relations among local individual or
coalitional actors. In the Italian institutional framework there are several schemes of territorial governance. For
example: PIF (Progetto Integrato di Filiera), PIT (Progetto Integrato Territoriale), STL (Sistema Turistico
Locale), SLOT (Sistema Locale di Offerta Turistica), CA (Contratto d’Area), etc.1 Local actors evaluate, select
and use these patterns depending on the objective to be pursued. Each pattern, in fact, is not merely a technical
vehicle for local development but underlies a symbolic dimension and a political dimension that, in concrete,
produces asymmetric consequences among different local interests. Moreover, once adopted a pattern, local
actors with respect to their perception of the constraints and opportunities resulting from its adoption,
indefatigably work to limit its effectiveness or adapt its consequences. On one hand the adoption of a pattern of
1Could be translated as follows: PIF (Integrated Supply Chain Project), PIT (Territorial Integrated Project), STL
(Local Tourism System), SLOT (Local System of Tourist Proposal), CA (Territorial Agreement), etc.

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territorial governance creates a push towards the institutionalization; on the other hand it triggers new power
strategies (actions) through which local actors try to become the masters of the game.
These considerations invite us to overcome the temptation to obtain an explanation model of the
dynamics of territorial governance, a general theory of local development. Local development is not the result of
a specific cause, is not induced by any objective territorial vocation – being territorial vocation a rationalized
myth – and cannot be abstractly planned. On the contrary, it is a political and institutional process among local
actors, different and divergent stakeholders, working strategically to obtain resources within the constraints
generated into the institutional framework.
Case study: Manfredonia through 50 years of territorial vocations
Manfredonia is among the largest and oldest cities of Apulia (Southern Italy). It is located in the Gargano
National Park, on the shores of the Gulf of Manfredonia, between Foresta Umbra and Mediterranean Sea
(Figure 1).
Figure 1 - Manfredonia geographical position
Founded in the thirteenth century by King Manfredi of Svevia, the city has a relevant historical, artistic
and cultural background (Grasso, 2008; 2013). In this paper we summarize the events that characterized the
economic development and territorial governance in the last fifty years, with swapping visions about territorial
vocations which move back and forth between a focus on tourism and the idea of an industrial development. The
purpose is to point out the different justifications that, for decades, have supported the action of the pro tempore
dominant coalition. An institutional work that, even within a given institutional framework, aims to build a
territorial vocation that could be functional to a certain local development scenario and a specific cluster of
interest. We divided the historical reconstruction in five main stages, each characterized by a certain social
construction of territorial vocation. Each stage is labelled with a sentence that summarizes the vision of the pro
tempore dominant coalition.
STAGE 1 – The territorial vocation of Manfredonia is tourism.
Manfredonia will have a bright future if we protect the landscape and enhance its cultural and historical
heritage.
In 1959 Enrico Mattei – famous President of ENI2 – flying over the Gargano area was dazzled by the
beauty of landscape and decided to build a big touristic centre in the area of Vieste. Shortly after the wonderful
ENI holiday Centre of “Pugnochiuso” was built. Thanks to the global influence of ENI, the beauty of Gargano
area comes to the attention of the world.
The touristic vocation of Gargano area – and the related investments – soon find protection and support
at the institutional level. In 1965, the act n. 717 labelled “Rules of Interventions for the Development of the
South of Italy” and the attached “Plan for the Coordination of Public Actions for the South of Italy (1966-1969)”
declare the area of Manfredonia and the whole Gargano as subject to landscape protection.
STAGE 2 – Manfredonia has an industrial vocation.
Without a solid industrial development there will be no future for Manfredonia. You can’t survive only on
tourism!
In 1966 ENI announced to be in search of areas to build new petrochemical plants, huge investments able
to generate significant impact on employment and income. The province of Foggia was at the last places in the
national statistics on economic development. Some historians and economists argued that the causes of
underdevelopment were related to the lack of industrialization (Tomaiuolo, 2006).
The pro tempore dominant coalition identifies a unique opportunity for the socio-economic context of the
province of Foggia. The vision for the future of Manfredonia changes accordingly. The elements in favour of an
industrial vocation are emphasized; those in favour of the touristic vocation are placed in the background.
For example: in the near Dauno Sub-Apennine there are relevant methane fields that could be exploited;
2 ENI Spa is an Italian multinational company involved in petroleum, natural gas, petrochemicals, electricity
production, engineering and construction. The name “ENI” was initially the acronym of “Ente Nazionale
Idrocarburi” (National Hydrocarbons Authority).

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8
Manfredonia, more than other areas, has a fundamental logistics requirement: the landlocked. It facilitates the
supply of raw materials and the transfer of finished product (Ciociola, 2010).
In 1967, CIPE (Interministerial Committee for Economic Planning), despite the landscape protection of
the whole area, argues in favour of the industrial development plan.
In March 1968, the provincial committee for protection of landscape gives favourable judgment to the
plants. The minutes of the committee meeting says: “the area, even subject to landscape protection, is
monotonous and miserable, of no landscape interest and devoid of vegetation” (Tomaiuolo, 2006).
Several voices oppose the project. ENI is accused of having exerted pressure on all Public Institutions,
national and local, and used its economic influence to control the media (Tomaiuolo, 2006).
Here is reported the prophetic article by the historian Bruno Zevi (1967) who sums up the opposition to
the project:
“If Aldo Moro (Italian pro tempore Prime Minister) does not act immediately to stop
the brutal initiative, consequences are easy to predict: 1) Any possibility of enhancing
tourism will be destroyed in Gargano area, the only area in Italy miraculously intact
in the splendour of rocky landscapes and coastal areas; 2) Manfredonia with its
Aragonese walls; Siponto, with its Romanesque Cathedral and archaeological sites;
Monte Sant’Angelo, with its Sanctuary, the Castle of Frederick II and the Medieval
Village will no longer have any prospect of development; 3) As for the vaunted “co-
ordination of public interventions in Southern Italy”, we will see a dramatic paradox:
plans against plans. On one hand, law recognizes the touristic vocation of Gargano,
on the other hand, ENI abuses it with a huge industrial plant; 4) Finally, people
whisper that, by chance, 30 billion were spent in an area included in the constituency
of President Aldo Moro and of the deputy Vincenzo Russo, a member of the Christian
Democratic Party and, at the same time, a top manager of ENI. Malevolence, of
course! But this coincidence can generate suspicions”.
The promise of significant impact on employment and income overpowers critical positions focused on
environment and tourism.
In 1969 ENI starts between Manfredonia and Monte Sant’Angelo (now a UNESCO protected site) the
construction of the fourth petrochemical plant of Italy. Steel and cement take the place of ancient olive trees,
farms, mills, coast and beaches.
The territorial governance leads Manfredonia toward the production of urea, ammonia, caprolactam and
ammonium sulphate (Ufficio Responsabile Unico Comune Manfredonia, 2010). An investment of 30 billion
Lire (about 15 million Euro), an expected production of 1,000 tons per day of ammonia and the promise of 500
new jobs into the area (Tomaiuolo, 2006).
STAGE 3 – The territorial vocation of Manfredonia is tourism.
Ammonia will kill us. Industrial plants are dangerous, threatening public health and destroying landscape.
1976, September 26: the first accident. A washing column of ammonia bursts. Over 10 tons of arsenic
trioxide and 18 tons of potassium oxide are dispersed in the atmosphere. The contamination affects ground and
water. ENI minimizes the severity of the accident and communicates the absence of a serious threat to the health
of workers and population (Magno, 1977). The mayors of Manfredonia and Monte Sant’Angelo forbid access to
contaminated areas, prohibit consumption of local agricultural foodstuffs and interdict fishing within a mile
from the sea coast. They also order the closure of schools and the slaughter of all animals. A technical
committee suggests the washing of streets and houses with special substances allowing oxidation and
insolubilization of arsenic to prevent further contamination of groundwater (Tomaiuolo, 2005).
In the area there are no suitable laboratories to cope with the huge demand for clinical analysis. Panic
spreads among the inhabitants. The damages for the area and for citizens’ health are incalculable.
1978, August-September. Two more accidents at the same plant forced the residents to evacuate the area
for some days. The citizens are aware that living in ‘that city’ has become extremely dangerous (Langiu &
Portaluri, 2008).
In the fall of 1988, the Italian Government chooses Enichem Manfredonia as a suitable place to burn the
ship’s cargo “Deep Sea Carrier” containing toxic waste, soon renamed the “ship of poisons”. This additional
risk causes the reaction of citizens. The remonstration appears on TV and gains national visibility. Many
political and institutional actors, at this point, support the protest in search of legitimacy and consensus (Langiu
& Portaluri, 2008).
In 1993 the closing of the plant starts, although after more than twenty years the reclamation of the area
is not complete yet (Ciociola, 2010).

TERRITORIAL VOCATION AND TERRITORIAL GOVERNANCE
9
STAGE 4 – Manfredonia has an industrial vocation.
The petrochemical industry has been a huge mistake, but not all industries are the same. Only a new
industrialization can create new jobs and local development.
The closure of ENI’s plants worsen the already poor socio-economic situation of the area. In 1994 Italian
Government orders to the Committee for Coordination of Initiatives for Employment to prepare a special
investment plan to deal with the critical social problems and restart economic development.
The territory of Manfredonia, Mattinata and Monte Sant’Angelo, due to the process of de-
industrialization, is classified as a “crisis area” and meets eligibility requirements for access to public financial
policies. The result is a structure of local governance (before as a Memorandum of Understanding, then as a
Local Agreement) to design new investment plans in infrastructure, environmental safety and re-
industrialization of the area to be carried out with the help of Italian and European Union public funds. Then a
new company called “Manfredonia Sviluppo S.C.p.A.” is founded. Enisud S.p.A., a stock company within the
ENI Group created for operations in Southern Italy, holds a 40% of the shares. On March 4, 1998 the Local
Agreement is signed and the re-industrialization of the Manfredonia area kicks off.
STAGE 5 (current) – The territorial vocation of Manfredonia is tourism.
There was no second industrialization in Manfredonia, just a huge empty box crafted to capture the substantial
public funding. Only going back to our origins we will give a future to Manfredonia.
The Local Agreement3 of Manfredonia - for further details please refer to the Official Reports of the
project (Ufficio Responsabile Unico Comune Manfredonia, 2010, 2011, 2012, 2013) - the result of a widespread
coordination among institutions, trade unions and industry associations, has not met expectations. The new jobs
originated are insufficient and many professionals have come from other areas.
The companies that received public funds came mainly from Northern Italy and, once in compliance with
legal requirements necessary to obtain the funds, have divested, leaving the territory. Not even the goal of
recovering the area has been achieved!
The recovery project, paradoxically, has been assigned to Enichem. The entire area lacks of basic
infrastructure: sewers, water pipelines, telephone networks, railways and roads (Tomaiuolo, 2006). There are
several on-going investigations about the public funding procedures and the judiciary has disclosed many cases
of serious illegality. Public funds, although formally arrived in the territory of Manfredonia, in substance are not
rooted in it. There is the evidence of a substantial absence of new industrialization.
The documents of territorial planning (in particular the “Preliminary Planning Document” and the
“Urban Plan”) emphasize the need to promote development of tourism, preservation of landscape, protection of
natural environment. Local actors are reconstructing a framework of territorial governance working for
landscape protection and for a return to the development of historical and cultural heritage.
They require public funding for a long-term investment plan through which develop the ‘true’ territorial
vocation of Manfredonia, for the ‘common good’ of the local community.
Conclusions
The situationist perspective represents the territory as a political arena, a set of strategic options and
development pathways that are not determined by ‘initial conditions’, as the dominant meaning of the concept of
territorial vocation seems to suggest. Through this lens, territorial vocation becomes a social construct. Rather
than a cause, it is an effect, even not wholly intentional, of the concrete political and institutional dynamics
emerging from interaction among different strategies of local actors. In each field of concrete action local actors
(individual or coalitional) look for a greater degree of freedom and appropriation of value within an institutional
framework of constraints, rules, practices and beliefs.
In other terms, territorial vocation is a pseudo-objective character of a territory, a social filter – material
and/or symbolic – which produces schemes, procedures, projects, standards, models and behaviours that,
3 A Local Agreement is an agreement among public administrations, trade unions, employers and any other
stakeholders to implement actions aimed at accelerating the economic development and create new jobs. Its
purpose is to create a favourable business environment able to attract business initiatives and the creation of new
jobs through the stimulus to investment.

TERRITORIAL VOCATION AND TERRITORIAL GOVERNANCE
10
converging more and more, institutionalize vocation and show it as objective. Through this iterative process of
continuous recalls, territorial vocation is institutionalized and becomes a constraint mechanism for individual or
coalitional strategic action.
The fundamental empirical fallout resulting from the adoption of this perspective concerns the dynamics
of territorial governance. First, in order to understand the dynamics of territorial governance we have to analyse
the concrete power of local actors to turn this process of institutionalization to their advantage. The concrete
definition of territorial vocation is never neutral. Some interests are sponsored, others obstructed.
The catalysts of this process that can, in turn, accelerate or reverse a certain trend, producing a counter-
vocation, represent another field of research. The chance to capture enormous financial funds by adhering to a
certain local development strategic plan, as often happens with EU funds or other public policies, are an obvious
example. In these cases, as also the case of Manfredonia shows, the external catalyst can change local power
structures and trigger a process of counter-construction of territorial vocation. Even a serious accident can
produce the same result by evoking fear through the levers of communication and influence of public opinion
rather than economic opportunity and creation of jobs.
In methodological terms, the situationist perspective suggests the adoption of a qualitative approach that
re-evaluates techniques and tools of historical, anthropological, sociological and ethnographic research. Similar
empirical research cannot identify the general laws of dynamics of territorial development or crisis, risking
otherwise to fall back into esoteric but unfruitful recipes suggested by many territorial governance gurus.
This could be seen as a significant limitation of the situationist perspective. Of course, applying to
territory the approach of ‘pre-determined systems with respect to the actors’, it can be true. On the contrary, the
epistemological choice of territory as a ‘concrete system built by the actors’ turns this limitation into an
opportunity for deeper exploration of experiences and cases, successes and failures.
Abandoning pretentious ambitions of planning, design and control of territorial development, research
will support the territorial governance learning and spreading knowledge on lobbying strategies, finally coming
out of the naivety or hypocrisy that characterizes it. In the future, hopefully, research programmes will be less
conditioned or influenced by value judgments which, cleverly hidden into fascinating theoretical proposals,
inhabit management literature on territorial governance, relationship between firms and territories, business
ethics, corporate social responsibility, business sustainability and so on.

TERRITORIAL VOCATION AND TERRITORIAL GOVERNANCE
11
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Figure 1 - Manfredonia geographical position