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Fetal testosterone and criminality: Test of evolutionary neuroandrogenic theory

Authors:
  • formerly at University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia & Minot State Univ., North Dakota

Abstract and Figures

Evolutionary neuroandrogenic (ENA) theory asserts that criminality is a crude form of competitive behavior over resources, status, and mating opportunities. Theoretically, males have been selected for resource acquisitiveness as a result of female preferences for mates who are successful at resource provisioning. ENA theory also asserts that brain exposure to both prenatal and postpubertal androgens (particularly testosterone) promotes all forms of competitiveness, including those that victimize others. The present study was undertaken to test ENA theory by correlating 14 self-reported measures of offending with a biomarker for fetal testosterone exposure based on the ratio of the 2nd and 4th digits of the right hand (r2D:4D), in a nonrepresentative sample of 445. Both Spearman correlations and negative binomial regressions produced results that largely supported the hypothesized connection between offending and high prenatal androgen exposure, even when findings were analyzed separately by sex. Also, offending was significantly associated with r2D:4D for both males and females. Overall, this study supports the view that exposing the brain to high levels of testosterone and other androgens prenatally elevates the probability of offending later in life.
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FETAL TESTOSTERONE AND CRIMINALITY: TEST
OF EVOLUTIONARY NEUROANDROGENIC
THEORY
Anthony W. Hoskin1and Lee Ellis2
1Criminology Program, University of Texas of the Permian Basin
2Department of Anthropology and Sociology, University of Malaya
KEYWORDS: 2D:4D digit ratio, prenatal testosterone, sex, crime, delinquency, evolu-
tionary neuroandrogenic theory
Evolutionary neuroandrogenic (ENA) theory asserts that criminality is a crude form
of competitive behavior over resources, status, and mating opportunities. Theoreti-
cally, males have been selected for resource acquisitiveness as a result of female prefer-
ences for mates who are successful at resource provisioning. ENA theory also asserts
that brain exposure to both prenatal and postpubertal androgens (particularly testos-
terone) promotes all forms of competitiveness, including those that victimize others.
The present study was undertaken to test ENA theory by correlating 14 self-reported
measures of offending with a biomarker for fetal testosterone exposure based on the
ratio of the 2nd and 4th digits of the right hand (r2D:4D), in a nonrepresentative sam-
ple of 445. Both Spearman correlations and negative binomial regressions produced
results that largely supported the hypothesized connection between offending and high
prenatal androgen exposure, even when findings were analyzed separately by sex. Also,
offending was significantly associated with r2D:4D for both males and females. Over-
all, this study supports the view that exposing the brain to high levels of testosterone
and other androgens prenatally elevates the probability of offending later in life.
Although the biosocial perspective remains a minority approach to criminology
(Cooper, Walsh, and Ellis, 2010), many biosocial theories have been offered in recent
years (Wright, 2010; Wright and Cullen, 2012). Some are Darwinian in nature, arguing
that various forms of criminality have evolved by natural selection—that is, sexual as-
sault (McKibbin et al., 2008; Thornhill and Palmer, 2000), homicide (Buss, 2006; Daly and
Wilson, 1988), child abuse (Jones, 1996; Lightcap, Kurland, and Burgess, 1982), genocide
(Ghiglieri, 2000), and terrorism (Thayer and Hudson, 2010). Other biosocial theories fo-
cus on neurology or neurochemistry, arguing that one or more brain functioning patterns
of offenders differ on average from what is typical of nonoffenders (DeLisi, 2011; Raine,
1997; Walsh and Beaver, 2009; Yang and Raine, 2009).
Additional supporting information can be found in the listing for this article in the Wiley Online
Library at http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/crim.2015.53.issue-1/issuetoc.
Direct correspondence to Anthony W. Hoskin, Criminology Program, University of Texas of the
Permian Basin, 4901 E. University Boulevard, Odessa, TX 79762 (e-mail: hoskin a@utpb.edu).
C2014 American Society of Criminology doi: 10.1111/1745-9125.12056
CRIMINOLOGY Volume 53 Number 1 1–20 2014 1
2 HOSKIN & ELLIS
EVOLUTIONARY NEUROANDROGENIC THEORY
A decade ago, a biosocial theory was proposed that contained both evolutionary and
neurological elements (Ellis, 2003, 2005). The theory, called evolutionary neuroandro-
genic (ENA) theory, depicts most criminality as being an expression of crude forms of
competition for resources, status, and mating opportunities. As to why involvement in
crime normally declines as individuals age beyond adolescence and young adulthood,
ENA theory asserts that most people learn quickly that lawful (sophisticated) forms of
competition are usually more effective in acquiring resources, status, and mating op-
portunities (and risk fewer ill consequences) than unlawful (crude) forms. Thus, indi-
viduals who have the greatest difficulties learning and engaging in long-term planning
are those who take the longest time to transition from crude to sophisticated forms of
competition.
At the heart of ENA theory are two propositions: First, males have been favored by
natural selection for being unusually competitive regarding the acquisition of resources,
status, and mating opportunities, which in turn results in their victimizing others more
than females do. Second, androgens (male sex hormones) have evolved in ways that
modify brain functioning to make individuals more competitive and likely to victimize
others.
Beyond these two fundamental assertions, the theory becomes fairly complex in its
explanations for how androgens influence brain functioning to promote competitive
and victimizing behavior. Most of the pertinent variables in this regard are provided in
figure 1 (Ellis, 2005, 2011). This diagram asserts that a wide array of androgen-promoted
neurological, cognitive, learning, and emotional factors interact to impact the probability
of criminal and associated behavior patterns.
According to figure 1, androgens alter three brain functioning patterns during fetal
development. However, these patterns tend not to be fully activated until the onset of
puberty. These three patterns interact with other brain centers affecting foresight and
planning ability (shown in the lower portion of figure 1). According to ENA theory, these
neurological patterns function in ways that shape each individual’s probability of engaging
in delinquency and crime.
The labyrinth of causal connections hypothesized in figure 1 have a limited bearing on
the present study. In fact, only two cells shown in figure 1—those that are shaded—are
directly pertinent to the hypothesis that the current study will test. The shaded cell in the
upper left of the diagram identifies high exposure to perinatal androgens as a key indepen-
dent variable, and the shaded cell in the middle right-hand column specifies criminality
as the dependent variable. In other words, although ENA theory argues that the connec-
tion between prenatal androgens and criminality involves a complex set of intervening
variables, it still unmistakably predicts that exposure to prenatal androgens is central to
elevating the probability of criminal behavior later in life. This hypothesis will be tested
in this study.
MEASURING PRENATAL ANDROGEN EXPOSURE
To test the hypothesis that prenatal androgens promote criminality, one must have
some measure of the presence of androgens during fetal development. Because ENA the-
ory asserts that prenatal and postpubertal androgens both contribute to criminal behavior
FETAL TESTOSTERONE AND CRIMINALITY 3
Figure 1. Graphic Representation of ENA Theory of Criminal and Antisocial Behavior (Excluding the
Evolutionary Portion)
Seizuring Susceptibility
Suboptimal Arousal
Tendencies
Rightward Shift in
Hemispheric Functioning
Acting Out, Emotional
Volatility
Genes and Prenatal
Environments Promoting
High Prenatal and High
Postpubertal Brain
Exposure to Androgens
Neurological Factors Genetic and Prenatal Factors Cognitive, Learning and Emotional
Factors
Behavioral and Personality Factors
Anxiety, Pain Sensitivity
Susceptibility to Boredom
Attending to Linguistic
and Other Social Stimuli
Prosocial Emotions
Long-Term Planning and
Coordination of Activities Around
Specific Goals
School Performance,
Dependable Work Performance on
Tasks Assigned by Others, and
Success in Business Ventures
Victimizing Forms of
Resource/Status Competition
(Criminal and Antisocial Behavior)
Externalizing Behavior,
Hyperactivity, Oppositional
Defiance, and Autism
Epilepsy, Tourette’s Syndrome,
and Other Seizure Disorders
Enlargement and
Efficient Functioning of
the Neocortex
Genes and Prenatal
Environments that
Promote Brain
Development, Especially
of the Neocortex Enlargement and
Efficient Functioning of
the Prefrontal Area of the
Frontal Lobes
Intelligence and Learning
Abilities
Efficient Executive
Functioning
Efficient Monitoring and
Regulation of the Limbic
System by Frontal Lobes
Competitiveness, Sensation
Seeking, Risk-Taking, Self-
Confidence, and Fearlessness, and
Entrepreneurial Motivations
NOTE: The only association examined in the current study was between prenatal androgen exposure (shown in the shaded cell to the left) and criminal behavior
(shown in the shaded cell to the right).
Source: Ellis 2005: 296.
4 HOSKIN & ELLIS
(as shown in figure 1), one might simply infer prenatal androgen exposure by measuring
postpubertal levels. In this regard, numerous studies have revealed significant positive
correlations between offending and postpubertal levels of testosterone, although some
failures to replicate have been reported (reviewed by Ellis, Beaver, and Wright, 2009:
208–10). However, this is not a very good test of the hypothesis that prenatal androgens
promote criminality because research has shown that there is actually little-to-no correla-
tion between prenatal androgen levels and postpubertal levels, at least when comparisons
are made within each sex (H ¨
onekopp et al., 2007).
Unfortunately, direct measurement of prenatal androgens is difficult. Concentrations
of testosterone in the amniotic fluid can be measured, but doing so carries some risks to
fetuses and is done only with medical justification (van de Beek et al., 2004). Levels of
androgens can be assessed at birth from umbilical cord blood, but these levels seem to
be only modestly indicative of fetal exposure (Mori and Shiota, 1994; van de Beek et al.,
2004). Furthermore, carrying out a study in which umbilical cord blood androgens were
correlated with involvement in delinquency and crime would require following a sizable
sample of individuals for two or more decades.
In the late 1990s, research began pointing toward a surprising indirect measure of pre-
natal androgen exposure. It involved observing a physical trait known as the 2D:4D finger
length ratio (H ¨
onekopp et al., 2007; Manning et al., 1998). As a rule, people with the low-
est finger ratios seem to have been exposed to the highest levels of prenatal androgens.
The term—abbreviated as 2D:4D—refers to the relative lengths of the second and fourth
digits of the hand, with several studies indicating that the right hand provides a more reli-
able indicator of prenatal androgen exposure than does the left hand (Brown et al., 2002;
Grimbos et al., 2010; H ¨
onekopp and Watson, 2010; Kastlunger et al., 2010; Williams,
Greenhalgh, and Manning, 2003). Parenthetically, a study of rats in which testosterone
was injected into some mothers while pregnant but not in control mothers suggests that
the right paw provided a more reliable measure of prenatal androgen exposure than did
the left paw (Talarovicov´
a, Krskov´
a, and Blazekov´
a, 2009). Throughout the remainder of
this report, we will refer to the 2D:4D ratio on the right hand as r2D:4D because most
studies, including the current study, are based on this hand.
It needs to be emphasized that despite its value in estimating prenatal androgen expo-
sure, r2D:4D is far from a perfect indicator (Hell and P¨
aßler, 2011; Lippa, 2003; Manning,
2008). Nonetheless, the few studies that have used more direct methods for assessing pre-
natal androgen exposure have found r2D:4D to be a modest correlate of this exposure
(although estradiol, a biochemical postcursor of testosterone, also seems to affect the fin-
ger length ratio) (Lutchmaya et al., 2004; McIntyre et al., 2005; van Anders, Vernon, and
Wilbur, 2006). Another clear indication that a low r2D:4D ratio is associated with height-
ened prenatal exposure to androgens comes from finding that males have lower r2D:4D
ratios than do females (H ¨
onekopp and Watson, 2010; McIntyre, 2006; van Anders,
Vernon, and Wilbur, 2006).
As to why such a biomarker as 2D:4D would exist, a recent study of mice provided at
least a partial answer. It revealed that the fourth digit on the right forepaw is unusually
dense with androgen receptors. When androgen receptors in newborn male pups were
experimentally inhibited with an anti-androgen drug, the fourth digit grew less relative to
the second digit, thus, producing a higher (i.e., feminized) 2D:4D ratio (Zheng and Cohn,
2011).
FETAL TESTOSTERONE AND CRIMINALITY 5
EVIDENCE THAT PRENATAL ANDROGEN EXPOSURE
PROMOTES CRIMINALITY
Empirical evidence bearing on the possibility that prenatal androgens are associated
with 2D:4D as ENA theory hypothesizes is currently limited to four studies. As we
will summarize, three of the four studies have provided findings supporting theoretical
expectations.
Based on a sample of 77 males, one study reported that males with the lowest r2D:4D
finger ratios had more moving traffic violations than did males as a whole (Schwerdtfeger,
Heims, and Heer, 2010). Another study compared the r2D:4D ratios of 44 males who
have at least one criminal conviction with 46 males who have no convictions. It concluded
that the convicted males had significantly lower r2D:4D ratios (Hanoch, Gummerum, and
Rolison, 2012). However, a study comparing the r2D:4D ratios of 44 male convicts with
66 males who did not have a conviction history found no significant differences between
these two groups (Anderson, 2012). Each of these three studies was based on samples of
100 or fewer individuals, all of whom were males.
The only study conducted so far based on a large sample of both males and females
was one conducted among more than 3,000 college students from the United States and
Malaysia (Ellis and Hoskin, 2013). In this study, the r2D:4D measure was self-reported.
Although other studies have used a variety of self-reported 2D:4D measures, such
methods are less reliable than studies that use direct physical measurement by trained
researchers (Caswell and Manning, 2009; H ¨
onekopp, 2011; Manning et al., 2010). In
Ellis and Hoskin’s (2013) study, respondents were asked to estimate on a five-point scale
whether the second finger was much longer, slightly longer, essentially the same, slightly
shorter, or much shorter than the fourth finger on their right hand. Despite this crude
method of measurement used, numerous significant inverse correlations between r2D:4D
and criminality within both males and females from both countries were found, possibly
a result of the study’s large sample size. Nevertheless, the imprecision in how r2D:4D was
measured leaves the findings inconclusive.
THIS STUDY
The present study was undertaken to provide a more definitive test of the possibility
that criminality is associated with the r2D:4D finger ratio. Following ENA theory, the spe-
cific hypothesis to be investigated is that individuals with relatively low second to fourth
digit ratios on the right hand (indicating high prenatal androgen exposure) will exhibit
greater involvement in criminal behavior than those with relatively high ratios. Theoreti-
cally, this pattern should hold for both males and females. As explained in more detail in
the next section, we used a precise physical measure of r2D:4D rather than one based on
self-report.
METHODS
Respondents consisted of 190 (43 percent) males and 255 (57 percent) females. The
sample was a combination of undergraduate college students in criminology classes at a
public university in Texas and other volunteers who were at least 18 years of age who
were recruited by these students. Because there was considerable age dispersion in the
6 HOSKIN & ELLIS
current sample (18 to 76 years of age), age was statistically controlled throughout the
main analyses. The racial and ethnic composition of the entire sample was 53 percent
Hispanic, 40 percent non-Hispanic White, and 7 percent African American.
Participants were assured that the original data collected would be 1) kept in a secure
place, 2) identified by number and not by respondent name, 3) examined by research
personnel only, and 4) destroyed as soon as the information was coded and entered into
an electronic file.
MEASURES OF CRIMINALITY
The questionnaire was four pages in length and covered a wide variety of topics, only
a few of which were analyzed for the present study. Aside from basic demographic in-
formation, the variables herein used from the questionnaire involved an inventory of 14
self-reported offenses. Respondents were asked to report how many times during their
lives (if any) they had committed each of these offenses:
1. Serious assault or beating (needing medical treatment)
2. Minor assault or beatings (not needing medical treatment)
3. Sexual assault (including attempted sexual assault, molesting, rape)
4. Domestic or courtship violence
5. Reckless driving (e.g., road bullying)
6. Illegal car racing
7. Serious theft or robbery (including motor vehicle theft)
8. Minor theft or robbery (including shoplifting, purse snatching, and pick pocket-
ing)
9. Serious damage to property (major vandalism and arson)
10. Minor property damage (minor vandalism such as breaking windows in houses
or cars)
11. Bribery, fraud, or other finance-related offenses
12. Distribution of illegal drugs (excluding alcohol)
13. Use of illegal drugs (excluding alcohol)
14. Illegal gambling
The number of times respondents stated they had committed each offense was recorded
unless it exceeded 10; in which case, 10 was recorded. Also, the total types of crimes
committed—a measure of criminal versatility—was computed by assigning each case a
score of 1 for each category of crime with at least one reported offense (and assigning a 0
for no offenses), and then summing across the 14 crime categories.
MEASURING R2D:4D
To measure each respondent’s r2D:4D ratio, we used a desktop printer and scanner
with a 600 ×600 dpi scanner resolution. The respondent’s right hand was placed palm
down on the glass and was held flat to make certain that fingers were equally extended and
to ensure that the scanner captured a clear picture of the entire right hand. GNU Image
Manipulation Program (GIMP 2.8) software was used to measure digitally the length of
the fingers. For both the second and the fourth digits, mouse-controlled calipers were
placed on the basal crease of the finger and extended to the tip of the finger so that the
lengths were measured in number of pixels rounded to one decimal place. The length of
FETAL TESTOSTERONE AND CRIMINALITY 7
the second digit divided by the length of the fourth digit was recorded as the r2D:4D ratio.
Similar methodology has been used by numerous other researchers (e.g., Allaway et al.,
2009; Coolican and Peters, 2003; Fink, Manning, and Neave, 2004; Rahman and Wilson,
2003; Roney and Maestripieri, 2004; van Anders, Vernon, and Wilbur, 2006).
If the two fingers are approximately of equal length (r2D:4D 1) or if the index finger
is longer (r2D:4D >1), then low fetal testosterone (and high fetal estrogen) is indicated.
If the ring finger is noticeably longer than the index finger (r2D:4D <1), then the testos-
terone levels were high (and estrogen was low) prenatally. For reliability purposes, the
r2D:4D ratio was measured on two different occasions, 3 months apart, by a person who
was unaware of which scan belonged to which questionnaire. Intraobserver reliability
was .89, a coefficient comparable with other studies and indicative of strong reliability
(Allaway et al., 2009).
ADDITIONAL VARIABLES MEASURED
As a closing item on the questionnaire, respondents were asked the following question:
“How carefully did you read and try to honestly answer the questions in this question-
naire?” Response choices ranged from 0 (“not at all honest”) to 10 (“extremely honest”).
The typical respondent reported a high level of honesty and care when answering ques-
tions. On average, the females in the sample stated they had been slightly more honest
(mean =9.37) than males (mean =9.14), although the difference fell slightly short of
being statistically significant (t=–1.84, p=.07).
Other variables that were obtained from the questionnaires were those of sex, age,
and race/ethnicity. The proportionality of race/ethnicity in the sample was as follows:
7 percent Black, 53 percent Hispanic, and 40 percent non-Hispanic White. The gender,
age, race/ethnicity, and honesty measures were included in the multivariate regression
analysis.
DATA ANALYSES
Preliminary analysis revealed that all crime measures except for total crime types were
highly skewed and overdispersed (see table 1). The Spearman rho is helpful with skewed
measures because it reflects similarity of rank ordering, and thus, it was used rather than
the Pearson correlation. The statistical technique adopted for the multivariate analyses
was negative binomial regression. This type of regression is appropriate for models that
use count data for dependent variables that have many incidences of zero offending and
a great deal of dispersion among those who did report committing one or more offenses
(Hilbe, 2011; Kremelberg, 2011). The measure of r2D:4D was standardized to a mean of
zero and standard deviation of 1 for the negative binomial analysis to provide a more
interpretable metric for the results.
RESULTS
Table 1 displays the range of responses, means, and standard deviations for each vari-
able separately by sex. In addition, the sex difference between means for each variable
was assessed for statistical significance with a ttest. The most frequently reported offenses
for both sexes were illegal car racing, reckless driving, and illegal drug use.
8 HOSKIN & ELLIS
Table 1. Descriptive Statistics—Continuous Variables (n=255 Females,
190 Males; N=445)
Males Females
Variable Range Mean (SD) Mean (SD) tScore Significance
Serious assault 0–10 .20 (.93) .15 (.94) .66 .508
Minor assault 0–10 .86 (2.13) .35 (1.46) 2.84 .005
Sexual assault 0–10 .05 (.23) .02 (.12) 2.29 .022
Domestic assault 0–10 .12 (.57) .10 (.67) .36 .716
Serious theft 0–10 .07 (.23) .05 (.23) .58 .565
Minor theft 0–10 .77 (1.91) .51 (1.70) 1.54 .125
Financial crime 0–10 .13 (.80) .05 (.22) 1.35 .180
Serious property damage 0–10 .25 (1.19) .06 (.31) 2.21 .028
Minor property damage 0–10 .77 (2.06) .30 (1.25) 2.80 .006
Illegal car racing 0–10 3.24 (4.32) .69 (2.17) 7.66 .000
Reckless driving 0–10 1.87 (3.24) .69 (2.02) 4.43 .000
Drug dealing 0–10 .88 (2.47) (1.77) (1.77) 2.19 .029
Illegal drug use 0–10 2.74 (4.00) 1.73 (3.48) 2.80 .005
Illegal gambling 0–10 1.42 (3.14) .18 (1.16) 5.21 .000
Total number of offense categories 0–14 2.76 (2.68) 1.42 (2.09) 5.87 .000
r2D:4D ratio .85–1.04 .94 (.03) .96 (.03) –8.25 .000
Age 18–76 31.88 (12.73) 31.73 (12.66) –.12 .903
Honesty measure 1–10 9.14 (1.36) 9.37 (1.20) –1.84 .067
ABBREVIATION:SD=standard deviation.
As expected, the means for males were higher than for females for all 14 categories of
crime as well as for the diversity of crimes committed. Nevertheless, the differences were
not statistically significant for the following five specific crime categories: serious assault,
domestic assault, serious theft, minor theft, and financial crime. Although the absence
of a sex difference for minor theft and perhaps financial crime was not surprising, it was
unexpected for violent crimes like serious and sexual assault.
All categories of crime show striking variation; standard deviations are greater than
their corresponding means in all cases except for the total number of offense categories
for the male sample. Many participants have never committed any one of the 14 types of
crime, whereas a small minority has engaged in each of the crime types numerous times.
Regarding the r2D:4D digit ratio, the mean is significantly higher for females than
for males. In fact, the tscore for the sex difference in r2D:4D (t=–8.25) was higher
than the tscore for any of the sex differences in offending rates. Such a pattern con-
forms to findings from numerous prior studies (e.g., H ¨
onekopp and Watson, 2010; McIn-
tyre, 2006; van Anders, Vernon, and Wilbur, 2006), presumably reflecting the fact that
nearly all females are exposed to lower levels of prenatal testosterone than nearly all
males.
Correlations between finger ratio and self-reported offending are displayed in table 2.
As theoretically predicted, all crime types are significantly and negatively associated with
r2D:4D for the total sample. When the analyses were performed separately according
to sex, all correlations remain negative, although two coefficients for the male sample—
sexual assault and drug dealing—were no longer significant. All correlations for the fe-
male sample were statistically significant.
The magnitude of the relationships for most of the crime categories is in the moderate
range. However, regarding the total crime category (as a measure of offending diver-
sity or versatility) at the bottom of table 2, substantial inverse correlations were found
FETAL TESTOSTERONE AND CRIMINALITY 9
Table 2. Spearman Rank Correlations Between r2D:4D and
Self-Reported Offending for 14 Offense Types for Males,
Females, and the Total Sample
Total Sample Males Females
Offense Types (N=445) (n=190) (n=255)
Serious assault .255∗∗ .189∗∗ .298∗∗
Minor assault .284∗∗ .175.299∗∗
Sexual assault .198∗∗ .129 .288∗∗
Domestic assault .164∗∗ .179.140
Serious theft .278∗∗ .245∗∗ .310∗∗
Minor theft .258∗∗ .271∗∗ .217∗∗
Serious property damage .217∗∗ .207.195∗∗
Minor property damage .242∗∗ .221.198∗∗
Illegal car racing .264∗∗ .250∗∗ .123
Reckless driving .309∗∗ .285∗∗ .222∗∗
Bribery and fraud (financial crime) .239∗∗ .190∗∗ .283∗∗
Drug dealing .180∗∗ .062 .225∗∗
Illegal drug use .244∗∗ .178.200∗∗
Illegal gambling .298∗∗ .284∗∗ .188∗∗
Total types of crime .439∗∗ .420∗∗ .446∗∗
p<.05; ∗∗p<.01 (two-tailed test).
(i.e., –.420 for males and –.446 for females). This observation indicates that as exposure
to prenatal androgens increases, an individual’s likelihood of committing a wide diversity
of offenses increases considerably.
A summary of our negative binomial regression modeling is shown in table 3, with the
more detailed coefficients for each control variable for all 14 types of offenses presented in
the online supporting information.1Regarding basic interpretation, negative coefficients
indicate that higher prenatal androgen exposure is associated with higher probabilities of
offending (as theoretically predicted). Negative binomial regression coefficients should
be interpreted as the expected log count change in the dependent variable that is asso-
ciated with a one-unit change in the independent variable (Hilbe, 2011). As mentioned
previously, the raw digit ratio scores were standardized to facilitate the interpretation of
the negative binomial regression results.
Table 3 shows the negative binomial regression coefficient for each of the 14 offenses
investigated for 1) the total sample, 2) males only, and 3) females only. When males and
females are analyzed together (the total sample), table 3 demonstrates that the associa-
tions between r2D:4D and offending are statistically significant for all 14 crime categories.
In all cases, the direction is negative (low r2D:4D ratios are associated with higher offend-
ing rates).
When the sample is divided according to sex, the pattern remains, although some coef-
ficients become statistically nonsignificant. For the male sample, all digit ratio coefficients
are negative, but only eight of them reached statistical significance. Those that were not
significant were serious, minor, and sexual assault and all three types of victimless crime
(illicit drug use, drug dealing, and illegal gambling). Among females, r2D:4D is negatively
1. Additional supporting information can be found in the listing for this article in the Wiley Online
Library at http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/crim.2015.53.issue-1/issuetoc.
10 HOSKIN & ELLIS
Table 3. Negative Binomial Regression Model Using r2D:4D Digit
Ratio, Sex, Age, Race/Ethnicity, and Honesty as
Predictors—Only r2D4D Coefficients Are Shown
Total Sample Male Sample Female Sample
(N=445) (n=190) (n=255)
Dependent Variable b(SE) b(SE) b(SE)
Assault
Serious 1.52∗∗∗ (.32) .78 (.63) 3.37∗∗∗ (.88)
Minor 1.31∗∗∗ (.32) .40 (.50) 1.27∗∗ (.47)
Domestic .73(.30) .75(.44) .50 (.43)
Sexual 2.56∗∗∗ (.61) 1.65 (1.16) 3.10∗∗∗ (.79)
Theft
Serious 2.19∗∗∗ (.41) 1.69∗∗ (.56) 2.91∗∗∗ (.77)
Minor 1.17∗∗∗ (.28) 1.11∗∗ (.35) 1.40∗∗ (.48)
Fraud 2.68∗∗∗ (.58) 2.88∗∗ (.89) 2.97∗∗∗ (.81)
Property Damage
Serious .47∗∗ (.18) 1.81(.77) 1.92∗∗ (.66)
Minor .13∗∗ (.05) 1.13(.45) 1.26∗∗ (.45)
Illegal Car Racing .03(.02) .70(.30) .81 (.65)
Reckless Driving 1.28∗∗∗ (.26) 1.30∗∗∗ (.33) 1.21∗∗ (.42)
Drug Dealing .58(.23) .25 (.48) 2.17∗∗ (.65)
Illegal Drug Use .87∗∗∗ (.23) .22 (.28) 1.52∗∗∗ (.43)
Illegal Gambling 1.09∗∗ (.37) .60 (.34) 4.43(2.11)
ABBREVIATION:SE=standard error.
p<.05; ∗∗p<.01; ∗∗∗ p<.001 (two-tailed test).
and significantly associated with 12 of the 14 crime categories; the only exceptions were
domestic assault and illegal racing.
A more detailed negative binomial regression analysis for the offending diversity mea-
sure is presented in table 4. This table clearly shows that having low r2D:4D finger ratios
are associated with elevated involvement in a diversity of crimes. The associations were
strong for the sample as a whole (NBR =–.98) as well as for males (NBR =–.69) and
especially for females (NBR =–1.42) when analyzed separately. Following Paternoster et
al. (1998), we conducted a significance test of the difference between the coefficients for
males and females. The effect for the female sample is significantly larger (z=3.17). Over-
all, having a more male-typical digit ratio (i.e., low r2D:4D) is associated with a greater
diversity of crimes. This finding is true of the whole sample and for each sex, with the
effect being somewhat stronger for women than for men.
Turning to the control variables other than sex (i.e., age, race/ethnicity, and self-
reported honesty), table 4 shows that they are far less important than the r2D:4D variable
(regardless of whether analysis is performed separately by sex). Specifically, years of age
had no significant bearing on the r2D:4D–offending diversity relationships. In the case of
race/ethnicity, the only significant impact was for Hispanic females to report relatively low
involvement in a diversity of offenses compared with White females. Finally, the honesty
item had one significant effect on the r2D:4D–offending diversity relationships. Specifi-
cally, males who professed being the most honest admitted to having committed a greater
diversity of offenses than males who gave low ratings to their honesty in answering the
questionnaire.
FETAL TESTOSTERONE AND CRIMINALITY 11
Table 4. Negative Binomial Regression Model Using r2D:4D Digit
Ratio, Sex, Age, Race/Ethnicity, and Honesty as Predictors of
the Total Categories of Crime Committed
Total Sample Males Females
(N=445) (n=190) (n=255)
Predictors b(SE) b(SE) b(SE)
r2D:4D ratio .98∗∗∗ (.11) .69∗∗∗ (.13) 1.42∗∗∗ (.19)
Male .39∗∗∗ (.11) –
Age .04 (.03) .03 (.03) .08 (.05)
Age-squared/10 .01 (.00) .00 (.00) .01(.00)
Black .04 (.21) .11 (.30) .18 (.32)
Hispanic .04 (.12) .22 (.14) .44(.20)
Honesty .02 (.04) .11(.06) .08 (.07)
αa.60 .39 0.92
Intercept .07 (.63) .78∗∗∗ (.80) .46 (1.02)
Model χ2126.63∗∗∗ 37.19∗∗∗ 63.87∗∗∗
d.f. 7 6 6
N466 200 266
NOTE: Standard errors are presented in parentheses.
ABBREVIATION: d.f. =degrees of freedom.
aThese values reflect the residual variance in true crime counts, which is dispersion beyond that expected from
a simple Poisson process.
p<.05; ∗∗∗p<.001 (two-tailed test).
Again, the overall conclusion to draw from table 4 is that r2D:4D is by far the most
important factor used in the current study to account for variations in offending diversity.
Age, race/ethnicity, and honesty had little-to-no bearing on offending diversity, and the
effects of sex were modest for the sample as a whole (which was of course totally elimi-
nated when males and females were analyzed separately). Finally, it is interesting to note
that the link between r2D:4D and offending diversity was considerably higher for females
(NBR =–1.42) than for males (NBR =–.69; for gender difference in coefficients, z=3.17,
p<.01), suggesting that androgens could be even more pertinent to female variations in
criminality than to male variation.
Because the ages of respondents in our sample varied a great deal and respondents
were asked about lifetime offending, there was some concern that our findings might be
partially a result of participants’ age. To assess this possibility, we not only controlled
for age but also reanalyzed the data only among the respondents who were between 18
and 30 years of age. The pattern of results was very similar to that for the full sample.
In particular, the link between digit ratios and the measure of crime versatility remained
negative and significant for the total younger subsample (NBR =–.87 [.14], p<.001, n=
265), as well as for males (NBR =–.59 [.20], p<.01, n=110) and females (–1.10 [.22],
p<.001, n=155) in the younger subsample.
DISCUSSION
ENA theory rests heavily on lines of evidence that evolution has shaped the functioning
of the human brain so that males can at least partially accommodate female preferences
12 HOSKIN & ELLIS
for mates who are loyal and reliable provisioners of resources (Geary, 2010; Miller, 2011).
These female preferences in turn are thought to have evolved because females with such
preferences have a reproductive advantage over females who use other criteria for choos-
ing mates (Buss and Schmitt, 1993; Ryan, 1998).
According to ENA theory, as a result of females choosing mates who are competent
at resource provisioning, sex hormones such as testosterone have evolved tendencies to
promote competitive and status-striving behavior among males. However, because com-
petitive, status-striving behavior often can victimize others, thereby provoking retaliation
from victims (or their relatives), learning to strive for resources and status in ways that
minimize retaliation is important. As civilizations have evolved, the urges that victims
have to avoid being victimized has given rise to written criminal statutes, which in turn
has brought about the criminal justice system as an enforcer of those statutes (Conley,
1991).
To explain most forms of criminality (including delinquency), ENA theory asserts that
the motivation to compete for resources and status (and for mating opportunities) is
largely hardwired into the brain and that androgens play a central role in guiding this
process (Ellis, 2005). Studies have shown that androgens help to organize several areas
of the brain (Kimura, 1992), particularly in the arousal control centers (Daitzman et al.,
1978) and the neocortex (Wisniewski, 1998; Witelson, 1991).
Androgens also seem to impact at least two important neurotransmitter systems. These
are the dopaminergic system (Hull et al., 1998; Ngun et al., 2011) and the serotoniner-
gic system (van Goozen and Fairchild, 2006). Studies have suggested that the combined
effects of these systems result in greater male tendencies to be competitive, impulsive,
self-directed, and willing to take risks (Christiansen, 1998; Davies, 2014; Smith, Chein,
and Steinberg, 2013; Trent and Davies, 2012). Sex differences in these competitive, im-
pulsive, self-directed, and risk-taking tendencies often are noticeable soon after birth but
normally become accentuated after the onset of puberty when androgen levels surge, par-
ticularly among males (Collaer and Hines, 1995; Hull et al., 1998; Manning et al., 2014).
Another important factor in sexually differentiating the brain—always to varying de-
grees rather than in an either/or fashion—involves the prevalence of androgen receptors
(Ngun et al., 2011). These receptors, located in neurons as well as cells more generally,
are programmed by genetic codes called “CAG repeats” located on the X chromosome
(Allen et al., 1992; Zitzmann and Nieschlag, 2003). To the extent that androgen receptors
are present, many male-typical traits are promoted, including ones of a neurological (and
thereby behavioral) nature (Azurmendi et al., 2006; Kimura, 1992; La Spada et al., 1991;
Sato et al., 2004).
As noted, ENA theory asserts that the motivation for resource acquisition and mating
opportunities are largely unlearned. However, the ability to recognize the most effec-
tive techniques for making these acquisitions interacts heavily with learning ability and
the ability to plan (figure 1). Consequently, as puberty commences, individuals with the
most highly androgenized brains usually exhibit “crude” forms of resource competition
and efforts to mate. Within a few years, most of these individuals develop increasingly
“sophisticated” forms of resource procuring and mating techniques that are within legal
boundaries. In contrast, males who are slow to develop “sophisticated” forms of compe-
tition for resources and mates are those who exhibit the greatest difficulties learning and
planning (Ellis, 2005, 2011). These latter individuals are most likely to exhibit long-term
criminal careers.
FETAL TESTOSTERONE AND CRIMINALITY 13
MAIN RESEARCH FINDINGS
As noted earlier, ENA theory’s central theme is that prenatal brain exposure to an-
drogens has evolved so as to promote competitiveness over resources, status, and mat-
ing opportunities in males, with the stipulation that criminality tends to be crude expres-
sions of this competitiveness. Males should therefore be more involved in crime than fe-
males, as considerable research has documented (reviewed by Ellis, Beaver, and Wright,
2009: 11–7). ENA theory’s prediction of universal sex differences in offending contrasts
with the more prevalent view that sex differences in offending result from social learning
(Akers and Jensen, 2006; Burton et al., 1998; LaGrange and Silverman, 1999; Shekarkhar
and Gibson, 2011; Steffensmeier and Allan, 1996).
In addition to explaining sex differences in criminality in terms of sex differences in
brain exposure to androgens, ENA theory leads to the hypothesis that even within each
gender elevated prenatal androgens should positively correlate with criminality. In other
words, if 1) gender differences in criminal behavior are substantially influenced by pre-
natal androgens and 2) variability exists within both sexes regarding prenatal androgen
exposure—as evidence has suggested (Collaer and Hines, 1995)—then prenatal andro-
gens and criminality should remain correlated even within each sex.
We used negative binomial regression to refine the results of our more basic correla-
tional analysis, with r2D:4D, sex, age, race/ethnicity, and an honesty-in-answering-the-
questionnaire item entered into the prediction equations as control variables. Tables 3
and 4 show that the r2D:4D digit ratio was a strong predictor of involvement in criminal
behavior, and in all cases, the relationship was negative (as theoretically predicted). These
findings confirm the hypothesis that low digit ratios (indicating greater prenatal exposure
to androgens) are associated with increased probabilities of offending.
UNIQUENESS OF THIS STUDY
Although most of the methodology used in this study resembled those reported re-
cently by Ellis and Hoskin (2013), there were two notable differences. First and foremost,
rather than relying on self-reported r2D:4D based on a simple 5-point scale, the present
study used a more reliable objective measure of r2D:4D. This measure has become rec-
ognized as the gold standard measure of the relative lengths of the second and fourth
digits with well-established interrater reliability (e.g., Brown et al., 2002; Grimbos et al.,
2010; H ¨
onekopp and Watson, 2010; Kastlunger et al., 2010; Williams, Greenhalgh, and
Manning, 2003). Furthermore, at least one study has shown that the measure is indeed
indicative of varying prenatal testosterone exposure (Lutchmaya et al., 2004).
Second, although both the Ellis and Hoskin (2013) study and the present one indicated
that low r2D:4D ratios (indicating higher prenatal exposure to androgens) were associ-
ated with self-reported offending, most of findings from the present study were substan-
tially stronger. This result can be explained by noting that in this study a more reliable
physical measure of r2D:4D was used.
As noted in the introduction, three studies have investigated the association between
r2D:4D and officially measured criminality of traffic violation. In this regard, Schwerdt-
feger, Heims, and Heer (2010) found an association of –.36 between males having been
convicted of a moving traffic violation and r2D:4D, and Hanoch et al. (2012) reported that
for male offenders versus male nonoffenders more generally, the association with r2D:4D
was –.24. The magnitude of these associations is similar to the within-male findings from
14 HOSKIN & ELLIS
the present study. Nevertheless, a third study of official involvement in crime by Ander-
son (2012) found no significant differences between males who had been convicted and
those who had not been. Obviously, more research is warranted, but the overall pattern of
findings so far is pointing toward confirmation of the hypothesis that prenatal androgens
have an impact on criminal behavior.
LIMITATIONS
The present study has at least five notable limitations. First, the study was based on a
convenience/snowball sample of university students in Texas majoring in criminology and
friends and family members they recruited for participation in the study. Consequently,
the sample is disproportionately young, middle class, southern, and Hispanic, which limits
the generalizability of our findings and underscores the need for replication.
Second, for some offenses in which sex differences were expected (e.g., serious assault,
domestic assault, and serious theft), none were identified. We believe that this was most
likely because of the failure of our sample to include sufficient numbers of individuals who
were involved in serious criminality. An additional consideration is that only 43 percent
of the sample were males, which further diminished the chances of seriously criminal
individuals having been included in our sample.
Third, the r2D:4D digit ratio has been shown to be a proxy, albeit not very precise,
for prenatal androgen exposure (Hell and P¨
aßler, 2011; Lippa, 2003). Also, one should
bear in mind that factors other than androgens affect digit growth (McIntyre et al., 2005;
Voracek, Manning, and Dressler, 2007). Furthermore, the availability of androgens in the
body’s extremities when a growth spurt occurs in the fourth digit cannot be considered
anything but roughly associated with androgen levels inside the nervous system during crit-
ical periods of fetal development (McIntyre, 2006; Talarovicov´
a, Krskov´
a, and Blazekov´
a,
2009). Also, it is worth noting that self-reported offending provides only a rough gage of
people’s varying tendencies to violate criminal statutes (Moffitt and Silva, 1988; Thorn-
berry and Krohn, 2000). As a result of these limitations in estimating brain exposure to
androgens (as the independent variable) and offending behavior (as the dependent vari-
able), one can assume that the present findings only provide minimal estimates of the
extent to which prenatal brain exposure to androgens affects later involvement in crime.
Fourth, although numerous statistically significant r2D:4D–criminality relationships
were herein documented, and the magnitude of most of these statistical relationships were
modest to moderate, using the r2D:4D ratio for individual-level preoffending diagnostics
or for parole screenings would be inadvisable. We consider the present study’s findings as
mainly being of interest because they provide a clear test of the theoretical deduction that
prenatal androgens are influencing brain functioning patterns in ways that affect people’s
tendencies to commit crime.
Fifth, many hypotheses can be derived from ENA theory, only one of which was tested
by the present study. As illustrated in figure 1, our study focused on determining whether
a positive correlation exists between perinatal androgens (shaded cell to the left) and
criminality (shaded cell to the right). So central is this hypothesis to ENA theory that
failing to confirm it would certainly have put the entire theory into question. Nonetheless,
our having found that prenatal androgens are associated with criminality does not mean
that the rest of the theory is true. Prenatal androgens could be affecting criminal behavior
through pathways that differ substantially from those depicted in figure 1.
FETAL TESTOSTERONE AND CRIMINALITY 15
CONCLUSION
At the heart to ENA theory is the assertion that prenatal brain exposure to testosterone
and other androgens contributes to criminality. Evidence bearing on this hypothesis
involved correlating a biomarker for prenatal androgens known as r2D:4D with self-
reported offending. Overall, the hypothesis that low r2D:4D ratios would be positively
correlated with offending was supported even when the data were examined for males
and females separately, thereby eliminating the possibility that sex differences in both
r2D:4D and offending were confounding the correlations. Nevertheless, further repli-
cations are in order. Also, because ENA theory is complex with numerous component
variables, many other aspects of ENA theory are in need of empirical scrutiny.
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20 HOSKIN & ELLIS
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Anthony W. Hoskin is an associate professor of criminology and criminal justice and
graduate program head at the University of Texas of the Permian Basin. He is interested
in studying offenders and the criminal justice system from a biosocial perspective.
Lee Ellis recently retired after teaching social science for more than 30 years at Minot
State University in Minot, North Dakota, and being a visiting researcher at the University
of Malaya in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. His main topics of professional interest involve the
study of criminal behavior, social stratification, and sex differences.
... Typically, research has found that increased exposure to testosterone in utero can result in longer ring fingers (4D) compared to index fingers (i.e., low 2D:4D ratios). Extant research has provided support for the 2D:4D ratio as a sexually dimorphic measure with males, on average, having lower digit ratios than females (Burton et al., 2013;Butovskaya et al., 2019;Hampson et al., 2008;H€ onekopp and Watson, 2010;Hoskin and Ellis, 2015;Manning, 2002;Manning et al., 2004). Furthermore, a meta-analyses of 116 studies (H€ onekopp and Watson, 2010) found significant sex differences in the 2D:4D ratio on the right hand, respectively. ...
... Lower right-hand 2D:4D ratios have been linked to a multitude of nonnormative personality traits and behaviors including attention deficit disorder, aggression, risk taking, recklessness, assault, impulsivity, and crime (Hanoch et al., 2012;Hoskin and Ellis, 2015;McIntyre et al., 2007). A recent meta-analysis (Turanovic et al., 2017) reported a significant, albeit weak (d ¼ 0.036), relation between the 2D:4D ratio and antisocial behavior. ...
... Their findings implicated prenatal estrogen, but not prenatal testosterone, as a hormonal biomarker associated with higher total psychopathy scores in females and higher callous affect in males. These findings contradicted what was expected, as low 2D:4D ratios are typically linked to increased sensation seeking, aggression, risk taking, and offending in male samples (H€ onekopp, 2011;Hoskin and Ellis, 2015). Blanchard and Lyons (2010) suggest that estrogen may play a more important role in the development of psychopathy for females and callousness for males; however, their conclusions are limited by the size of the sample used in the analysis (i.e., 30 men and 24 women). ...
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Prior research has identified relations between prenatal testosterone exposure and various antisocial and criminal behaviors. However, less is known about the association between prenatal testosterone exposure and personality traits, such as psychopathy. This study used self-report and biometric data from a sample of undergraduates (n = 491) at a large southwestern university to examine the association between prenatal testosterone exposure (measured by the 2D:4D ratio) and three dimensions of psychopathy (i.e., callousness, egocentricity, and antisocial behavior). Analyses were stratified by sex to explore sex-specific biological underpinnings of psychopathy in young adulthood. Results showed that males scored significantly higher in psychopathic traits and reported significantly lower 2D:4D ratios, compared to females. Additionally, 2D:4D ratios were negatively associated with egocentricity in males, but not females. These findings contribute to a growing literature on the organizational effects that prenatal testosterone exposure may have on the development of different dimensions of psychopathy.
... As civilizations have evolved, that victims have to avoid being victimized have given rise to written criminal statuses, which in turn has brought about the criminal justice system as an enforcer of those statuses (Hoskin and Ellis 2014). ...
... Therefore, according to this theoretical approach, males have been unconsciously selected for specific resources as a result of female preferences for mates who are successful at resource provision. In this way, sex hormones, such as testosterone, have evolved in ways that make male individuals, in biological terms, more competitive by natural selection (Hoskin and Ellis 2014). As people get older, participation in crime tends to decrease. ...
... These differences between males and females, are notorious in competitive, impulsive, self-directed and risky behaviors and are especially accentuated after the onset of puberty, when hormone levels surge, particularly among males. The central theme of this theory is that prenatal brain exposure to testosterone and to other male sex hormones contribute to criminality (Hoskin and Ellis 2014). Following the research performed by Wagels et al. (2019), cortisol and testosterone hormones interactively influence aggressive behavior (positive correlation). ...
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Society has undergone an entire evolution in the field of criminal penalties, as people want to avoid, or ideally to extinguish, crime and consequent victimization. However, the human nature would hardly allow such utopian society to prevail. Hence, as individuals, we do have codes and bylaws that govern our society. The number of male prisoners is considerably higher in comparison to female prisoners. The aim of the present research is to analyze the sex inequality in the Portuguese criminal justice system, as well as to discuss the following questions: (i) Are men suffering from unjustifiable discrimination by the criminal system? Or, (ii) are there any physical and psychological differences between both sexes? A quantitative and qualitative approach was used. A legal framework was created regarding penalty enforcement, followed by a review of the literature approaching themes of criminology, victimization, and sex inequality. To enrich and empirically support this research, the statistics provided by the Directorate-General for Justice Policy of the Ministry of Portuguese Justice are presented, and a descriptive analysis on the evolution of the number of inmates in Portuguese prisons and juveniles detained in educational centers, between 2010 and 2019 was performed. Implications of this study are is discussed to highlight mediation in criminal cases as a neutral future.
... One form that competition takes is physical domination over one's rival. Hoskin and Ellis (2015) add that physical aggression is especially likely among males who, because of limited verbal and social abilities, fail to develop effective non-violent techniques of intrasexual competition. ...
... Research and theory suggest a number of potential sex-violence mediators beyond an interest in physical danger: physical size and strength (Felson, 1996); prenatal and current levels of testosterone (Hoskin and Ellis, 2015); fear (Campbell, 2013); risk-taking (Wilson and Daly, 1985); empathy (Mehrabian, 1997); psychopathy (Serin, 1991); suspiciousness (McNiel and Binder, 1994); hostility (Norlander and Eckhardt, 2005); vengefulness (Hennessy and Wiesenthal, 2002); association with violent peers (Ferguson et al, 2009); and pro-violent attitudes (Stewart and Simons, 2010). Future research that investigates the potentially mediating role of these factors will give us a richer understanding of why men, on average, are so much more violent than women ...
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Abstract Purpose – The purpose of this study is to test the hypothesis that the relationship between gender and violent offending is mediated, in part, by an interest in participating in physically dangerous activities. Design/methodology/approach – This study makes use of self-report data from a sample of college students and other adults that they recruited to participate in this study to test the hypothesis that having an interest in physically dangerous activities mediates, at least in part, the gender–violence association. Two measures of violent offending are examined: total violent offending and the number of different types of violence committed. Relevant control variables are included in multivariate models, and bootstrapping mediation analysis is also conducted. Findings – Net of the effects of controls, an index for interest in physically dangerous activities, significantly predicts both total violence and the number of types of violence committed. Bootstrapping�based mediation analysis produces support for the hypothesis that males have higher rates of interpersonal violence than females, in part, because of a greater desire to engage in physically dangerous activities. Originality/value – This study is an important step in understanding why males are more likely to engage in interpersonal violence than females.
... The relationships between 2D:4D and risky/criminal behavior appear to show higher effect sizes than those found for the relationship of 2D:4D and aggression. For example, Hoskin and Ellis (2015) reported a mean correlation of about r = À0.40 between 2D:4D and criminality. Hanoch et al. (2012) found a correlation of r = À0.24 between 2D:4D and impulsivity among offenders and nonoffenders. ...
... Рост преступности в период полового созревания мужчин данная теория объясняет с позиций эволюционизма -как необходимость внутривидовой борьбы за обладание женщиной с целью получения наиболее жизнеспособного потомства. Так, при изучении более 600 заключенных в американских тюрьмах была обнаружена высокая корреляция уровня тестостерона в крови обследуемых с тяжестью преступления и нарушениями тюремных правил [26,27]. ...
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Aim to analyze the transformation of criminologists' approach to the biology of a criminal, to highlight the achievements of physiological, genetic, endocrinological, neurobiological, biochemical, ethological research in this area, to study the dynamics of the scientific views on the role of biological factors in the etiology of criminal behavior, to give a dialectic assessment of the development of the described scientific paradigm. Results. The article provides an overview of research in the field of biological criminology. The results of physiological, psychological, genetic, neurobiological, biochemical, endocrinological, ethological studies are described. The role of the positivist school of criminology is evaluated as negative for the harmful consequences of their activities. It is shown that its provisions became the starting point for the development of social Darwinism, eugenics, the ideology of fascism, racial theory, the organization of national, racial and ethnic genocide. Conclusion. The most promising and most effective is a comprehensive, multifactorial approach to the problem of criminal behavior with mathematical modelling and artificial intelligence technologies.
... Рост преступности в период полового созревания мужчин данная теория объясняет с позиций эволюционизма -как необходимость внутривидовой борьбы за обладание женщиной с целью получения наиболее жизнеспособного потомства. Так, при изучении более 600 заключенных в американских тюрьмах была обнаружена высокая корреляция уровня тестостерона в крови обследуемых с тяжестью преступления и нарушениями тюремных правил [26,27]. ...
Article
Full-text available
Aim to analyze the transformation of criminologists' approach to the biology of a criminal, to highlight the achievements of physiological, genetic, endocrinological, neurobiological, biochemical, ethological research in this area, to study the dynamics of the scientific views on the role of biological factors in the etiology of criminal behavior, to give a dialectic assessment of the development of the described scientific paradigm. Results. The article provides an overview of research in the field of biological criminology. The results of physiological, psychological, genetic, neurobiological, biochemical, endocrinological, ethological studies are described. The role of the positivist school of criminology is evaluated as negative for the harmful consequences of their activities. It is shown that its provisions became the starting point for the development of social Darwinism, eugenics, the ideology of fascism, racial theory, the organization of national, racial and ethnic genocide. Conclusion. The most promising and most effective is a comprehensive, multifactorial approach to the problem of criminal behavior with mathematical modelling and artificial intelligence technologies.
... The microsystem consists of individuals and groups that have immediate, direct contact with a person (Bronfenbrenner, 1979), including individual psychological and physiological factors, family, peer groups, and schools (Hoskin & Ellis, 2015;Lim et al., 2019;Murray & Farrington, 2010;Woodson et al., 2010). As the most proximal setting, microsystems outline psychological and behavioral change (Bronfenbrenner & Evans, 2000); consequently, this subsystem has a lengthier discussion due to its actionability for the practitioner. ...
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Youth involved in the juvenile justice system face a multitude of challenges and have many psychosocial needs that span across different contexts and service systems. Practitioners working within the juvenile justice population may thus struggle to determine how to navigate such needs and provide effective care. This article describes how the application of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory may be particularly useful to elucidate therapeutic considerations to working with juvenile justice involved youth. We provide descriptions of each subsystem within Bronfenbrenner’s model and how they relate to the unique needs of justice-involved youth, provide a case example to illustrate relevant interventions within each subsystem that focuses on existing setting strengths, and end with practitioner recommendations to address psychological well-being with the juvenile justice population.
... The dichotomy of natural versus social science is a useful heuristic strategy for organizing a structured academia but otherwise a fiction (Plumwood, 2008;Jerolmack, 2012). Many social problems arise from challenges in managing natural resources (conservation; Nelleman et al., 2016) or implicate natural life processes (biology; Hoskin and Ellis, 2015). Meanwhile, interactions between two or more biotic beings would constitute "social" happenings, were it not for a common, but narrow, conception of society as consisting solely of humanitya presumption challenged in philosophy (Singer, 1979;Anderson, 2004), sociology (Jerolmack and Tavory, 2014), geography (Hovorka, 2008;Hovorka, 2019), and increasingly within conservation circles (Washington et al., 2018;Treves et al., 2019). ...
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Traditional conservation scientists approach biodiversity from a resource-management perspective, in which both wildlife and non-living natural resources are managed to balance the interests of competing human stakeholders. Here, I argue for viewing biological conservation as part of a larger competition of the powerful and their interests against humans and wildlife alike. Drawing on social dominance theory to apply lessons on intergroup conflict to ecological networks, I propose that those political power structures that marginalize human populations, denying voice and inclusion, also perform poorly regarding wildlife species. Accounting for nonhuman species as a collection of agentic beings seeking to satisfy their own survival interests and that of their respective "social" group, I argue for connecting the literatures on social justice and ecological justice through common challenges rooted in the social psychology of power.
Chapter
The attention for neuroscience in relation to criminal behavior is growing rapidly, and research shows that neurobiological factors have added value to the understanding of psychological and social factors in explaining delinquency. There is evidence that neurotechnology can be used in criminal justice and may be of relevance for forensic psychiatric and psychological assessment. However, the question is whether scientific knowledge of neurobiological factors is applicable in daily practice of forensic assessment. Incorporation of basic technologies, e.g., psychophysiology (heart rate, skin conductance, wearables), hormonal measures (cortisol, testosterone), and neuropsychological testing might be evident, since they can be applied relatively easy. Moreover, a body of research shows the additive value of these technologies in this field. In addition, first steps are taken to apply these technologies in individual diagnostics, treatment, and risk assessment. Complex neurotechnologies like functional MRI (e.g., brain reading) and EEG show potential to be applicable in criminal justice, once it is known what additional information these indices offer for individual cases.
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One research line in criminal behavior studies 2D:4D ratio as predictor of aggression and violent behavior, given that there are sexually dimorphic behaviors associated with the influence of testosterone on brain organization. However, results have been mixed. The aim of this study was to explore the differences in the 2D:4D ratio among offending and non-offending Colombian men in four groups (N = 139). A comparative study was conducted with three groups of offenders sentenced in a Colombian penitentiary: (1) sexual offenders against children (n = 34), (2) sexual offenders against adult women (n = 31), and (3) non-sexual violent offenders (n=26); as well as one group (4) men with no criminal record (n = 48). The 2D:4D ratio was measured using the hand scanning technique and three digital measurements were analyzed with the Autometric software: right hand ratio, left hand ratio, and difference between the right and left hand ratios (Dr - Iz). Although, in all groups, right-digit ratio was lower that left-digit ratio (negative Dr–l ratio) and, in non-offending men this difference was not significant, no strong significant differences were found between groups in any measure of 2D:4D ratio used (right hand, left hand or Dr−l). The results support the idea that these associations are too weak to consider them predictors of sexual or non-sexual criminal behavior. The risk factors determining sexual or non-sexual criminal behavior, seems to go beyond intra-uterine effects and involve complex interactions between heritability, epigenetics, and pre-natal and post-natal life events.
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A decade old theory hypothesizes that brain exposure to androgens promotes involvement in criminal behavior. General support for this hypothesis has been provided by studies of postpubertal circulating levels of testosterone, at least among males. However, the theory also predicts that for both genders, prenatal androgens will be positively correlated with persistent offending, an idea for which no evidence currently exists. The present study used an indirect measure of prenatal androgen exposure— the relative length of the second and fourth fingers of the right hand (r2D:4D)—to test the hypothesis that elevated prenatal androgens promote criminal tendencies later in life for males and females. Questionnaires were administered to 2,059 college students in Malaysia and 1,291 college students in the United States. Respondents reported their r2D:4D relative finger lengths along with involvement in 13 categories of delinquent and criminal acts. Statistically significant correlations between the commission of most types of offenses and r2D:4D ratios were found for males and females even after controlling for age. It is concluded that high exposure to androgens during prenatal development contributes to most forms of offending following the onset of puberty.
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Relative finger lengths, especially the second-to-fourth finger length ratio, have been proposed as useful markers for prenatal testosterone action. This claim partly depends on an association of relative finger lengths in adults with related sex differences in children and infants. This paper reports the results of a study using serial radiographs to test for both sex differences in the fingers of infants and children and for a relationship between sex differences in the children and infant finger and adult finger length ratios. This is the first study using long-term serial data to evaluate the validity of finger length ratios as markers. We found not only that sex differences in finger length ratios arise prior to puberty, but that sex differences in the fingers of children are highly correlated with adult finger length ratios. Our results strongly encourage the further use of finger length ratios as markers of perinatal testosterone action.
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Why do girls tend to earn better grades in school than boys? Why are men still far more likely than women to earn degrees in the fields of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics? And why are men on average more likely to be injured in accidents and fights than women? These and many other questions are the subject of both informal investigation in the media and formal investigation in academic and scientific circles. In his landmark book "Male, Female: The Evolution of Human Sex Differences", author David Geary provided the first comprehensive evolutionary model to explain human sex differences. Using the principles of sexual selection such as female choice and male-male competition, the author systematically reviewed and discussed the evolution of sex differences and their expression throughout the animal kingdom, as a means of not just describing but explaining the same process in Homo sapiens. Now, over ten years since the first edition, Geary has completed a massive update, expansion and theoretical revision of his classic text. New findings in brain and genetic research inform a wealth of new material, including a new chapter on sex differences in patterns of life history development; expanded coverage of genetic research (e.g. DNA finger printing to determine paternity as related to male-male competition in primates); fatherhood in humans; cross-cultural patterns of sex differences in choosing and competing for mates; and, genetic, hormonal, and socio-cultural influences on the expression of sex differences. Finally, through his motivation to control framework (introduction in the first edition and expanded in "The Origin of Mind", 2005), Geary presents a theoretical bridge linking parenting, mate choices, and competition, with children's development and sex differences in brain and cognition. The result is an even better book than the original - a lively and nuanced application of Darwin's insight to help explain our heritage and our place in the natural world.