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A Companion to Rock Art, First Edition. Edited by Jo McDonald and Peter Veth.
© 2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Published 2012 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
ABSTRACT
Meg Conkey ’ s (1980) study of decorated antler/bone objects at Altamira formulated
explicit test implications for aggregation and dispersal in hunter - gatherer settlement
systems. The concept of diversity in design elements was added into an aggregation
“ mix ” of subsistence, social behaviors, and ritual expression. This chapter explores how
Conkey ’ s originally defi ned expectations and predictions for aggregation locales, as
derived from Magdalenian rock - shelters, can be transposed into the Australian arid zone.
We argue that punctuated style provinces throughout the Western Desert culture bloc
provide the context for aggregation in a landscape occupied by groups displaying
hypermobility.
Rock art played a fundamental role in Aboriginal hunter - gatherer life across the entire
Australian continent. Major rock art provinces occur wherever suitable bedrock exists,
and major style regions occur where the geology and other environmental conditions
provide the opportunities for people to occupy the landscape across and through
time. Major Australian rock art provinces (e.g., Arnhem Land, the Kimberley, Sydney,
and Dampier Archipelago) all occur where the resources have allowed for the con-
tinuous settlement of larger groups of people – generally at prehistoric population
centers – and where there is a continuous geological opportunity for the production
of rock art. These are, by defi nition, aggregation locales on a large scale. These fertile
CHAPTER 6
The Social Dynamics
of Aggregation and
Dispersal in the
Western Desert
Jo McDonald and Peter Veth
AGGREGATION AND DISPERSAL IN THE WESTERN DESERT 91
landscapes, with their higher population densities, have provided the social context
and the physical setting for the genesis of social pressures that have necessitated rock
art production: landscapes where social signaling is a necessary part of the interaction
repertoire (Wiessner 1984 ; McDonald 2008 ). These extensive art provinces are,
without exception, in relatively well - watered and resource - rich landscapes, and the
effl orescence of rock art production demonstrates a range of information about
the groups of people that have produced it.
The Australian arid zone is characterized by extensive dune fi elds, gibber and sand
plains, and the opportunities to produce rock art are not continuous. Very low popu-
lation densities also characterize these social landscapes. The need to signal social
information to others may well have been focused in locations where larger groups
of people aggregated – for a range of purposes. Well - watered range systems across
the arid zone provide highly focalized opportunities for art production, often in
association with other vital resources (food, reliable water). These landscapes, with
their distinctive and highly variable rock art provinces, represent aggregation nodes
for otherwise highly dispersed, arid - zone populations. Arid hunter - gatherer societies
developed a range of artistic media to fulfi ll their needs for graphic representation:
wood carving, sand painting, body painting – and, more recently, contemporary
acrylic dot paintings on canvas. These various non - durable art forms demonstrate the
crucial role that art played in Aboriginal society where rock art could not be created.
The development of most distinct Australian style provinces is thought to have
occurred during the Early to Mid - Holocene (Rosenfeld 1991 ; Franklin 2004 ;
McDonald 2008 ; Smith and Ross 2008 ; Mulvaney 2011 ), coinciding with major
increases in other archaeological signatures. The development of art systems has
been argued to be part of a suite of social mechanisms required to facilitate and
control increasing interaction and to mark and enforce group identity in socially
complex milieus (Rosenfeld 1993 :20; Rosenfeld and Smith 1997 ; McDonald 2008 ).
Archaeological signatures for these same sorts of social processes (often seen as risk
minimization) include the widespread adoption of composite extractive implements
such as the tula adze at around 3,700 years ago (Hiscock and Veth 1991 ; McNiven
1993 ; Veth et al. 2011 ).
Regional rock art systems which fulfi ll a range of social mechanisms (personal,
domestic, secular, and ritual) are seen to accompany a raft of social changes linked with
intensifi cation ( sensu Lourandos 1985 ) and increasing territoriality after the Last
Glacial Maximum. The timing for this is in part the result of a shrinking coastline/
coastal plain and movement/increased pressure on populations as the sea level rose to
its current height around 7,000 years ago. While changing coastline morphology likely
had a major impact in a number of rock art provinces – for example, Arnhem Land,
the Dampier Archipelago ( Murujuga ), and the Sydney Basin – drowning much of the
earlier rock art evidence, in the arid zone the entire history of rock art production
potentially remains. In the arid zone, linguistic stratigraphy provides good supporting
evidence for Holocene population change and/or movement (McConvell 1996 ; Veth
2000 ) with a new language moving out of the Pilbara and into the Western Desert.
This language movement has been tied to other archaeological signatures (O ’ Connor
et al. 1998 ; Veth 2000 ; McDonald and Veth 2006, 2011 ; Veth et al.
2009 ), and the
major archaeological phases in the arid zone are clearly correlated with major episodic
rock art production (Smith and Ross 2008 ; McDonald and Veth 2011 ).
92 JO MCDONALD AND PETER VETH
Here we are interested in the recent past, and we explore the likely manifestations
that ethnographically documented aggregation and dispersal would have had on the
social context of rock art production. We will use the notion of style as a social
strategy (Wobst 1977 ) as an explanation for the interaction between groups over
resources and for the maintenance and demonstration of distinctions of personal and
social identity.
STYLE AS SOCIAL STRATEGY
The notion of style as a social strategy (Wobst 1977 ) has resulted in the productive
application of information - exchange theory to explain the degree of competition
between groups over resources as well as the maintenance of distinctions of personal
and social identity (Hodder 1978 ; Wiessner 1983, 1984, 1990 ). This approach has
been applied in archaeological contexts to correlate degrees of stylistic heterogeneity
with different confi gurations of prehistoric social networks. Different environments
and the resultant effect on prehistoric social networks are thought to infl uence the
amount of stylistic variability in a graphic system. In fertile regions, where social
networks are closed and kinship and territorial systems are more rigid (Williams 1986 ;
Lewis 1988 ; David and Cole 1990 ; Rosenfeld 1991 ; McDonald 2008 ; Smith 2008 ),
rock art imbues a high degree of social information with distinctive group - identifying
and bonding behavior. Conversely, a widespread distribution of stylistically homoge-
neous traits is considered to be correlated with widely ramifi ed, open, social networks
– resulting from harsh environmental conditions (Gamble 1982, 1983 ; Jochim 1983 ;
Soffer 1987 ; Smith 2008 ).
Anthropological and ethnographic evidence shows that the Martu people of the
Western Desert of Australia – as representative of the arid zone more widely – had
open and widely ramifi ed social networks. Martu rock art therefore would be expected
to demonstrate group - bonding behavior and a highly homogeneous graphic with
shared iconography over vast areas. While the earliest art of the arid zone is a highly
homogeneous art graphic (Maynard 1979 ; Franklin 2004 ; McDonald 2005 ), the
more recent art of the arid zone demonstrates a high degree of stylistic variability.
We have previously argued (McDonald and Veth 2006 ) that the explanation for this
stylistic diversity in arid zone art provinces is evidence of aggregation behavior. When
one considers the nature of social networks throughout the arid zone, and the nature
of aggregation behavior which constitutes part of the normal ebb and fl ow of social
contact within the arid zone, such stylistic diversity presents no mystery.
In this chapter, we explore Conkey ’ s (1980) originally defi ned aggregation locale
criteria to see how these can be applied in the Australian arid zone. We examine the
structure of a Western Desert rock art province, the Jilakurru Ranges (also known as
the Durba Hills), and explore the social structure of this landscape in the context
of its well - understood traditional owners, the Martu (Tonkinson 1974, 1978 ). We
conclude that this rock art province represents a socially constituted landscape which
can be understood in terms of the economic realities of arid zone subsistence, popula-
tion dynamics, and the real - life dramas of the Dreamtime.
AGGREGATION AND DISPERSAL IN THE WESTERN DESERT 93
WESTERN DESERT AGGREGATION AND DISPERSION PATTERNS
As we frame our expectations for prehistoric locales, we must keep in mind that social
and ritual processes may well have been concomitant – if not central – activities at such
locales. (Conkey 1980 :610)
In the Western Desert, we are able to frame an anthropological basis for Martu popu-
lation dynamics, particularly in relation to their aggregation/dispersal behaviors.
Anthropological work in the Australian arid zone more generally describes the social
structure of the Western Desert cultural bloc (Tindale 1935 ; Strehlow 1947 ; Berndt
1966, 1972 ; Gould 1969, 1977, 1990 ; Tonkinson 1974, 1978 ; Myers 1986, 2007 ).
Fluid band composition, fl exible boundaries demarcating sociocultural space, exten-
sive kinship networks, and a subsistence strategy focused on plant food availability
and the opportunistic procurement of game (Veth 1993 :69) describe the character-
istic group signatures for the desert, while the rhythm of Australian desert life – with
its “ continuing dialectic between the ecological constraints that push people apart
and the cultural pressures that draw them together ” (Tonkinson 1978 :30) – formed
the basis for the population dynamics.
Population density as a measure of likely diversity is a signifi cant part of any aggre-
gation equation. And this will have as much to do with the nature of the social groups
involved as the opportunities that any particular locales provide for producing rock
art. Western Desert society was one of widespread social homogeneity with extremely
low population densities (as little as one person per 300 sq km; Tindale 1974 ).
So what is the likely nature of arid zone aggregation locales? We are defi ning
aggregation sites as the places where people from affi liated groups come together.
The largest Martu aggregation (the tjabal : the multitude) occurred once or twice a
year at big meetings for ritual and other activities. Such extended meetings would
be the time for accelerated exchange of trade goods, ritual and ceremonial knowl-
edge, and alliance networks (particularly marriage arrangements). The Martu defi ne
two cyclical periods of aggregation: in winter, when seeds were abundant, and in
summer, when groups focused their movements on reliable waters (Veth 1993 :71).
Social groupings tended to be larger and more complex as a function of increased
water permanency. Ephemeral waters were used primarily in transient mode by
smaller groups: permanent waters (such as Jilakurru) could therefore be the focus of
up to two major gatherings per year, as well as being used at other times during
periods of higher group mobility (Veth 1993 :76). Archaeological test implications
( sensu Conkey 1980 ) can be formulated with the following aggregation criteria in
mind.
Time
How long did the group(s) stay together? The ritual cycle could take place from
weeks to two months, with water and food resources likely to be the main con-
straints. Social tensions during periods of aggregation are also noted to be a serious
consideration in terms of the length of aggregation (Tonkinson 1978 ; Hayden
1979 ).
94 JO MCDONALD AND PETER VETH
Space
What were the requirements for accommodating the larger group? The many small
and medium - sized rock - shelters in range systems are individually more likely to refl ect
the foci for small - scale, small - group foraging behaviors. The rock art in this type of
location is often a small to medium - sized assemblage, often exhibiting the character-
istics of a single or few art production episodes. Some shelters contain assemblages
of up to 150 motifs, and demonstrate (through superimpositioning and stylistic
characteristics) the potential to have been the focus for multiple painting activities
by a single group – or, indeed, an assemblage produced by a multitude of groups.
The ranges, however, are also characterized by gorges with fl at, sand - sheet expanses
at the mouths of their valleys produced by discharge from rock holes and run - off
from the escarpments in the wet season. These gorges and extensive sand sheets
provide a suitable landscape for aggregations of larger groups of people. These loca-
tions are where we usually fi nd most of the occupational material, including site
furniture such as large portable grindstones.
Personnel
How many and what type of people were present? A major feature of Martu local
organization is its fl uidity and fl exibility, with little concern for boundaries or exclu-
sive group membership (Tonkinson 1978 :49). The kaputurr (Martu small group)
was fl exible in size, membership, and movement, but was attached to an estate
through kinship and descent, while the larger social group is defi ned by the range
(Stanner 1965 ). The land - exploiting band, the kaputurr , consisted of one or several
patrilineally linked families, with the size of the band being between four and 30
people (Veth 1993 :70). The band estate consisted of a limited number of important
water holes and sacred sites to which the members of the small group were intimately
related.
The largest aggregation of groups would always include people from adjacent
dialects and possibly language groups. Tonkinson stresses that “ such assemblies
would involve members of different dialect units, and that no two meetings will
have an identical or nearly identical membership ” (1978:50, emphasis in original).
In the Western Desert, the largest recorded aggregations of people were between
100 and 150 persons – less than has been reported for Central Australia (Hayden
1980 ; quoting Tindale 1935 and Hackett 1937 ) where groups of up to 270 were
observed.
Periodicity
How often was rock art produced? We know from our rock art dating work that art
sites are used episodically (McDonald and Veth 2008 ) and we presume that these
may have been used once, often, or even repeatedly within the emic cycle.
Archaeological excavation in rock - shelters and major open sites demonstrates that
visitation to refugia occurred repeatedly over time (Veth 1993 ; Veth et al. 2001,
2008 ). The nature of this occupation varied given the effects of the Last Glacial
Maximum, changes in the intensity of ENSO, and “ territorial ascendancy ” during
the past 1,500 years (Gibbs and Veth 2002 ).
AGGREGATION AND DISPERSAL IN THE WESTERN DESERT 95
What w as the f ocus of a ggregation?
The Western Desert is defi ned physiographically by its uncoordinated drainage. Water
sources are scattered, and include ranges with permanent springs and reliable rock
holes, creek beds, and other more ephemeral water features (such as clay pans and
soaks) which are dependent on rains for activation. These form an interconnected
network of water sources, which are curated in the mythological narratives of ancestral
beings – the storylines ( Yiwara ) of the Western Desert. The choice of a location for
an aggregation event would depend on the season and local knowledge of plentiful
water supply.
Modifi cation of e nvironment and s ignatures
The construction of stone arrangements, the placement of site furniture (e.g., large
stone blocks for multipurpose processing of vegetable foods and game), and limited
clearance of ground for family groups and appropriate social spacing (e.g., for avoid-
ance relationships) will all leave signatures of varying durability. Repeated and
“ intense ” occupation will result in signifi cantly increased discard within shelters
and at hearths located within constellations of related occupation sites.
Rock art production will only occur at locations where rocky substrate is available.
Many aggregation locales (e.g., around clay pans) will not have allowed rock art
production, but other art production (body painting, sand drawing, carving on sacred
boards and other portable wooden objects) could have occurred in these sandy sub-
strate contexts.
What r ange of a ctivities t ook p lace?
Obviously, the nature of the gathering could fall within a range of social contexts,
and these may be characterized from purely ritual to totally social, with varying
degrees of subsistence behaviors no doubt driving and feeding these two ends of the
spectrum (after Conkey 1980 ), as follows: (1) ritual; (2) ritual and subsistence; (3)
intensive subsistence; and (4) social.
Subsistence activity to underwrite the larger groups while in residence at aggrega-
tion sites will be the most visible archaeological signature. Seed - processing is the most
visible signature, along with the rejuvenation of tools. The recycling of energy extrac-
tive implements (e.g., tula adzes) and higher proportions of later stages of use - life in
grindstones occur more often at larger aggregation sites (Veth and O ’ Connor 1996 ).
Greater protein extraction indices might also be predicted, and be refl ected in high
indices for economic bone comminution (Gould et al. 2002 ). Archaeological signa-
tures of these activities will depend on what the activities specifi cally were and where
the activities were carried out. Given that Aboriginal men go through many stages
of initiation in their lifetime, and that women exercised equal ceremonial agency, the
complexity of ritual signals and gender signifi ers are likely to be extremely high at
major aggregation locales.
WHY DID WESTERN DESERT PEOPLE PRODUCE ROCK ART?
We know from arid zone research more generally (e.g., Galt - Smith 1997 ; Frederick
2000 ; Gunn 2000, 2003 ) that the application of a graphic system in the production
96 JO MCDONALD AND PETER VETH
of rock art served a number of functions and operated within a variety of social con-
texts. It:
•
was a way of marking place and, concomitantly, an individual ’ s affi liation to it;
•
had a signifi cant storytelling or instructive context;
•
was used in initiation ceremonies;
•
provided a physical form of an ancestral being or event;
•
was also a way of marking country as a way of maintaining association with
Dreamings and a homeland.
In terms of modeling for art production in an aggregation context, we need to think
about when the rock art was produced. Was it part of formal ritual or a by - product
of people gathered for ritual purposes?
Much rock art is clearly associated with a domestic or open social context (e.g.,
with archaeological deposit generally, and bedrock mortars and/or basal grindstone
on shelter fl oors), but we also know that pigment art is sometimes deployed in sacred
and restricted locales (e.g., at Jilakurru Spring within the Jilakurru Ranges). Some of
the engraved art is more formalized, with the appearance of multiple actors (in large,
complex compositions) and signifi cant time expenditure being used in its production.
In multiple instances, we have now been able to document how signifi cantly old(er)
art is reactivated into the current social sphere in the recursive process of Dreamtime
narratives. Tonkinson describes this as a Martu belief in the Dreamtime ancestors
having had great magical power, which included the ability to assume animal forms
at will. They carried sacred paraphernalia and wore elaborate body decorations. They
left behind objects and images of themselves in the various places that they camped
“ so that man would ultimately discover them and draw strength and a sense of secu-
rity from them ” (Tonkinson 1974 :70).
A timeless quality is accorded the multitude of landscape features which are imbued with
mythological signifi cance and are thus brought to life. These features include in some
cases large trees, rock carvings, and paintings and other man made constructions such
as stone cairns and large ground arrangements of stone, all attributed to the actions of
Dreamtime beings. (Tonkinson 1978 :105)
Engravings are seen to represent the marks or tracks or images of self left behind
by creator beings, and are places where the creator beings were literally transmogri-
fi ed into stone. Rock art in these major rock art provinces was no doubt produced
for a variety of reasons and in a multitude of social contexts. And the long - term
production of rock art – and its preservation throughout the generations – no doubt
stimulated a continuing discourse between the Martu and their Jukurrpa .
ARCHAEOLOGICAL TEST IMPLICATIONS
So what are the archaeological implications and criteria (Conkey 1980 :611 – 613) for
testing aggregation behavior and rock art production in the arid zone? There are
four main archaeological test implications for aggregation behavior in Western Desert
rock art:
AGGREGATION AND DISPERSAL IN THE WESTERN DESERT 97
1 The complete repertoire of motifs identifi ed in aggregation locales will represent
the wider graphic vocabulary of Western Desert rock art sites more generally.
2 Assemblage diversity (by motif theme and style) will be greater at aggregation
locales than at dispersion sites.
3 Some rare and often visually “ high impact ” motifs – and variations on these – will
be unique to aggregation locales.
4 Motifs not found at aggregation sites should not be found at dispersion sites.
In the Western Desert, the range systems with the most reliable waters and economic
food species – that is, the rock art provinces we are identifying, such as Jilakurru,
the Calvert Ranges (Kaalpi), and Carnarvon Ranges (Katjarra) – are likely to be the
aggregation locales. These are separated by distances of typically 40 – 60 km. They
are associated with more permanent waters and have suffi cient habitable spaces and
associated resource zones to accommodate larger social gatherings (this stands in
contrast to Hayden 1980 – in Central Australia – who spaced these at 300 – 700 km
distance in accordance with Wobst ’ s 1976 modeling).
These predictions for archaeological patterning, a consequence of Conkey ’ s test
implications for aggregation locales, appear to be supported by our fi rst phase of
analysis. We will be undertaking multivariate analyses of the 800 + individual rock art
sites which have now been recorded at the various rock art provinces and in isolated
rock art sites to explore and quantify these patterns further. So far, we have docu-
mented a signifi cantly greater diversity in style and theme in the Jilakurru assemblages
than can be seen at what we perceive are more isolated or small - scale dispersal sites.
It is very likely that different valleys within the range could demonstrate multiple
social events; that is, both dispersal and aggregation as residues of visits by differently
confi gured groups at different times of the emic cycle (see also Galt - Smith 1997 ).
Notably, no one rock art site (shelter, boulder, rock face) or valley system in isolation
is suffi cient to come to this conclusion. It is only at the scale of the larger landscape
that these comparative assessments can be made. We have evidence in these isolated,
yet resource - rich range refugia for aggregation behavior and the combination of
features that render this a classic type - site for Conkey ’ s original test implications.
The different valleys and rock art locales demonstrate multiple and various social
events (Figure
6.1 ). Both dispersal and aggregation residues from visits by differently
confi gured groups at different times of the social cycle can be seen. Based on the
number of rock art sites present, and the range and variety of motifs present, one
can interpret different aggregation signals in each of the rock art locales. Similar vari-
ability is demonstrated by the frequency of other archaeological signals, such as site
“ furniture ” for multiple processing tasks and caches of tools, and by the presence of
other features, such as silcrete quarries and stone arrangements, which demonstrate
a mapping onto the general resources of the broader landscape. We demonstrate here
in a hypothetical range scenario the sorts of patterning that we are seeing demon-
strated through the rock art repertoire – and broader archaeological context – with
the full gamut of aggregation behaviors and dispersal present in a constellation of
valleys around a range.
Rock art sites and the other archaeological evidence are very much focused in gorge
systems which have been formed through long - term patterns of water abundance.
These gorges often have springs in their headwaters – or in other less predictable
98 JO MCDONALD AND PETER VETH
locations – and rock art sites are found both within rock - shelters along these gorges
and on boulders, low cliff lines, and slabs in various topographic confi gurations where
these gorges open out into broad valleys. Some springs are found on the outer edges
of the ranges, and these too have formed focused locales for occupation and art
production. Other, less permanent water is found in lower relief valleys where rock
pools are formed as a result of seasonal rain. These rock pools when full would have
provided semi - permanent water for large groups – and longer - term water supplies
for smaller family groups foraging in isolation.
In rocky outliers off the main range systems – particularly where these are associ-
ated with large clay plans which would have been seasonally abundant water supplies
– again, we fi nd evidence for rock art production in a different, less focalized social
confi guration. People used these locales less intensively – but in a systematic fashion
when the resources allowed it – and these landscapes are part of the broader sense
of place. Mythological narratives often include these locales, and they fi gure strongly
in the song lines (Dreamings) for the broader landscape.
Figure 6.1 Schematic drawing showing the possible arrangement of aggregation signals
around a range system, loosely based on Jilakurru.
Ritual
Range
Outlier
Intensive subsistence and social
Ritual and subsistence
Small group dispersion
Claypan
Spring
Rock hole
Incised ephemeral creek
AGGREGATION AND DISPERSAL IN THE WESTERN DESERT 99
CONCLUSIONS
Western Desert settlement behavior, information exchange, and group composition
all emphasize the hypermobility and fl exibility of group composition and innately
risk - minimizing behavior. Western Desert religion and ceremony focuses on the
provisioning of the next generation with the “ capital ” of social geography and
its metaphysical basis. This expresses itself in numerous ways, but is exemplifi ed in
the types of exchange of information that would have occurred at aggregation locales.
We believe that the tangible provisioning of these remote, seasonally fecund, land-
scapes within the sandy deserts provide the focus for social transmission in highly
variable graphic systems which function across vast distances and through deep time.
In moving from the deep caves of the Magdalenian to the punctuated art provinces
of the Australian arid zone, we fi nd that the explicit test implications formulated by
Meg Conkey for aggregation and dispersal in hunter - gatherer settlement systems
generally, and the concept of diversity in design elements specifi cally, are entirely
relevant. The only radical shift our analysis proposes is that here we should raise our
focus from a single rock art site/assemblage to a broader landscape approach to rock
art production. As has been found in so many other facets of our discipline, a cultural
or social landscape approach provides a much more satisfying fi t in our search for
rock art as evidence for social action.
We conclude that a single rock art site in the Western Desert cannot represent an
aggregation locale. This is because a single rock - shelter with art and/or occupation
is unable to demonstrate the necessary criteria of habitable space – and assemblage
diversity – that are needed to satisfy the defi nition for the meeting of the larger group.
While it is plausible to imagine larger groups of humans taking refuge in limestone
caves of ice - bound Magdalenian Cantabria, the resource patchiness of the Western
Desert, hypermobility of groups, and social alliance and avoidance relationships, plus
the absence of caves large enough to host hundreds of occupants, means that a cluster
of spatially associated sites is needed. Reliance on a single site would result in a skewed
representation of the complexity of behaviors and occupation signals undoubtedly
present at these spatially dispersed settlement nodes.
We are therefore looking at a very different kind of social focus: indeed, we need
to theorize a landscape where a small or large group could coalesce if the season and
the social impetus were conducive. High levels of punctuated stylistic diversity within
the rock art provinces across the arid zone are an unexpected signaling outcome in
a landscape where open social networks and sparse resources require broad - scale social
cohesion. But these can be explained easily in terms of information exchange occur-
ring during aggregation events. In the desert, rock art in these range systems exhibits
high stylistic diversity as an expression of contested group identities, rather than
bounded territoriality. These ranges, with their varying water source confi gurations
and myriad opportunities for the production of rock art, provide the necessary
resources and spatial requirements for a range of information exchange opportunities.
As Conkey concluded ( 1980 :620), “ understanding the relative assemblage diversity
is key, ” and we continue to disentangle the temporal, spatial, and social aspects of
site use in these punctuated Australian desert rock art provinces.
100 JO MCDONALD AND PETER VETH
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