The use of non-timber forest products in the Congo Basin: Constraints and opportunities

Full text

THE USE OF NON-TIMBER
FOREST PRODUCTS IN THE
CONGO BASIN:
Constraints and Opportunities
Alison L. Hoare
February 2007

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CONTENTS
SUMMARY FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
INTRODUCTION
THE ROLE OF NTFPS
SUBSISTENCE USES
FOREST FOODS
MEDICINES & TRADITIONAL HEALTHCARE
TRADE
NTFPS AS A SOURCE OF HOUSEHOLD INCOME
MARKET STUDIES
INTERNATIONAL TRADE
INTERNATIONAL TRADE IN MEDICINAL PLANTS
PAUSINYSTALIA JOHIMBE (YOHIMBE)
PRUNUS AFRICANA (AFRICAN CHERRY)
FUTURE PROSPECTS
CASE-STUDIES
I: GNETUM
II: EDIBLE INSECTS
III: BUSHMEAT
IV: RATTANS
V: FUELWOOD
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
RECOMMENDATIONS
APPENDIX I: NTFPS OBSERVED IN CENTRAL AFRICAN MARKETS
APPENDIX II: EDIBLE INSECT SPECIES
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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ISBN: 978-1-906131-03-6

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NTFPs are extremely important to forest
communities in terms of basic livelihoods,
providing a range of essential resources
such as fuelwood, protein, raw materials for
household items and medicines. However,
much of this value and the livelihood security
that NTFPs can provide is little researched and
understood.
NTFPs also have significant cultural and
social values for forest communities that have
not yet been well documented.
In order to generate increased economic
benefits for forest communities, the promotion
and commercialisation of NTFPs presents many
challenges. Expectations of economic benefits
should not be raised too high: it would appear
that NTFP promotion cannot, on its own, have
a major economic impact on the management
and conservation of forests the Congo Basin.
However, consideration of NTFPs should be a
central part of any sustainable development
strategy within the region.
Markets in NTFPs are often hampered
by poor infrastructure and storage and by
lack of market information. NTFP producers
face challenges in the lack of organisation
into viable trading entities, lack of credit and
investment opportunities and they are often
victims of many types of informal “taxes”.
In the case of some of the most
valuable, (and often internationally traded),
NTFPs, there are concerns about over-
exploitation and the possible ecological and
economic consequences of this. Cultivation and
domestication outside of the forest may be the
only means to increase economic returns and
reduce pressure on wild resources.
In other cases, management within the
forest may present a viable option for farmers.
There is a paucity of research on most
NTFPs in terms of their potential for genetic
improvement and cultivation.
The management of NTFPs is often
linked with the community management of
forests and this has received far too little
priority in the forest policies of Congo Basin
countries. Much greater attention needs to
be given by the relevant governments to
community management of forests and to the
management of NTFPs within them.
There is a need for a fundamental shift
in thinking within forest departments and
among policy makers. Congo Basin countries
are still in need of a comprehensive and well
designed set of policies, aimed at supporting
and promoting the NTFP sector. These
should include: understanding of traditional
management and control of NTFPs; measures
to monitor NTFP exploitation and establish
harvesting levels for threatened species;
measures to control the impact of other forest
uses on essential NTFPs; review of systems
of taxation; credit for small producers and/or
co-operatives; information provision on NTFP
markets.
Underpinning these is the need to clarify
land tenure and resource rights and to ensure
that rights to access and control of resources
are properly recognised in the law.
SUMMARY FINDINGS AND
RECOMMENDATIONS

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This report documents research and dataon
the use of non-timber forest products (NTFPs)
from the six countries of the Congo Basin:
Cameroon, Central African Republic (CAR),
Republic of Congo or Congo-Brazzaville
(referred to in the report as Congo-B),
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Gabon,
Equatorial Guinea. Those studies that focused
exclusively on areas outside of the humid-
tropical areas were not included – for example,
northern Cameroon and southern DRC.
Most data is available on Cameroon – here
there have been numerous research and
development initiatives within the forestry
sector over the last 20 years. Consequently,
the report shows some bias towards this
country. Certain sectors and products have
also received more attention from researchers
than others, and so this is reflected in the
report. For example, rattans, bushmeat,
certain fruit trees, the vegetable Gnetum and
Prunus africana, have been the subject of a
number of studies. However, there remain
vast lacunae in knowledge. For example, there
have been some studies into the trade and
economic value of NTFPs. However, while many
researchers cite statistics on these, it was
found that often, the same figures from a few
key studies are being repeated.
Regarding knowledge on the use of forest
resources, this has been documented in
the ethnobotanical, anthropological and
conservation literature, and many studies
provide species lists of the resources used.
However, relatively little information is
provided on the relative importance of these
resources and their contribution to livelihoods.
In particular, there is limited knowledge related
to the use of wood and other materials for
construction (of houses, tools, etc.) and on the
scale of these activities. This is partly due to
the fact that many of these activities fall within
the informal economy, typically being supplied
by small-scale artisanal sawmills, many of
which operate illegally (CREF, 2006). It also
perhaps reflects an assumption that the local
timber market is not significant in comparison
to industrial timber extraction for export
markets. However, domestic consumption of
timber and other construction materials is
thought to be considerable (Auzel et al., 2001).
In this report, the various species documented
have not been listed, as these amount to many
hundreds, but the references to these will be
cited. Separate sections have been written on
a number of NTFPs, for which there was more
information available – these are Gnetum
leaves, edible insects, bushmeat, rattans and
fuelwood. These are included at the end of the
report as separate ‘case-studies’.
Before beginning the description of the use of
NTFPs in the region, the definition of this term
needs to be considered since it is often difficult
to define what is a forest product. Many
resources grow in a range of habitats, including
old-growth forest and various anthropogenic
landscapes, such as old fallows, agroforestry
systems, fields and roadsides. Traditional
systems of forest management make use of
this diversity of habitats (Laird, 1999; Ros-
Tonen & Wiersum, 2005). Some forest trees
and plants are brought into cultivation – they
may be protected when a new field is cleared,
or they may be planted. This is often done in
response to a decline of the resource in the
forest, as will be highlighted later in the report.
Other species may grow spontaneously, but
favour man-made habitats, such as gardens,
roadsides and field margins. For example,
Gnetum occurs naturally in forest openings,
but is also found in secondary forest, fallow
fields and sometimes, in mixed crop fields
(Clark et al., 2004). Thus, there is a continuum
from ‘wild’ or ‘forest’ resources to cultivated
and domesticated ones.
This means that it is often difficult to decide
whether a resource should be described as
an NTFP or as an agricultural product. In
this report NTFPs are taken to include all
resources for which significant harvests are
made from forest resources, even if in some
INTRODUCTION

6
areas they are mainly cultivated. For example,
data on Dacryodes edulis (safou fruit) and
Irvingia gabonensis (‘bush mango’) have been
included. These fruit trees grow in forest areas
but are also widely cultivated, and in many
areas, the majority of fruits are harvested from
cultivated trees (Ayuk et al., 1999a & 1999b;
Schreckenberg et al., 2006).
A final point about the focus of this study.
This report describes the documented uses
and economic values of NTFPs for populations
in the region, and so focuses on the more
tangible values of these resources. Not
considered in depth here are the spiritual and
cultural values of NTFPs and of forest resources
in general. This is partly because these are less
well reported, being difficult both to describe
and document. However, the significance of
forest resources for people’s culture must not
be overlooked. They can play an important
social role – the example of kola nut is most
often cited in this respect (Guedje & Fankap,
2001; Ndoye et al., 1999) – and the use of
many resources are closely linked with people’s
beliefs and identity.
NTFPs provide a wealth of resources for both
rural and urban dwellers throughout Central
Africa. These include foods, medicines,
construction materials, fuelwood, as well as
resources of spiritual and cultural significance.
These are important in improving livelihood
security. They may provide one of the main
sources of food (for example, for Pygmy
peoples when they are based in the forest
(Ichikawa, 1993)), or they may provide a
safety net in times of agricultural shortage
(Ndoye & Tieguhong, 2004). The wealth
of forest resources that are used as foods
also provide a valuable source of nutrients,
particularly for the poorest sectors of society
and in times of shortage, for example, prior
to the agricultural harvest. As a source
of medicines, NTFPs provide the basis of
healthcare for the vast majority of the region’s
population for whom western medicines are
unavailable or too expensive (Facheux et al.,
2004, Ndoye & Tieguhong, 2004). In addition,
a large proportion of the population use forest
resources to build houses, tools and other
implements, and the majority of households
use wood or charcoal for cooking.
As well as meeting subsistence needs, many
of these resources are traded, and so provide
a valuable source of income. For some people,
the economic value of NTFPs may be more
significant than their role in subsistence, as
will be described further below. The trade
in certain products extends across Central
Africa, and for a few, as far as Europe and the
US. These trade routes reflect in large part
the movement of people, markets for these
products having been created by members
of the African diaspora, although a few
products supply industry, for example, for
pharmaceuticals.
One feature of NTFPs is that they are often
collected and traded by women, and so help
to increase their livelihood security and
economic status (Sunderland et al., 2004;
Tchatat et al., 2003). Women dominate the
collection and trade of many products, such
THE ROLE OF NTFPS
1 This comment is made largely with respect to the conservation and forestry literature – the anthropologocal literature was not examined in depth.

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as Gnetum and caterpillars, while men are
more involved in the harvest of higher value
products, for example rattans, bushmeat
and pharmaceutical products (as described
below). However, in Cameroon it was found
that increasing numbers of men had become
involved in sectors traditionally the preserve of
women in response to the economic crisis of
the 1980’s (Tchatat et al., 2003). One concern
is that if NTFPs are promoted, for example,
as part of efforts to promote sustainable
development, then women could become
marginalized from their production and
marketing.
The role of NTFPs in development and for
poverty reduction is an issue of some debate.
NTFPs have been promoted as having great
potential for rural development and sustainable
forest management. This is based on the
premise that their exploitation can raise
incomes among rural communities and at
the same time create incentives for forest
conservation. This has prompted a wealth of
research and interventions over the last 20
years or so. However, initial optimism that
NTFPs could provide a ready solution to these
problems has declined, and a more sceptical
view (but perhaps a healthy scepticism) now
prevails (Ambrose-Oji, 2003; Marshall et al.,
2006; Ros-Tonen, 2000; Ros-Tonen & Wiersum,
2005).
NTFPs are often exploited because of the lack
of other opportunities, and provide a means
of subsisting rather than of lifting people out
of poverty. For example, in northern DRC, it
was reported that NTFPs do not generate much
income for rural populations, and so make little
contribution to poverty reduction (CREF, 2006).
Often, when other economic opportunities
arise, people follow these in preference to the
exploitation of NTFPs (Ambrose-Oji, 2003). A
further problem with this hypothesis is that
often the very poorest sectors of a society are
not able to exploit forest resources, and so it
may be the wealthier households that derive
most benefit from them (De Merode et al.,
2004; Marshall et al., 2006).
However, as will be described in this report,
some NTFPs do provide a valuable income for
many and can, in certain circumstances, help
to reduce poverty. Even where they do not
enable people to get out of the poverty trap,
they may be crucial as a safety net and to
improve livelihood security.

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It is difficult to determine which products
are most important for subsistence or the
contribution that they make to livelihoods,
because of the ‘informal’ nature of their
collection and the very fact that their use is
at the household level. Some information
is available from the ethnobotanical and
anthropological literature. As mentioned
previously, these often give little indication
of the quantities used or their relative
importance. However, they do illustrate the
diversity of resources that are used. For
example:
A study of NTFP use in Southern
Cameroon identified about 200 animal species
and 500 plant species, the latter accounting for
1200 different uses. About 300 species were
used medicinally (Dijk, 1999; Dijk & Wiersum,
1999).
An inventory of fruits and vegetables in
the south-west of DRC (Bas-Congo) recorded
the use of 45 non-cultivated species (Lubini et
al., 1994).
Kahindo et al. (2001) recorded
43 species of forest plant used by Mbuti
communities in the Ituri forest of DRC for
various construction purposes – houses,
bridges, tools and musical instruments.
Another researcher who worked with the
Mbuti of Ituri forest recorded some 100 plant
species used as food, 20 species of mushroom
and over 200 animals – the latter included 29
species of insect and some 20 species of fish
(Ichikawa, 1993).
Research into the ethnobotany of the
Mbuti and Efe Pygmies, once again in the Ituri
forest, recorded the use of over 700 plant
species, of which more than 200 species were
used either as medicine or poison for hunting
and fishing (Terashima & Ichikawa, 2003).
Pagezy (1993) reported that a Ntomba
community in DRC used 74 non-cultivated
species, including 26 mushroom species, as
food, as well as 118 animals and a variety of
fish. The animals eaten included 44 species of
invertebrate of which 31 were caterpillars.
Research in the Zaire basin found that
Ngandu communities recorded 69 edible wild
plant species, and 109 animals, including 21
species of insect and 29 species of fish, while
among the Boyela, 50 wild plants, 30 species
of mushroom and 30 insects were eaten
(Takeda, 1990; Takeda & Sato, 1993).
A preliminary inventory of edible fruits in
the surroundings of Kisangani, DRC, recorded
48 species (Mosango & Szafranski, 1985).
Further research recorded 97 species of
‘native’ edible plants (Mosango & Isosi, 1998).
In his work on the ethnoecology of
the Aka Pygmies of CAR, Bahuchet (1985)
recorded a wide variety of foods, including:
9 species of roots, 9 species of leaves, 19
species of seeds, 14 species of fruit and at
least 22 species of mushroom (several had not
been identified). Also noted were the use of a
wide variety of plants as sources of fibre and
construction materials.
There is also a wealth of literature
documenting the use of NTFPs as medicines.
For example:
300 species of NTFPs are used
medicinally in the Southern Province of
Cameroon (Dijk & Wiersum, 1999);
57 medicinal plants were documented,
as used by the Bamileke of West Cameroon
(Tchouamo & Njoukam, 2000)
Chifundera (2001) reports the use of 170
medicinal species in South Kivu Province of
DRC, also noting that 474 species of medicinal
plant have previously been recorded from the
area;
A number of reports from Cameroon
reported the use of 76 medicinal plants used to
treat intestinal diseases (Noumi & Yomi, 2001),
43 species used to treat epilepsy (Noumi &
Fozi, 2003) and 26 species for the treatment of
hypertension (Noumi et al., 1999).
Over 200 plant species were recorded as
being used either as a medicine or poison by
Mbuti and Efe Pygmies, in the Ituri Forest, DRC
(Terashima & Ichikawa, 2003).
SUBSISTENCE USES
2 A useful botanical reference is Burkill’s five volumes on ‘The Useful Plants of West Tropical Africa’ (1984). Its geographical scope only extends to
western Cameroon, but clearly, many plants are common to West and Central Africa.

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These lists clearly demonstrate the wealth
of NTFPs that are used in the region. It
should be noted that although a diversity of
species can be utilised, many of these are only
occasionally used, for example, in times of
food shortage. Typically, people rely on a few
species for the bulk of their resources – those
which are most abundant or readily available,
or they are the favourite species, for example,
they provide the tastiest and sweetest fruits,
or the most durable wood or the strongest
fibre for construction. For example, Ichikawa
(1993) found that although the Mbuti use
some 100 species of edible plant species, 80%
of the consumption of wild plant foods came
from just 8 species.
The uses of NTFPs which are best documented
are sources of food and medicine. Their
importance as a source of fuelwood, and
in particular, of construction materials, has
received less attention. The fuelwood sector is
described in case-study V.
FOREST FOODS
Many forest resources are an important
source of nutrients. This may be true even
where agricultural foods provide the bulk of
the diet. For example, Pagezy (1993) reports
that among a Ntomba community in DRC,
agricultural products provided 92% of their
energy needs and 53% of protein. Natural
resources (bushmeat, fish and insects)
provided just 7% of their energy, but 47% of
their protein. Some NTFPs are rich in nutrients.
This has been documented for Gnetum leaves,
insect foods (see case-studies I & II) and
mushrooms. Caterpillars in particular are a
valuable source of protein for many people in
the Congo Basin. Many of the fruit seeds are
also very nutritious, for example, safou fruit
(Dacryodes edulis) contains 50% fat and 10%
protein. Honey, a very popular food, is high in
calories, and when consumed together with
the bee larvae and pollen, as it often is, is also
high in protein and fat (Ichikawa, 1981). Many
mushroom species are high in protein, typically
containing between 20 and 30%, depending on
the species, and contain a range of vitamins,
minerals and amino acids (Degreef et al.,
1997; Dijk et al., 2003). While their nutritional
value is much lower than that of meat, for
which they are often eaten as a replacement,
they can still make a significant contribution to
nutrition.
Even if wild foods are not a major component
of the diet, they may be crucial during
famine or in lean periods, such as prior to
the agricultural harvest. For example, a study
of an Azande community in Northeastern
DRC found that wild foods were not a major
component of the diet, except during the lean
season (De Merode et al., 2004). During this
period, consumption of agricultural produce
declined by nearly 50%, while that of wild
plants increased 200%, bushmeat by 75% and
fish by 475%.
Bushmeat is perhaps the most significant NTFP,
in terms of its contribution to people’s diet,
the volumes being harvested and its economic
value. The issues related to bushmeat are
outlined in case-study III.
MEDICINES & TRADITIONAL HEALTHCARE
Another area in which NTFPs make a crucial
contribution to rural livelihoods is as a source
of medicine. The majority of the population
in Central Africa rely on herbal medicines
and traditional healers for their healthcare.
For example, the majority of the people of
Rio Muni of Equatorial Guinea depend on
traditional medicines and healers for their
primary healthcare (Sunderland & Obama,
1999). A study around Cameroon’s Mbalmayo
forest reserve found that over 70% of the
population depended on herbal medicines,
and that these were 50-90% cheaper
than pharmaceutical equivalents (Ndoye &
Tieghuhong, 2004, citing Ndoye et al., 1999).
In a survey in the Equateur and Bandundu
provinces of DRC, 85 percent of households
interviewed use medicinal plants to cure
3 There are a number of other key references, which provide extensive information on medicinal practices and the use of NTFPs, including: Adjana-
houn et al., 1984 & 1996; Ake Assi et al., 1980; Bouquet, 1969; Motte, 1981; Neuwinger, 1996.

10
common ailments (Ndoye & Awono, 2005),
and another study from South Kivu province
reported that 95% of the population used
traditional medicines (Chifundera, 2001).
An increase in the use of traditional medicines
has also been reported from Cameroon
– apparently due to the high costs of ‘western’
medicines and the limited number of university
trained doctors (Facheux et al., 2004;
Tchouamo et al., 1998). The lack of availability
of ‘modern’ medicines and healthcare is also
an issue – for example, in the Bushi area of
South Kivu, DRC, it was reported that there
are nearly 8 times as many traditional healers
as ‘modern’ physicians. There is 1 traditional
healer for every 1854 inhabitants, compared
to 1 ‘modern’ physician for every 13,250
inhabitants (Chifundera, 2001).
Most traditional medicines are based on plants,
and many of these come from forest areas.
FAO (2001) estimated that 70% of medicinal
plants are collected in forest areas – although
they undoubtedly used a very broad definition
of ‘forest’. Many commonly-used medicinal
plants are sourced from secondary forest and
cultivated areas, but often, the species that
are considered most powerful are harvested
from old-growth forest (Laird, 1999).
While most NTFPs are collected for subsistence
purposes (Kimpouni, 1999; Tchatat et al.,
2003), they can also be an important source of
income for many people. In fact, if markets
become more accessible, for example, with the
expansion of the road network, certain high-
value NTFPs may become more important as
trade items than for subsistence, as is often
the case for bushmeat.
Two approaches have generally been taken
in research on the economic value of NTFPs:
household-based studies, looking at the
contribution of NTFPs to income; and market-
based research, investigating trade routes,
market chains and the value of this trade.
These data will be presented in turn below.
NTFPS AS A SOURCE OF HOUSEHOLD
INCOME
As was highlighted earlier in this report,
the role of NTFPs in reducing poverty has
been questioned in recent years. In many
situations, NTFPs do not generate much
income for people, as recently noted in a
report on community forestry in northern DRC
(CREF, 2006). Often NTFPs are used only in
times of hardship or as a supplement to other
activities. Furthermore, it is often the middle-
income rural households who utilise the most
NTFPs, and so reap the greatest benefits. For
example, poorer households may not have
access to guns and nets enabling them to hunt
and fish. This was the case in a community
in Northeastern DRC, where the wealthier
households were responsible for most of the
harvesting and trade in fish and bushmeat (De
Merode et al., 2004).
However, the role of NTFPs in peoples’
livelihoods depends greatly on the local
situation, and in certain circumstances, NTFPs
can provide a valuable source of income,
as the following data will illustrate. Thus,
findings from research in Equateur province
of DRC suggested that the exploitation of
NTFPs enabled households to earn a higher
TRADE
4 It should be noted that many NTFPs are bartered, rather than sold for cash (e.g. Kitanishi, 1994).

11
income, in comparison to those that were
not involved in this sector (Ndoye & Awono.,
2005). A study of the harvesting of Prunus
africana bark also found that this activity had
contributed to improved livelihoods in one area
of Cameroon where a harvesters’ union had
been established (Ndam & Marcelin, 2004).
Bushmeat and fish are often the most
important NTFPs, in terms of income
generated. In the research from Northeastern
DRC mentioned above, 90% of the fish and
bushmeat caught was sold. These accounted
for 39% and 25% of household sales
respectively, while wild plants accounted for
just 2% (De Merode et al., 2004).
Similarly, research in southern Cameroon
found that bushmeat represented 75% of the
contribution of NTFPs to income for 11 Baygeli
families and 19 Bantu families (Dijk, 1999).
For these families, NTFPs provided over 40%
of household income, the remainder coming
from agriculture. The relative importance of
these households’ various activities are shown
in table 1.
Another study of two Cameroonian villages
found that bushmeat provided 51% of income,
agriculture 32% and plant NTFPs 1.2%,
while villages in the Odzala Park in Congo-B
reportedly obtained most of their income from
the sale of bushmeat (Tchatat et al., 2003,
citing Joiris, 1996).
However, bushmeat and fish are by no means
the only valuable NTFPs, and in other regions,
other products predominate. Products that
have been highlighted as being particularly
important as a source of income for rural
households are: palm wine, mushrooms,
rattans, caterpillars, Irvingia spp., Gnetum
spp., Cola acuminata, Garcinia lucida, Garcinia
kola, Strophantus gratus, Coula edulis,
Ricinodendron heudelotii, Dacryodes edulis and
D. macrophylla (Clark & Sunderland, 2004;
Dijk, 1999; Ndoye et al., 1999).
TABLE 1: Sources of household income
for Bagyeli and Bantu households, southern
Cameroon. (Dijk, 1999)
ACTIVITY PERCENTAGE OF
HOUSEHOLD INCOME
Bush meat 31.2
Fish 0.4
Honey 0.7
Basketry 1.3
Forest foods 3.3
Palm wine 6
Pharmaceutical 1
inputs
TOTAL NTFPs 43.9
Cash crops 42.9
Food crops 12.6
Fruits / nuts 0.6
Animal husbandry 0
TOTAL AGRICULTURE 56.1
TABLE 2: Net monthly household revenue
from the sale of NTFPs, Equateur province
(Ndoye & Awono, 2005)
NTFP REVENUE PER
HOUSEHOLD
FC US$
Marantacea 1,820 3.75
Caterpillars 12,397 25.6
Mushroom 3,770 7.8
Charcoal 6,180 12.7
Gnetum spp. 7,150 14.7
Palm wine 9,195 19.0

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TABLE 3: Net monthly household revenue
from the sale of NTFPs, Bandundu province
(Ndoye & Awono, 2005)
NTFP REVENUE PER
HOUSEHOLD
FC US$
Caterpillars 10,000 20.6
Mushroom 3,000 6.2
Ferns 1,185 2.4
Kola nut 4,175 8.6
Gnetum spp. 640 1.3
Palm wine 520 1.1
TABLE 4: Sale of NTFPs during Sept. 1997
– Jan. 1998 (Dijk, 1999)
SPECIES NAME % OF TOTAL
HARVEST REVENUE
SOLD IN CFA -
4 MONTHS
Coula edulis 5 15,000
Cola acuminata 30 2,500
/nitida
Cola lepidota 30 3,850
Dacryodes 10 11,000
edulis
Dacryodes 10 2,000
macrophylla
Elaeis < 1 2,800
guineensis
(fruit)
Garcinia 10 400
lucida
Irvingia 20 79,000
gabonensis
Ricinodendron 100 5,800
heudelotii
Strophanthus 100 32,500
gratus
From their research in DRC, Ndoye & Awono
(2005) report that the NTFPs which generated
most income for households in Equateur
Province were caterpillars, palm wine, Gnetum
spp. and charcoal. In Bandundu province,
caterpillars were also the most important
product, followed by kola nut and mushrooms.
These data are summarised in tables 2 and 3.
Dijk’s research in southern Cameroon
(mentioned above (1999)) also documented
the revenue earned from the sale of various
plant species (see table 4). For most of these,
a small percentage of the total harvest is sold,
which led the authors to suggest that there is
potential to develop the commercial extraction
of these products.
Ayuk et al. (1999b & 1999c) assessed the
value of three NTFPs to households in three
areas in southern Cameroon. The products
they researched were Irvingia gabonensis,
Garcinia kola and Ricinodendron heudelottii
(a tree known in Cameroon as ndjansang,
which produces fruits with edible kernels).
The most valuable of these was found to be I.
gabonensis, with an average annual production
valued at US$ 93 per household in one
community. Their findings are summarized in
table 5.
TABLE 5: Value of production of three
species of fruit and seed in three Cameroonian
regions (Ayuk et al., 1999b & 1999c)
NTFP PRODUCTION
VALUE OF FRUITS AND
SEEDS PER HOUSEHOLD
PER ANNUM (US$) IN
DIVISIONS:
Mvila Haut Nyong Lekié
Irvingia
gabonensis 93 32 28
Garcinia kola 23 60 13
Ricinodendron
heudelottii 6 17 23

13
These figures included production both for
household consumption and for sale. About
half the harvest of I. gabonensis is sold in all
three areas. For the other two products, the
majority are for home consumption in Haut
Nyong (64% and 70% for R. heudelottii and
G. kola respectively), while in the other two
areas most products are sold – about 60% of
both species are sold in Lekié and over 70% in
Mvila. It should be noted that all three species
are found in a variety of habitats, including
forest, fallows and fields. In those areas where
the forest had been seriously degraded, most
of the production of these species came from
anthropogenic areas, including cultivated trees.
No figures are given on the relative importance
of forest-sourced rather than cultivated fruits,
but data was collected on the numbers of
farmers using forest resources, shown in table
6. As could be inferred from these figures, the
most extensive forest resources were to be
found in Haut Nyong, while in Lekié, much of
the forest is degraded.
TABLE 6: Percentage of farmers collecting
fruits from the forest rather than fields (Ayuk
et al., 1999b & 1999c).
NTFP % OF FARMERS COLLECTING
FRUITS FROM THE FOREST
IN DIVISIONS:
Mvila Haut Nyong Lekié
Irvingia
gabonensis 21 45 13
Garcinia kola 13 83 25
Ricinodendron
heudelottii 13 35 4
The value of some NTFPs for rural households
can be higher than that of ‘traditional’ cash
crops, such as cocoa and coffee. For example,
in 1983 the income from kola nut was higher
than that for coffee in southwest Cameroon,
contributing between 5 and 37% of cash
revenues (Ndoye et al., 1999, citing Laird
et al., 1996). From the same region, Ndoye
& Tieguhong (2004) reported that during
1996-99 the price per kg of Irvingia spp. and
Ricinodendron heudelottii was over 200%
higher than that of cocoa. The average prices
of these three commodities were 1120, 1240
and 485 FCFA / kg respectively.
MARKET STUDIES
In some areas, the sale of NTFPs is largely
restricted to the village level – this was
the case in the Cameroonian villages
studied by Dijk (1999) and many NTFPs are
predominantly sold within communities and
village markets (Ladipo, 1999). However,
elsewhere there are good links with urban and
regional markets, and some NTFPs have well-
established national, regional and sometimes
international markets. The trade of some of
these NTFPs is highly valuable, as a number of
studies have documented.
One study estimated that the total value of
NTFPs in the North-West and South-West
provinces of Cameroon was US$ 19 million
in 1999, equivalent to 2.8% of the regional
economy (timber revenues represented 5%
of the economy) (Clark & Sunderland, 2004,
citing Van Dorp et al., 2001). The volume of
the trade in the fruit of Dacryodes edulis in
Cameroon was estimated at 11,000 tonnes5
in 1997, with an estimated value of US$ 7.5
million (Awono et al., 2002).
The species that have been recorded in
markets are listed in Appendix I, but among
the most commonly sold are: (Kimpouni,
1999; Ndoye & Awono, 2005; Ruiz-Perez et al.,
1999)
Irvingia gabonensis (bush mango)6
Cola acuminata (kola nut)
Garcinia lucida (essock)
Garcinia kola (bitter kola)
Dacryodes edulis (safou)
Gnetum spp. (eru or fumbua)
Elaeis guineensis (palm wine & nut)
Piper guineensis (bush pepper)
5 It should be noted that many NTFPs are bartered, rather than sold for cash (e.g. Kitanishi, 1994).
6 The kernels of Irvingia gabonensis were reported to be the most widely sold of all forest products from market surveys conducted in Equatorial
Guinea (Sunderland & Obama, 1999) and Gabon (Yembi, 1999).

14
Ricinodendron heudelotii (njansang)
Xylopia aethiopica
Aframomum spp.
Mushrooms
Ferns
Caterpillars
Wrapping leaves (Marantaceae)
Charcoal
Thatching leaves
Medicinals
Bushmeat
Missing from this list are rattans – there
is a considerable trade in rattan cane and
products, but this often does not take place
through the markets, but through specialist
workshops (Kimpouni, 1999; Ruiz-Perez et al.,
1999). Details of the rattan trade are given in
case-study IV, while bushmeat and fuelwood
(including charcoal) are described in case-
studies III & V.
Medicinal products are a valuable trade item,
but relatively little information was found on
these in the market studies, which tended to
focus on foods. However, the significance of
this trade was mentioned by some researchers,
for example, Kimpouni (1999) reported that
medicinal plants are the most important NTFP
in terms of use-value in the urban markets
of Pointe-Noire. Lists of the medicinal plants
being sold are also provided in many studies,
and these are shown in Appendix I.
A study of the trade of 9 NTFPs in 28 markets
in the high forest zone of Cameroon was
undertaken in 1995 and 1996 (Ndoye et al.,
1997/98; Ruiz-Perez et al., 1999). The half-
year sales of these NTFPs were estimated
to be worth about US$ 1.9 million. These
products represent about 95% of the total
trade in plant-based NTFPs in these markets.
This figure is a conservative estimate, since
it missed much of the season of Dacryodes
edulis, one of the region’s main products, and
also a number of important markets were
not surveyed. Other significant products not
included in this study were medicinal products.
It was also noted that there is a significant
trade in bushmeat and other animal products
in these markets.
Four products accounted for 86% of the total
sales: Dacryodes edulis, Irvingia spp., Cola
acuminata and Ricinodendron heudelotii. The
sale of these products during the first half of
1995 was estimated at US$ 1.75 million. D.
edulis was the most important of these, with
an estimated 1,447 tonnes being sold during a
period of 16 weeks, worth over US$ 600,000
(Ndoye et al., 1997/98) . Details of the volume
and value of the trade of Irvingia spp., Cola
NTFP QUANTITY (KG) VALUE CFA VALUE US$*
1995 1996 1995 1996 1995 1996
Irvingia spp. 111,000 107100 125,237,000 147,769,000 261,000 290,000
Cola acuminata 509,000 127,400 221,990,000 94,656,000 462,000 186,000
Garcinia lucida 40,600 27,300 10,360,000 9,867,000 22,000 19,000
(bark)
Garcinia kola 16,200 9,900 3,971,000 2,110,000 8,000 4,000
(bark)
TOTAL 676,800 271,700 361,558,000 254,402,000 753,000 499,000
* Conversion rates: 1995 - 480 FCFA= US$1; 1996 = 510 FCFA= US$1
TABLE 7: Projected sales during 29 weeks in NTFPs markets in the humid forest zone of Cameroon.
(Ndoye et al., 1999)

15
MARKETS NTFPS VOLUME (KG) VALUE OF NTFP TRADED* NO. OF MONTHS**
FC US$
Equateur Province
Mbandaka Cola nut 710 182,800 377 10
Palm wine 105,554 6,331,300 13,054 12
Charcoal 79,512 3,647,913 7,521 12
Thatching 8,790 422,250 871 5
leaves
Marantacea 145,015 1,671,529 3,446 12
leaves
Mushroom 1,512 125,995 260 6
Caterpillars 2,112 172,790 355 6
Gnetum spp. 47,200 10,623,600 21,904 12
Wendji Secli Palm wine 14,712 1,064,728 2,195 5
Charcoal 109,170 3,842,250 7,222 12
TOTAL 27,744,425 57,205
Bandundu Province
Idiofa Charcoal 22,585 972,953 2,006 4
Mushroom 918 224,893 464 3
Caterpillar 1,360 996,725 2,055 4
Gnetum spp. 2,473 245,900 507 5
Ferns 16,360 490,800 1,012 4
Central Kikwit Charcoal 45,656 1,412,316 2,912 3
Mushroom 1,197 1,077,040 2,221 6
Caterpillar 14,194 8,700,351 17,939 8
Gnetum spp. 20,970 6,903,497 14,234 4
Garcinia kola 13 15,192 31 1
Ferns 18,196 377,320 778 4
TOTAL 21,417,115 44,159
* These figures are for the traders interviewed (57 in Equateur and 152 in Bandundu), and have not been
extrapolated for all traders in these markets.
** The number of months refers to the period for which information was gathered for the specific NTFP.
TABLE 8: Volume and value of major NTFPs traded in Equateur and Bandundu Provinces (Ndoye et al.,
2005)

16
acuminata and the bark of Garcinia lucida and
G.kola are shown in table 7.
The average weekly profit per trader for the
sales of all nine products was estimated to
be 8,200 FCFA (US$ 16). This is above the
minimum wage of urban workers, which was
US$ 13 at the time of the study. However, it
should be noted that just 19% of the traders
accounted for 69% of the total profit traded
– thus, the vast majority of traders were not
making a large profit, and thus belonged to the
“large group of rural poor” (Ruiz-Perez et al.,
1999).
In DRC, research was done in 2005 into the
market values of NTFPs in Equateur and
Bandundu Provinces. This found that the total
value of 8 NTFPs from just 57 traders in 2
markets in Equateur was US$ 57,000, while in
Bandundu Province, the trade of 6 NTFPs by
152 traders in 2 markets was valued at US$
44,000. Details of these data are shown in
table 8.
Taking into account the costs incurred by
traders (e.g. transport and - mainly informal
- taxes), net monthly incomes of traders were
calculated for some of these products. Thus,
in Wendji Secli market, traders were found to
earn US$ 216 and US$ 166 per month
from charcoal and palm wine respectively. In
Mbandaka, the highest monthly revenues were
from Gnetum and palm wine: US$ 131 and
US$ 84 respectively. In Central Kikwit market,
the highest incomes were from Gnetum (US$
142) and charcoal (US$ 63), and in Idiofa
market, charcoal (US$ 34) and mushrooms
(US$ 17). In comparison, a secondary school
teacher earns US$ 120-150 and a civil servant,
US$ 80.
A study of 5 markets in Libreville, Gabon,
estimated the average daily value of NTFPs
sold at 280,000 CFA. 91% of this trade
was accounted for by the sale of Irvingia
gabonensis. Another valuable product is
bushmeat, both in Gabon and throughout the
region, and data on this trade are provided in
case-study III.
INTERNATIONAL TRADE
Most NTFPs are harvested for smallholder
subsistence consumption or for sale in local
markets (Laird, 1999). However, there are
some well-established regional markets for a
number of products, and a few are exported
more widely to Europe and the US. The
products traded regionally include spices,
medicines, rattans, fruits and vegetables, for
example, Irvingia gabonensis kernels, Gnetum
leaves, caterpillars and larvae, Ricinodendron
heudelottii seeds, kola nuts (Cola nitida), bitter
kola (Garcinia kola), and the dried fruits of
Xylopia aethiopica and Tetrapleura tetraptera
(Clark & Sunderland, 2004; FAO, 2001; Ladipo,
1999; Laird, 1999; Tabuna, 1999 & 2000). In
addition, there is a valuable trade in medicinal
plants and extracts to Europe and the US
for use in the pharmaceutical and herbal
industries. This is described in more detail
below.
International markets in NTFPs opened up in
the 1960’s and became significant in the 80’s.
Much of this trade has been generated by the
African diaspora, and so the largest markets
are found in those countries with the biggest
African populations, for example, London
and Paris, as will be described further below
(Tabuna, 2000).
The volume and value of international
trade tends to be underestimated by official
statistics, as these are usually gathered on
traditional agricultural products rather than
NTFPs (Ruiz-Perez et al., 1999). In addition,
much of the trade goes on through ‘unofficial’
routes, for example, in peoples’ hand baggage
on flights, or carried over land borders far
from official border crossings, and so it is
not registered by customs (Tabuna, 1999).
However, from the available statistics, it is
clear that the size and value of the trade is
significant.

17
For example, it was estimated that the export
of NTFPs from southern Cameroon in 1996
amounted to at least US$ 980,000 (Ruiz-Perez
et al., 1999). Most data have been collected
for particular products (see also the various
‘case-studies’). For example, the value of bark
exports of Garcinia lucida from Cameroon to
Gabon during the first 6 months of 1995 was
estimated to be 3.5 million FCFA (Guedje et
al., 1999, citing Ndoye, 1995). The export
of Dacryodes edulis from Central Africa and
Nigeria to France, Belgium and the UK was
estimated to be over 326 tonnes in 1999,
worth over US$ 2 million (Awono et al., 2002).
There is a considerable trade in kola nuts
– Cola nitida rather than C. acuminata, the
latter not usually being traded internationally.
Much of this trade is for the African market,
but there are also significant exports to
Europe and the US. An FAO report from 1982
estimated annual production for West and
Central Africa at 180,000 tonnes7 , of which
60,000 tonnes were exported to Europe and
the US, for flavouring cola drinks and use in
the pharmaceutical industry (Tachie-Obeng &
Brown, 2004).
Various figures are available on the trade in
kola nuts from Cameroon. In 1981, it was
estimated that 20,000 tonnes were exported,
while figures from 1980 suggest that 1,100
tonnes were exported to Nigeria and Chad, this
worth about 183 million FCFA (Tachie-Obeng
& Brown, 2004, citing Nkongmeneck, 1985).
More recently, the trade to Nigeria and CAR
from Cameroon in 1992 was estimated at 448
tonnes (Ndoye et al., 1997/98, citing AEERD,
1993).
Another valuable product is Irvingia. The total
international value of the market in Irvingia
products in 1975 was estimated to be US$ 50
million (Ladipo, 1999, citing ICRAF, 1975).
Cameroon is a major producer of Irvingia,
exporting to Gabon, Nigeria and Equatorial
Guinea, and Equatorial Guinea in turn supplies
Gabon (Aine & Brown, 2004; Ndoye et al.,
1999). The cross-border trade of I. gabonensis
from Cameroon to Gabon and Equatorial
Guinea was valued at about US$ 87,000,
representing over a quarter of the trade in this
product in the humid forest zone of Cameroon
(Ndoye & Tieguhong, 2004).
Some data are available on the trade of NTFPs
to European markets, thanks to the research
of Tabuna (1999 & 2000). An initial research
project investigated the trade of NTFPs into
France and Belgium This found that Gnetum
and Dacryodes edulis were the two products
most commonly imported. Cola nitida,
Garcinia kola and various spices were also
widely traded, but in much smaller quantities
– these data are summarised in table 9.
A number of animal products were also
recorded – caterpillars (Imbrasia spp.), larvae
(Rynchophorus phoenicis) and bushmeat
(Cephalophus sp.).
Using the figures quoted for the price of these
products in France, the value of their trade
was equivalent to: 10 million FF (100 FF/kg)
for Gnetum and 4.2 million FF (40 FF/kg)
for Dacryodes edulis. (Tabuna, 1999) These
figures are equivalent to about US$ 1.8 million
and US$ 0.75 million respectively8.
In a subsequent study, conducted in
1999/2000, a survey was undertaken of NTFP
importers in the capitals of five countries
– France, UK, Belgium, Spain and Portugal
(Tabuna, 2000). This research found that an
estimated 32,000 tonnes of NTFPs per annum,
valued at over US$ 96 million – although
it should be noted that these figures also
included cultivated products, for example,
cassava leaves and yams. The largest importer
is the UK, importing products worth over US$
75 million, followed by France, with imports
valued at about US$ 19 million (see table 10).
The value of the trade of some products which
are harvested from non-cultivated sources (at
least in part, since many of these species are
also harvested from agroforestry systems) is
shown in tables 11 and 12.
7 Two-thirds of this volume were produced by Nigeria.
8 This is based on the December 1998 exchange rate of French Francs / US$, which was approximately 5.6. (http://www.federalreserve.gov/Re-
leases/H10/Hist/default1999.htm)

18
TABLE 9: Estimations of volumes imported
into France, from survey with importers in
1998 (Tabuna, 1999).
PRODUCT VOLUME SOURCE
COUNTRY
Gnetum 50 tonnes DRC, Gabon,
(dried) Congo-B,
50 tonnes Cameroon
(fresh)
Dacryodes 105 tonnes Cameroon
edulis (100 tonnes)
DRC (3
tonnes)
Congo-B (2
tonnes)
Ricinodendron 4 tonnes Cameroon
heudelotii
Cola nitida & 2 tonnes Cameroon
C. acuminata
Garcinia kola 3 tonnes Cameroon
Monodora 5 tonnes Cameroon
myristica
Xylopia 1 tonne Cameroon
aethiopica
Tetrapleura 1 tonne Cameroon
tetraptera
Irvingia 5 tonnes Cameroon
gabonensis
Palm wine 10,000 Cameroon
(Elaeis bottles,
guineensis) of 65cl
In a subsequent study, conducted in
1999/2000, a survey was undertaken of NTFP
importers in the capitals of five countries
– France, UK, Belgium, Spain and Portugal
(Tabuna, 2000). This research found that an
estimated 32,000 tonnes of NTFPs per annum,
valued at over US$ 96 million – although
it should be noted that these figures also
included cultivated products, for example,
cassava leaves and yams. The largest importer
is the UK, importing products worth over US$
75 million, followed by France, with imports
valued at about US$ 19 million (see table 10).
The value of the trade of some products which
are harvested from non-cultivated sources (at
least in part, since many of these species are
also harvested from agroforestry systems) is
shown in tables 11 and 12.
TABLE 10: Value of cultivated and non-
cultivated NTFPs imported into Europe
(Tabuna, 2000).
COUNTRY VALUE (US $)
UK 75,446,800
France 19,221,667
Belguim 772,148
Portugal 835,667
Spain 147,969
TOTAL 96,424,251
TABLE 11: Estimated annual imports into
France (Tabuna, 2000)
PRODUCT VOLUME VALUE
(TONNES) (US$)
Gnetum 110 1,633,000
Dacryodes edulis 200 1,500,000
Cola nitida &
C. acuminata 50 292,000
Irvingia gabonensis 52 433,000
Garcinia kola 12 70,000
Vernonia spp. 6 111,000

19
TABLE 12: Estimated annual imports into UK
(Tabuna, 2000).
These various data show that there is a
significant trade in a number of NTFPs, and
that this is very valuable economically, both
at the household level for rural and urban
populations, and nationally – although the
informal nature of much of this trade means
that states are not capturing the full potential
revenue from this trade. The regional and
international markets remain relatively poorly
developed in the Congo Basin. Some reasons
that have been proposed for this are a lack of
interest in economic integration in the region,
poor communication routes between the
countries, and political instability (Tchatat et
al., 2003).
However, most predictions are that
international trade will increase.
Communication routes and infrastructure are
improving in the region, and there are hopes
of greater political stability. Increased trade
in NTFPs, at the international level and also
within these countries, could have a role in
the sustainable development of the region.
However, considerable caution is needed if
increased trade is not to have a negative
impact on forest ecology, an issue that will be
considered further below.
INTERNATIONAL TRADE IN MEDICINAL
PLANTS
Among some of the most valuable NTFPs in
international trade are the medicinal plants
that supply the pharmaceutical and herbal
industries. Cameroon in particular is a major
exporter of such products, and it is from this
country that most data exists.
A number of species are exported from
Cameroon, but most of the trade is in the
following four species: Prunus africana,
Pausinystalia johimbe, Voacanga africana
and Strophanthus gratus. These species
represented the bulk of the exports of the
company Plantecam, which collected and
processed medicinal plants in Cameroon up
until 2000 (table 13), and they were also
those for which most commercial licenses for
exploitation were granted by the country’s
forestry department (table 14).
Most data is available on Prunus africana, the
African cherry, and Pausinystalia johimbe, and
this is presented below.
PAUSINYSTALIA JOHIMBE (YOHIMBE)
Pausinystalia johimbe is a tree native to the
coastal forests of Central Africa. Its bark is
widely used in Central Africa for a variety of
medicinal purposes. It has been reportedly
used as an: aphrodisiac, anaesthetic, mild
stimulant, hallucinogen, to treat angina,
hypertensive, general tonic, and to increase
the resilience of hunting dogs (Sunderland et
al., 1997). It is for its aphrodisiac properties
that it is traded internationally, the bark and
its extracts having been used for over 70 years
in Europe and US to treat male impotence,
with an increase in interest in yohimbe-based
products in the 1970’s due to the growth in the
herbal market in Europe (Sunderland et al.,
2004).
PRODUCT VOLUME VALUE
(TONNES) (US$)
Gnetum 300 10,728,000
Dacryodes edulis 120 173,000
Irvingia gabonensis 200 7,152,000
Garcinia kola 20 336,000
Vernonia spp. 400 768,000

20
TABLE 13: species processed by Plantecam,
SW Cameroon, 1985-1991 (Cunningham &
Mbenkum, 1993).
SPECIES PART USED TOTAL
MASS (1985-91)
(TONS)
Prunus Bark 9309.2
africana
Voacanga Seeds 900.6
africana
Pausinstylia Bark 285.9
johimbe
Strophanthus Seeds 6.7
gratus
TABLE 14: Medicinal plants commercially
licensed for exploitation, in tonnes, from
Cameroon between 1988-91 (Sunderland et
al., 1997, citing Besong, 1992).
Most of the bark entering commercial trade
comes from Cameroon, although there is
interest in exploiting this species in Gabon
and Equatorial Guinea (Sunderland et al.,
2004). The available data suggest that the
trade in this bark has increased over the last
2 decades. Thus, data from the company
Plantecam indicate that they exported a
total of 285.9 tonnes between 1985-1991
(Cunningham & Mbenkum, 1993), while
in 1996 alone, they reportedly exported
120 tonnes (Sunderland et al., 1997, citing
Simons, 1997). Similarly, data on the licensed
harvesting of this species (shown in table 14
above) indicate an increase from 110 tonnes
in 1989/90 to 250 tonnes in the following
year. The most recent estimate for the export
of yohimbe from Cameroon is from 1997/98,
which was apparently a peak production
year, when 715 tonnes were exported, worth
over 382 million FCFA (about US$ 600,000)
(Sunderland et al., 2004, citing MINEF, 1999).
Trade for local use has also shown an increase
in recent years (Sunderland et al., 1997).
All the harvest is currently from wild
populations, and this is unsustainable
(Sunderland et al., 2004). Traders and
healers have reported that the bark has
become scarcer, with supplies becoming more
unreliable and expensive (Sunderland et al.,
1997). Licenses are granted for exploitation
of this species, but this is done without
reference to baseline studies on stocking rates
or sustainable yields. There are also many
unlicensed harvesters (Sunderland et al.,
2004). In Cameroon, much of the exploitation
is linked to timber prospecting, with trees
being identified during the inventories that
precede logging. The trees are subsequently
felled and the bark stripped, often by timber
company employees or local people. In fact
Plantecam estimated that probably 98%
of trees were felled to harvest the bark
(Sunderland et al., 2004).
SCIENTIFIC 1988/98 1989/90 1990/91
NAME
Prunus 726 1,024 1,121
africana
Voacanga 201 881 217
africana
Pausinystalia 0 110 250
johimbe
Strophanthus 1 2,711 2,700
gratus
Cola nitida 0 5 0
Annickia 0 0.8 2
chlorantha
Acacia 0 5 4
senegal
Rauwolfia 0 15 0
vomitoria

21
PRUNUS AFRICANA (AFRICAN CHERRY)
The international trade in Prunus africana
is relatively well documented, this species
providing the largest volume of any African
medicinal plant in international trade. The
trade in this bark has taken place for nearly 30
years. It is used to produce at least 19 herbal
preparations sold by 23 companies, mainly in
Europe, but also in North and South America,
where it is used to treat benign prostatic
hypertrophy (Cunningham et al., 2002).
The species also has a number of local uses.
The wood is used to make tools and as fuel,
and the bark is used in traditional medicines,
for which it is widely sold and traded in local
markets (Sunderland & Obama, 1999). It is
most commonly used for its anti-inflammatory
and analgesic properties, and to treat malaria
and other fevers, gastrointestinal problems, as
an aphrodisiac and as a tonic for good health
(Stewart, 2003).
Within Central Africa, P. africana bark is
exported from Cameroon, DRC and Equatorial
Guinea – exports from this latter country
began in response to the decline in supplies
from elsewhere (Sunderland & Obama, 1999).
Cameroon is the largest exporter, supplying
nearly two thirds of the bark in international
trade (Cunningham and Mbenkum, 1993;
Schröder, 2000).
The quantity of bark exported annually to
Europe ranges between 3,200-4,900 tons
(Cunningham et al., 2002), and the market
value of this trade has been estimated at US$
150 million per year (Cunningham & Mbenkum,
1993). This seems to be a conservative
estimate. According to Ndoye & Awono (2005,
citing CARPE, 2001), the commercial value
of the trade in 1999 from Cameroon alone
was estimated to be US$ 700,000 within the
country, representing over US$ 200 million in
sales for pharmaceutical companies. Similarly,
sales of herbal products based on P. africana
in Germany in 1994 were valued at US$ 150
million (Stewart, 2003, citing Gruenwald &
Buttle, 1996).
The huge trade in this species has had
significant impacts on the populations of this
species. The scale of the problem is illustrated
by the following statistics: between 1986 and
1991, an average of 1,923 tons of Prunus
africana bark were processed in Cameroon,
equivalent to 35,000 trees being debarked per
year, thus affecting at least 6,300 hectares of
afromontane forest each year (Cunningham
& Mbenkum, 1993). Unsustainable harvesting
practices, with felling of trees and complete
debarking, have resulted in the depletion of
this resource in many areas, and this was
apparently one of the reasons why Plantecam
ceased its operations in Cameroon in 2000
(Stewart, 2003).
FUTURE PROSPECTS
Both these plants, yohimbe and African
cherry, illustrate the conservation threats that
can result from high demand for a species.
Even though both of these products could
be sustainably harvested, generally, this has
not been successfully implemented. This is in
spite of the high awareness of the problem
for the last decade, and the repeated calls
for improved harvesting practices and wider
cultivation (Cunningham & Mbenkum, 1993).
In the case of Prunus africana, local farmers
have responded to the shortages through
planting these trees on their own land. For
example, it was reported in 2002 that 3,500
farmers were planting this species in the
Northwest Province of Cameroon (Cunningham
et al., 2002). However, these efforts have
been too few and far between – for example,
apparently just 9 hectares of P. africana
plantation and 3 hectares of enrichment
planting have been established on Mount
Cameroon (Ndam & Marcelin, 2004).
Pausinystalia johimbe also has potential for
incorporation into agroforestry systems.

22
ICRAF has implemented a tree domestication
programme, which includes both of these
species as well as Annickia chlorantha, another
species used in the pharmaceutical industry
(Facheux et al., 2004; ICRAF, 2005). However,
greater efforts are needed, to expand the
numbers of trees being cultivated and also to
enforce sustainable harvesting practices. This
will be essential if the demand for these barks
continues to increase.
CASE-STUDY I: GNETUM
The vegetable ‘koko’, also known as ‘okok’ and
‘eru’, is a popular food across Central Africa.
It is widely traded both within and between
these countries, and there is also some export
trade to Europe. This vegetable comes from
the leaves of two species of Gnetum – G.
africanum and G. buchholzianum – lianas that
grow in the forest understorey in West and
Central Africa.
The leaves are highly nutritious, being rich
in proteins, minerals and amino acids (Clark
et al., 2004; Mialoundama, 1993; Ndam et
al., 2001). They can be eaten raw or cooked,
but most commonly are added to sauces. In
many areas, dishes made with Gnetum are
highly valued as traditional foods (Clark et al.,
2004). The seeds and fruits can also be eaten,
and the stems used for ropes and to make
traps (Clark et al., 2004). Various medicinal
uses have also been reported from across
the region (Ndam et al., 2001; Nde-Shiembo,
1999). For example, in Cameroon the leaves
are used as an antiseptic on wounds, and in
Congo-Brazzaville, a tisane is drunk to ease
childbirth (Clark et al., 2004). However, its
main use is as a vegetable, and the leaves are
an important component of the diet for many
people. For example, a survey in southern
Cameroon found that 86% of 200 households
surveyed ate Gnetum more than 3 times a
week (Clark et al., 2004, citing Gockowski &
Ndumbe, 1997). In Congo-Brazzaville, daily
consumption of this vegetable was estimated
to be 2g per person for the country as a whole
(Mialoundama, 1993).
TRADE
Gnetum is sold in rural and urban markets
throughout the region. For example, it has
been reported as being one of the most
common NTFPs in the markets of Bioko,
Equatorial Guinea (Sunderland & Obama,
1999); Pointe-Noire, Congo-B (Kimpouni,
1999), Kisangani & Beni, DRC (Bauma, 1999,
Bola & Szafranski, 1991); Libreville, Gabon
(Yembi, 1999).
CASE STUDIES

23
The scale of the trade in this vegetable is
apparent from a study of 25 markets in
southern Cameroon conducted in 1995-96
(Ruiz-Perez et al., 1999). The estimated value
of the sales of Gnetum in these markets
was over FCFA 23 million (US$ 46,000) in 6
months.
The two species of Gnetum are often mixed,
and it is difficult to determine which species
is being used once it has been harvested and
processed (the leaves usually being sliced for
sale), but apparently G. africanum is more
commonly sold than G. buchholzianum (Nde-
Shiembo, 1999). The species are evergreen,
and so they are traded throughout the year.
However, less is collected during the rainy
season, because of the difficulties of transport
and because of competing economic activities
(Clark et al., 2004, citing Sunderland, 2001).
Women dominate the trade of Gnetum,
from gathering, transport through to its
marketing, although men tend to predominate
in the wholesale trade (Clark et al., 2004;
Mialoundama, 1993; Ndoye & Awono, 2005).
For example, of the more than 1,000 vendors
of Gnetum in Kinshasa, 98% are women
(Toirambe Bamoninga, 2002). Similarly, a
study in 1980 of the Gnetum trade in the
Koilou region of Congo-B found that all
of the 400 people involved were women
(Mialoundama, 1993).
It has been reported that men have become
more involved in the trade of Gnetum, as
well as that of other NTFPs, in response to
economic problems in the region (Clark et
al., 2004; Tchatat et al., 2003). However, it
remains an important economic activity for
women, and can be the primary source of
income for some rural women (Clark et al.,
2004, citing Henkemans, 1995).
Research in DRC found that Gnetum leaves
are one of the most valuable NTFPs for rural
households and market traders in Equateur
and Bandundu provinces (Ndoye & Awono,
2005). At the household level, it was estimated
that the net monthly revenue from the sale
of Gnetum was 7,150 FCFA (US$ 14.7) in
Equateur, while in Bandundu, the equivalent
figure was 640 FCFA (US$ 1.3). This made
Gnetum one of the most important NTFPs
being sold, together with palm wine and
caterpillars.
From a survey of market traders, this research
found that over 47,000kg of Gnetum were sold
by 57 traders in Mbandaka market during one
year, valued at over 10 million FCFA (nearly
US$ 22,000). The data from this and the other
market surveys conducted are summarised
in table 15. In Mbandaka, this equates to a
monthly revenue of 63905 FCFA (US$ 131)
per trader (taking into account marketing and
transport costs), and in central Kikwit market,
the revenue earned from Gnetum was 69025
FCFA (US$ 142). This is equivalent to the
salary of a secondary school teacher (US$
120-150), and is more than that earned by
a civil servant (US$ 80) or agronomist (US$
120). However, in Idiofa market, the traders
earn just 5330 FCFA (US$ 11) from the sale of
Gnetum9.
The same study also interviewed a number of
traders who exported Gnetum to Kinshasa. In
the Equateur province, two traders exported
32 tons of Gnetum between October 2004
and March 2005. This was valued at nearly 9
million FCFA (US$ 18,497), earning them a
monthly income of US$ 1,352. In Bandundu
province, five traders exported around 11 tons
during a period of 4 months, generating over
2.5 million FCFA (US$ 5,419), and a monthly
revenue of US$ 270.
Another study in DRC reported that the
average revenue earned by traders operating
in Kinshasa was US$ 132 - over 5 times the
salary of a public administrator (Toirambe
Bamoninga, 2002). This research also found
that nearly 8,000kg of leaves were exported
from Brazzaville to Kinshasa every week, and
9 No reasons are given in the report for the smaller volume of the trade in Gnetum at this market.

24
that the monthly value of the trade in Gnetum
within the city was over US$ 7,000, some US$
87,000 per annum.
The international trade in Gnetum is also
very significant, both between the countries
of Central and West Africa, and more widely,
to Europe and the US (Clark et al., 2004;
Toirambe Bamoninga, 2002). There are few
statistics available on the scale of this trade,
and undoubtedly, much of the trade does not
pass through official channels, and so is not
reported in statistics.
Some statistics are available from Cameroon,
the Ministry of Environment reporting that
5,296 tons of Gnetum were exported between
1985 and 1994, equivalent to about 580 tons
per year (cited in Ndam et al., 2001). Research
in the Cameroonian port of Idenau estimated
that 600 tonnes a year was being exported,
mainly to Nigeria, with a local market value of
1800 million FCFA (Nde-Shiembo, 1999, citing
Bokwe and Ngatoum, 1994). It was also
reported that one trader in Idenau made as
much as 450,000 FCFA / month in 1997 from
the sale of this vegetable (Nde-Shiembo,
1999).
Much of the Gnetum exported to Europe comes
from Cameroon and DRC (Tabuna, 1999), and
most of the trade is to France and Belgium, but
it has also been found on sale in Spain, UK and
Portugal (Tabuna, 2000). In a period of a year
(1997-1998), France and Belgium imported
over 100 tonnes of Gnetum, a trade worth 2
billion FCFA (US$ 2.9 million) (Tabuna, 1999).
SUSTAINABILITY
The popularity of this vegetable, and strong
urban demand has resulted in overharvesting
of these plants. It has apparently disappeared
from some parts of Congo-Brazzaville
(Mialoundama, 1993) and is difficult to find
in many of the forests of southern Cameroon,
where it was previously abundant (Nde-
Shiembo, 1999). In DRC as well, many traders
have reported difficulties in obtaining Gnetum,
and that people are having to travel increasing
distances to harvest sufficient quantities
(Ndoye & Awono, 2005).
Part of the problem is caused by unsustainable
harvesting practices – the lianas are often cut,
and the trees on which they grow sometimes
felled. In addition, much of the forest in which
the Gnetum occurs is being degraded or
converted to other uses, resulting in a decline
MARKET NO. OF VOLUME (KG) VALUE FCFA (US$) NO. MONTHS
TRADERS OF SURVEY
SURVEYED*
Mbandaka, Equateur 57 47,200 10,623,600 12
(21,904)
Idiofa, Bandundu 2,473 245,900 5
Province 152 (total for (507)
both markets of
Bandundu Province)
Central Kikwit, 20,970 6,903,497 4
Bandundu Province (14,234)
TABLE 15: Volume and value of Gnetum leaves traded in DRC markets (Ndoye & Awono, 2005).
*The data are based on information from those traders surveyed, and were not extrapolated to include all
traders of Gnetum in these markets. Therefore, the actual trade of this vegetable in the markets is even
greater.

25
in the resource base (Clark et al., 2004; Nde-
Shiembo, 1999). At the same time, demand
for this vegetable seems to be increasing, with
reports that the volume of trade has increased
in recent years (Mialoundama, 1993; Nde-
Shiembo, 1999), and that more people are
collecting it (Tchatat et al., 2003).
In response to this, researchers have
begun experimenting with cultivation and
domestication of these plants (Clark et al.,
2004; Ndam et al., 2001; Tabuna, 2000) and
there is apparently strong interest among
farmers in incorporating this plant into their
farming practices (Clark, et al., 2004).
CASE-STUDY II: EDIBLE INSECTS
Insects make a valuable contribution to both
nutritional and economic security in Central
Africa. A wide variety of insects are eaten,
including crickets, locusts and termites, but
the most popular are caterpillars and larvae10.
These are regarded as a delicacy by many
people, and are eaten and traded in large
quantities throughout the region. Another
important resource is honey – this resource is
highly valued by local people and frequently
traded (Bahuchet, 1985; Ichikawa, 1981;
Latham, 2005).
Researchers have recorded many species of
edible insects. For example, research with
the Ngandu of DRC recorded 21 types edible
insects (Takeda, 1990), and a study with the
Boyela of DRC recorded 30 edible insects,
including 22 different caterpillars (Takeda &
Sato, 1993). Bahuchet (1985) from his work
with the Aka Pygmies of CAR, recorded the use
of at least 14 species of caterpillar, 9 species
of larva, 10 species of cricket and locust and 4
species of termite.
A list of edible species, recorded in the
literature is given in Appendix II11. It
should be noted that this is by no means a
comprehensive list, as it is based on only a
selection of studies. Furthermore, many edible
insects have not yet been identified12 and are
only known by their local names, and so these
have not been included. However, this list
gives an idea of the diversity of species used
– at least 63 species of caterpillar and larva,
20 species of cricket and locust, 6 species of
termite, 4 species of honey bee (whose larvae
are often eaten together with the honey), and
5 species of cicada.
The caterpillars which have been mentioned
as being the most popular are: Imbrasia
obscura, I. truncata, Pseudauthera discrepans
and Anaphe spp. in CAR (N’Gasse, 2003);
Cirina forda, Imbrasia epimethea and I. ertli
in DRC (Mapunzu, 2002); Imbrasia spp., and
Coeliades libeon in Congo-Brazzaville (Moussa,
2002). However, popular in all parts of the
region is the Nudaurelia oyemensis caterpillar,
found in sapelli trees (Entandrophragma
cylindricum). (Lewis, 1998; Mapunzu,
2002; N’Gasse, 2003;). The beetle larva,
Rhynchophorus phoeonicius, mostly collected
from Raphia palms and to a lesser extent from
oil palms, is also commonly eaten and traded
(Dounias, 2003; N’Gasse, 2004).
Insects are usually collected by women and
the elderly, as well as children, who often
collect them while involved in other activities
(Ndoye & Tieguhong, 2004; N’Gasse, 2004;
Takeda, 1990). The exception to this are those
larvae which are found within the stems of
trees or palms, and so their collection may
involve felling the plant, a task usually carried
out by men. Balinga (2003) reports that over
80% of the collection of caterpillars is by
women and children in southern Cameroon.
Similarly, among the Aka (Bahuchet, 1985)
and Mbendjele (Lewis, 1998) it is primarily
the women, children and elderly who collect
caterpillars. Women also predominate in the
trade of insects, as is considered further below.
Consequently, insect foods are particularly
important in the diet of these sectors of
society, as well as providing an important
source of income for women.
10 Caterpillars and larvae are often not distinguished between in the literature, but the term ‘caterpillar’ generally refers to the early life-stages of
butterflies and moths (Lepidoptera), while ‘larvae’, sometimes called grubs, refer to the early life-stage of various types of insect including beetles,
weevils, termites and bees.

26
IMPORTANCE IN THE DIET
As mentioned above, caterpillars and larvae
are the most widely eaten insect foods, and
most of the available data refer to these. A
number of reports highlight the widespread
consumption of caterpillars and larvae, and
their important role in the diet. For example,
it has been estimated that 85% of CAR’s
population (N’Gasse, 2004), and 70% of
Kinshasa’s population (Mapunzu, 2002) eat
caterpillars. A survey in Brazzaville found that
60% of households eat caterpillars at least
twice a week during the season (Moussa,
2002).
The nutritional value of insects, and in
particular, of caterpillars and larvae, is often
highlighted in the literature, and they are
often described as an important substitute for
meat. However, it should be noted that this
is not usually why people choose to eat them
– although insects can be an important famine
food. Rather, many insects are regarded as
a delicacy, and are valued in their own right
(N’Gasse, 2004).
Having said that, the nutritional value of
insects, and of caterpillars and larvae in
particular, is high (Malaisse & Parent 1980;
Moussa, 2002; N’Gasse, 2004). This is crucial
in a region of high poverty and where it is
often difficult to get sufficient protein – both
as a result of the decimation of wildlife
populations, and due to the high price of meat
and fish (Latham, 2003).
Caterpillars are particularly rich in protein
– an analysis of 22 species found that these
contained, on average, over 60% protein (by
dry weight) (N’Gasse, 2004, citing Malaisse,
1997). Thus, compared to meat or fish,
caterpillars are higher in protein as well as fat,
and provide more energy per unit. They are
also a good source of various minerals and
vitamins (this depending on the species) (De
Foliart, n.d.; N’Gasse, 2004 citing De Foliart,
1992; Vantomme et al., 2004).
A number of studies have estimated the
importance of caterpillars and larvae, as a
source of protein in the diet. A study from
the early 60’s (Gomez et al., 1961, cited in
N’Gasse, 2004) estimated that they provided
10% of the annual animal protein for Congo-
Brazzaville’s population, and in certain districts,
more than 20%. More recently, research in
Bangui (CAR), estimated that 29% of the total
annual consumption of animal proteins came
from caterpillars and larvae, and that during
the harvesting period, they accounted for over
half of the population’s protein consumption
(N’Gasse, 2003). Bahuchet (1972) recorded
caterpillar consumption in a forest camp of the
Aka Pygmies in CAR, and found that during
the caterpillar season, they made up 75% of
people’s protein consumption.
In recognition of the nutritional value of these
foods, they are often given to children and also
to pregnant or breastfeeding women. Some
species are also given to those suffering from
anaemia. A number of insects also have a
role in traditional medicine (Mapunzu, 2002;
N’Gasse, 2004; Vantomme et al., 2004).
ECONOMIC IMPORTANCE
Trade in caterpillars and larvae is a significant
seasonal income-generating activity in both
rural and urban areas, especially for women
(N’Gasse, 2004). The market for these foods
is also thought to be growing and increasing
numbers of people are becoming involved in
the trade (Vantomme et al., 2004).
As mentioned earlier, women predominate in
the sale of caterpillars and larvae – it is mainly
women who are involved in their collection,
transport to and sale in the markets, while
men are typically more involved in the
wholesale trade (N’Gasse, 2003 & 2004;
Vantomme et al., 2004). For example, Moussa
(2002) reports that 88% of market vendors in
Brazzaville, Congo, are women.
Although there has not been extensive
research to investigate the volume of insects
11 A list of edible species from Central Africa is also available online at: http://www.food-insects.com/book7_31/The%20Human%20Use%20of%20I
nsects%20as%20a%20Food%20Resource.htm. This website also provides an overview of the literature, and information on ecology and nutritional
content of many species.
12 This is partly because of the difficulty of identifying juvenile forms of a species.

27
traded in the region, nor the economic value of
this market, the limited data available indicate
that the trade is considerable. For example,
research in Kinshasa estimated that 9,600
tonnes of caterpillars were consumed in the
city each year (Mapunzu, 2002).
Some indication of the value of the trade is
available from recent market research in DRC
(Ndoye & Awono, 2005). This estimated that
in one market in Bandundu Province, 14,194kg
of caterpillars were traded over an 8 month
period, representing 8.7 million FCFA (nearly
US$ 18,000). The data from this research are
shown in table 16.
TABLE 16: Volume and value of the trade in
caterpillars in DRC (Ndoye & Awono, 2005)
Within the region, a number of studies have
reported on the economic value of caterpillars
and larvae for local traders, these indicating
that they can provide a valuable source of
income. Indeed, the income from the sale
of insects often exceeds those from other
activities, such as cash crops or low waged
jobs. These data are summarised in table 17.
It should be noted that the income from
caterpillars is seasonal, the caterpillar
season lasting some 3-6 months, but larvae
are available all year round. In spite of
the seasonality of the trade, these figures
represent a very good income. For example,
the income reported for CAR by N’Gasse
(2003) is apparently higher than the salary
of a civil servant. For Cameroon, the figures
compare to a minimum salary of 30,000 FCFA
(Balinga, 2003). Dounias (2003) compared
his data with that reported by researchers for
other activities. For example, monthly incomes
from cocoa have ranged from 3,000 – 20,000
FCFA; coffee between 5,700 – 34,000 FCFA
(the lows for these two crops corresponding to
the country’s economic crisis); from bushmeat
- 30,000 FCFA, Gnetum leaves - 22,000 FCFA;
and a non-specialised worker - 25,000 FCFA.
The trade in caterpillars and larvae is not
only a local or national phenomenon, but also
takes place internationally. However, data on
the international trade is even more limited
than that on the local and national levels. For
example, Mapunzu (2002) commented that
there was no data in the official documents
consulted on the export of caterpillars from
DRC. Similarly, in CAR precise export figures
were found to be rarely recorded (N’Gasse,
2004).
From the available data, it seems that there
is a significant trade between the countries
of central Africa, and on a smaller scale to
Sudan, Nigeria and Europe (Vantomme et al.,
2004). N’Gasse (2003) reports that the biggest
importers of caterpillars and larvae from CAR
are Chad, Congo-Brazzaville, Nigeria and
Sudan, with lesser amounts being exported to
DRC, Cameroon, France and Belgium. A study
of the European markets reported that France
and Belgium import 5 and 3 tonnes each year
respectively of dried Imbrasia spp. from DRC,
with an estimated value of US$ 665,000 and
US$ 41,50013.
SUSTAINABILITY
The size of the trade in insects, and the
volume of their consumption, raises concerns
MARKET VOLUME VALUE VALUE TIME
(kg) (FCFA) (US$) PERIOD
Central 14,194 8,700, 17,939 8 MTHS
Kikwit 351
market,
Bandundu
Province
Idiofa 1,360 996, 2055 4 MTHS
market, 725
Bandundu
Province
Mbandaka 2,112 172, 355 6 MTHS
market, 790
Equateur
Province
13 These figures indicate a remarkable difference in price, which suggests that there has been a mistake in calculating these – perhaps the former
figure should be divided by 10?

28
about sustainability. Indeed, scarcity of
this resource has been reported from some
parts of the region. For example, caterpillars
have become scarce in some parts of DRC
(Latham, 2003; Mapunzu, 2002), and in many
areas collectors are having to travel greater
distances to find caterpillars (Vantomme et al,
2004).
The decline in this resource is partly a result
of over-harvesting, and destructive harvesting
practices – for example, felling of trees
rather than collecting insects from the trees.
Deforestation, due to land conversion and
timber extraction are also having an impact.
For example, in southern Cameroon raphia
swamps are being converted to other land-
uses, resulting in a decline in availability of
Rhynchophorus phoenicis larvae, harvested
from the Raphia palm.
Timber extraction has had a particularly
heavy impact on one of the most popular
of the caterpillars, Nudaurelia oyemensis.
This caterpillar is found on the sapelli tree
(Entandrophragma cylindricum), a highly
valued timber species, and selective logging of
this species has resulted in the decline of the
caterpillar populations in certain areas (Lewis,
1998; SECO, 2004).
This situation is likely to worsen, with growing
REGION / COUNTRY 'TARGET' OF SURVEY MONTHLY INCOME (FCFA) REFERENCE
CAR Wholesaler 117,000 N'Gasse, 2003
CAR Market vendor 120,900 N'Gasse, 2003
Brazzaville (Congo- Market vendor 83,100 Moussa, 2002
Brazzaville)
Yaoundé area, Cameroon Market vendor of caterpillars 15,000 – 20,000 Balinga, 2003
Yaoundé area, Cameroon Market vendor of larvae 40,000 – 50,000 Balinga, 2003
Southern Cameroon Rural vendor of 50,000 Dounias, 2003 &
Rhynchophorus larvae to 2004
urban markets
Southern Cameroon Rural vendor of 35,000 Dounias, 2003 &
Rhynchophorus larvae, 2004
sold locally (in bars
/ roadsides)
Equateur Province, DRC Village household 12,397 per household = Ndoye & Awono, 2005
1579 per household member
Bandundu Province, DRC Village household 10,000 per household = Ndoye & Awono, 2005
1678 per household member
Mbandaka market, Equateur Market vendor 20,980 Ndoye & Awono, 2005
Province, DRC
Central Kikwit market, Market vendor 5795 Ndoye & Awono, 2005
Bandundu Province, DRC
Idiofa market, Bandundu Market vendor 3695 Ndoye & Awono, 2005
Province, DRC
TABLE 17: Economic value of caterpillars and larvae for vendors

29
human populations and a declining forest
base. Consequently, there have been calls to
explore the potential of rearing caterpillars
and to promote this activity as a part of
agroforestry systems (Latham, 2003; N’Gasse,
2004). This does already happen informally,
for example, people may bring back young
insects and rear them on trees near their
home. Some farmers also allow the caterpillars
to pupate so that the moths will lay their eggs
on nearby trees (Latham, 2003). There have
also been some research and development
projects, for example, in Bas-Congo province
of DRC, the host trees of caterpillars have
been incorporated into reforestation activities
(Mapunzu, 2002).
More intensive rearing could be a means
of enhancing the value of forest fallows,
while also helping to ensure the continued
availability of insect foods. Studies from other
parts of Africa have shown that the output
from beekeeping and the production of edible
caterpillars can exceed the value of the food
crops for which forest was cut down (Latham,
2003, citing Munthali & Mughogho, 1992).
Further research is needed into rearing of
caterpillars and larvae and into agroforestry
practices. However, the supply of insects
from the forest also needs to be ensured.
Thus, greater priority needs to be given to
their production and harvesting in forest
management plans. This is an area in which
some steps have been made, for example, in
CAR loggers are required to leave 1 seed tree
of sapelli every 10 hectares (Vantomme et
al., 2004), and similar measures have been
implemented in other countries. However,
more could be done – for example, through
reducing the allowable cut on this and other
host trees, or simply banning their felling for
timber altogether. Education and extension
programmes could also have a role to play,
both in promoting sustainable harvesting
and in raising awareness of the value of this
resource and the impact of deforestation on
insect populations.
CASE-STUDY III: BUSHMEAT
Bushmeat is an important source of protein
in Central Africa. For many rural populations,
bushmeat and fish provide the main source of
protein (Dijk & Wiersum, 1999; Tchatat et al.,
2003). It has been estimated that bushmeat
contributes between 30 and 80% of the
protein intake of forest-based communities
in the region (Wilkie, 2001). There is also
a high demand for bushmeat among urban
populations, and there is a thriving trade in
bushmeat in the towns and cities of the region.
Growing urbanization and expanding transport
networks are contributing to the increasing
trade in bushmeat (FAO, 2001). An indication
of the scale of the trade is given by figures
from Gabon, where it has been estimated that
the sale of bushmeat is worth at least 880
million FCFA per year, and could be as high as
7,000 million FCFA (Tchatat et al., 2003).
This trade provides a valuable income for
many, and in some communities, more
bushmeat is sold than is eaten for subsistence.
For example, De Merode et al. (2003 & 2004)
found from their research in Northeastern
DRC that 90% of the bushmeat and fish were
sold at market, bushmeat contributing 25%
to household sales and just 3% to household
consumption. Research from southwestern
CAR found that hunters could earn between
US$ 400-700 per year, higher than the official
minimum wage (Wilkie, 2001, citing Noss,
1998). Another study from the same region
of CAR, in the Ngotto forest, estimated that
commercial hunting could earn up to 1700
FCFA per day during the rainy season and 4000
FCFA at other times. Thus, it was estimated
that 1.86 million FCFA was earned by the
villages in the region (Dethier & Ghuirghi,
2000). In northern Congo-Brazzaville, it was
reported that hunting contributed up to 40%
of the income of logging concession employees
(Wilkie, 2001, citing Wilkie et al., 2000). Data
illustrating the contribution of bushmeat sales
to household income were given earlier in this
report.

30
Non-timber forest products provide a
wealth of resources for both rural and
urban dwellers throughout the Congo
Basin. Medicine derived from essock
(Garcinia lucida) [top], wine from the
oil palm [centre] and the safou fruit
(Dacryodes edulis) [bottom] are traded
creating an important source of income
for rural households.

31
Gnetum leaves [top] are a vital source
of nutrients for Congolese peoples.
Caterpillars – a delicacy rich in protein
– are eaten and widely-traded throughout
the Congo Basin region. The oil palm tree
[bottom] Elaeis guineensis is valuable for
food, wine, cosmetics, crafts and rituals.
Dr. Daniel L. Nickrent/Southern Illinois University

32
In brief, bushmeat provides the main source of
protein for many people, and also a valuable
source of income. However, this trade presents
a severe threat to wildlife populations, as has
been documented in the conservation literature
(Bakarr et al., 2001; Robinson & Bennett,
2000). The challenge remains of how to meet
local people’s needs with concerns for the
conservation of wildlife, particularly in the face
of growing populations, declining forest areas
and expanding road networks.
CASE-STUDY IV: RATTANS
Rattans are widespread through Central Africa
and form an integral part of subsistence
strategies for many rural populations.
The trade in rattan cane and products is
considerable, providing one of the main
sources of revenue from NTFPs, rivalled only
by bushmeat (Sunderland, 1999; Sunderland
et al., 2004). A number of species are used by
rural people, but just three are generally used
commercially: Laccosperma secundiflorum,
Eremospatha macrocarpa, Laccosperma
robustum (Defo, 1999; FAO, 2001;
Sunderland, 1999; Sunderland et al., 2004;
Yembi, 1999).
Rattans are harvested almost exclusively from
wild populations in Africa, and it is generally
considered an open access resource. This is
in contrast to Southeast Asia, where some
well-established systems of rattan cultivation
exist (Sunderland, 2001). The rattan sector as
a whole in Africa is relatively undeveloped in
comparison to that in Southeast Asia, and the
industry is rudimentary in many areas. The
highest quality products and best-developed
industry are to be found in Cameroon (Minga,
2002; Oteng-Amoako & Obiri-Darko, 2001).
TRADE
The collection, trade and processing of rattan
is mostly carried out by men (Defo, 1999;
Sunderland et al., 2004), and much of the
trade in rattans passes through specialised
channels rather than through the marketplace.
(Ruiz-Perez et al., 1999)
Rattan cane is traded across West and Central
Africa, but there is limited data available on
the amounts exported (Sunderland, 1999 &
2001). However, much of the trade occurs
within these countries. For example, a study
of Yaoundé’s rattan sector found that this was
almost exclusively supplying the domestic
market (Defo, 1999).
Most data are available on the amounts of cane
being traded in particular regions or markets,
and these give an indication of the scale of
the trade. For example, Sunderland (2001)
presented a summary of the data on the use
of cane from cities across the region (see table
18).
TABLE 18: the use of rattan cane in urban
markets (Source: Sunderland, 2001).
CITY AMOUNT ESTIMATED SOURCE OF
OF CANE MEAN INFO.
USED PER VALUE
MONTH (US$)
(M)
Bata, 20,550 27,400 Sunderland,
Equatorial 1998
Guinea
Douala, 55,830 127,405 Sunderland
Cameroon et al., 2001
Yaounde, 52,930 103,500 Sunderland
Cameroon et al., 2001
Kinshasa, 28,208 56,600 Minga, 2001
DRC
A survey of markets in southern Cameroon
estimated that the annual consumption of
rattan was nearly 7 million metres of cane,
with an estimated value of US$ 282,000.
This excludes household use of rattans, and
the value of the trade of finished products
(Sunderland et al., 2002). Another survey of
195 rattan processors in Cameroon estimated
that they processed nearly 100,000 stems of
rattan per month, valued at nearly 10 million

33
FCFA (Dione et al., 2000). In Bata, Equatorial
Guinea, it has been estimated that the monthly
value of trade is 2,740,000 CFA (US$ 4,560)
(Sunderland, 1999)
Researchers have also looked at the
contribution of this product to rural livelihoods.
One of the benefits of rattan as a source of
income is that it is not seasonal. Consequently,
it is always available (as long as it has not
been over-harvested), and so it can provide
a good means of meeting an immediate cash
flow problem. This also means that it can
readily be fitted around other activities, and
many people focus on rattan collection during
quiet agricultural periods (Defo, 2004).
Rattan can provide a substantial income.
Sunderland (1999), on the basis of his
research in southern Cameroon, estimated
that a good harvester could earn 35,000 FCFA
(US$ 58.50) per day – this compares with an
average daily wage of just 1500 FCFA (US$
2.50). Defo (1999 & 2004) also reported that
rattan could provide a significant income. Their
research in the Yaoundé area conducted from
1997-1998 found that rattan harvesting and
processing was the second most important
activity after agriculture. Within the seven
villages surveyed, 35% of households were
engaged in rattan exploitation and trade.
For these households, rattan harvesting was
estimated to provide 16% of their income – an
average of 166,000 FCFA per month – and
the processing of rattans provided 21% of
household income – 216,000 FCFA per month.
(Defo, 1999)
Further up the chain, higher incomes can be
achieved. For example, Defo (2004) estimated
that a rural harvester could earn US$ 288
p.a., a rural craftsman, US$ 377, and the
owner of an urban processing unit, US$ 9,790.
Sunderland et al. (2002) reported that most
artisans in southern Cameroon could earn
more than the average monthly income of a
semi-skilled labourer – although they do note
that there is considerable variation in monthly
profits. (Sunderland, 2002)
SUSTAINABILITY
The market for rattan products is thought to
be increasing, and an increase in the demand
for and trade of rattan cane has been reported
in the region (Defo, 1999, Sunderland,
2001). This has resulted in greater harvesting
pressure on rattans, further exacerbated
by population growth, urban development
and the expansion of agricultural areas.
Consequently, there has been over-harvesting
of the resource, and rattans have become
locally scarce in many areas. For example,
in Equatorial Guinea, rattans are rare around
Bata, and the lack of raw materials is now
constraining the sector (Sunderland et al.,
2004).
It should be possible to manage rattans
sustainably. Many species, and all of those
exploited commercially, are colonisers of
forest gaps (Sunderland et al., 2004). This
means that they are able to grow in disturbed
forest, such as selectively logged forest
and farm fallows, vegetation types which
are expanding. However, one factor which
hinders their sustainable management is the
lack of resource tenure, since rattans tend
to be considered an open access resource
(Sunderland, 2001).
There is also potential for integrating rattans
as part of agroforestry systems. Rattan
cultivation and domestication is still at an
early stage in the region, but sylvicultural and
community-based trials of some species have
been established in Cameroon (Defo & Trefon,
2002; Sonwa et al., 2002; Sunderland, 2001).
There is also the need for better regulation
of harvesting of this resource. In Cameroon,
theoretically a permit is required for the
commercial harvest of NTFPs. However, these
are rarely used for rattan, forestry officials
instead applying ‘informal taxes’ on collectors.
Consequently, harvesting is unregulated, and
the benefits of the rattan trade are felt in the

34
informal rather than formal sector (Sunderland
et al., 2002). Without apparent benefits, there
is little incentive for forestry departments to
support this sector.
Rattans have received greater attention in
recent years, for example, with Cameroon’s
Ministry of Environment and Forests (MINEF)
implementing a number of research activities
on rattan (Defo & Trefon, 2002). However
more is needed in order to fully explore the
potential of this sector, for example, further
research on the growth and yield of rattans
to determine sustainable harvesting levels,
improved processing and transformation
methods, and the promotion and marketing of
rattan products (Sunderland et al., 2002).
CASE-STUDY V: FUELWOOD
Firewood and charcoal provide fuel for the
vast majority of Central Africa’s population,
and also provide an important source of
income. In a 1996 report, Cameroon’s
Ministry of Environment estimated that 80%
of Cameroon’s population rely on fuelwood,
using about 12 million m3 annually (Nkamleu
et al., 2002). The provision of fuelwood is also
a valuable source of income for many. For
example, one study of a village near Yaoundé
found that 80% of the community’s income
came from the sale of firewood (Tchatat et al.,
2003).
In spite of the significance of this trade, and
its crucial role in peoples’ livelihoods, there
have been relatively few studies of this sector
from the humid tropics, most focusing on dryer
regions. However, the few studies available do
give some indication of the volume of wood
that is being consumed.
Research in 1980 investigated the wood
consumption of the city of Lubumbashi, both
for construction purposes and to meet the fuel
needs of households and industry (Malaisse
et al., 1980). It was estimated that a total
of 156,000 tonnes of wood were supplied to
the city per year – 48,504 tonnes of charcoal,
82,344 tonnes of firewood and 25,149 tonnes
of construction wood. This was thought to be
resulting in annual deforestation of an area of
140 km2, with a further 40 km2 being cleared
of the best logs.
Research from Kinshasa, undertaken in
1990, found that charcoal and wood provide
almost all the fuel for domestic use. Daily
consumption was estimated to be equivalent
to 2.76kg or (1.26 m3 by volume) of wood per
person. With a population of some 4 million,
this is equivalent to about 11,000 tonnes of
wood. This demand for fuel has resulted in
deforestation in the surrounding areas, and a
fuelwood shortage within the city (Tshibangu,
1996).
A 1991 report on Congo-Brazzaville’s forest
resources estimated that the populations
of Brazzaville and Pointe Noire used 1.25
tonnes of fuelwood per person per year, of
which approximately 85% was wood and 15%
charcoal (Jaffre & Otouba, 1991). Figures for
these cities’ wood consumption are shown in
table 19.
TABLE 19: Estimated wood consumption by
the populations of Brazzaville and Pointe Noire
in 1991 (Jaffre & Otouba, 1991).
POPULATION WOOD CHARCOAL
(M_) (TONNES)
Brazzaville 760,000 940,000 18,000
Pointe Noire 390,000 485,000 9,000
TOTAL 1,150,000 1,425,000 27,000
A recent study of NTFP use in northern DRC
reported that the demand for firewood and
charcoal was one of the main human pressures
on forest resources in the region (CREF, 2006).
There was a significant trade in fuelwood and
also in timber for construction from artisanal
sawmills. Much of this latter trade was illegal –
many businesses were found to be using these

35
small sawmills, rather than larger enterprises,
in order to avoid taxes. In Maniema Province,
of 50 timber traders, just 8 were found to be
legal.
Another study from DRC, in which market
surveys were undertaken in Equateur and
Bandundu Provinces, found that charcoal was
one of the most frequently traded products,
and provided one of the most important
sources of income for market traders. For
example, traders in two of the markets
surveyed earned on average US$ 216 and US$
63 per month (Ndoye & Awono, 2005).
As highlighted at the start of this report,
the role of NTFPs in strategies to reduce
poverty and for forest conservation has
been questioned in recent years. Indeed,
as this report has touched on, there are
many potential pitfalls associated with
attempts to promote this sector. For example,
commercialization of NTFPs increases the risk
of over-harvesting taking place. There may
also be social implications – traditional tenure
systems may break down or the social systems
associated with the production of a resource
may change, as considered further below.
Although the promotion of NTFPs does present
many such challenges, this does not mean
that they should not have a role to play in
efforts to promote sustainable development,
but simply that expectations should not be
raised too high. The data presented in this
report illustrate the important role that NTFPs
have had, and continue to play, in the lives of
the people of the Congo Basin, increasing both
livelihood and economic security. Undoubtedly,
NTFPs will continue to be important for many
people’s livelihoods in the region, and so must
be central to any strategy for sustainable
development.
Turning to the initiatives that have been taken
to promote NTFPs, these have either targeted
the production of resources (i.e. harvesting
and management) or the processing and
marketing of the product.
Considering first those interventions related
to production, these entail the improvement
of harvesting methods and implementation of
sustainable management of resources within
forest areas, or alternatively, the promotion
of their cultivation and domestication in
anthropogenic landscapes. Many researchers
have suggested that the best approach to
the commercialisation of NTFPs is to increase
intensification of production through cultivation
and domestication of the resource. NTFPs often
occur at low densities in forest ecosystems.
This reduces the economic viability of these
DISCUSSION AND
CONCLUSIONS

36
products because of the time involved in
harvesting them, and also means that
sustainable levels of harvesting will probably
be very low.
Cultivation provides a means to increase
economic returns and reduce pressure on
wild resources. Domestication of NTFPs
is an additional strategy – this involving
genetic changes in the species, for example,
to enhance yield or improve the flavour or
some other quality of the resource. (These
activities are, of course, undertaken by
farmers themselves – this having been the
basis of farming practices over the centuries.)
There have also been various research and
development initiatives in this area.
As highlighted in this report, research and field
trials have been undertaken on the cultivation
of Gnetum, Prunus africana, rattans, and many
fruit trees. Two fruit species that have been the
subject of much research are Dacryodes edulis
and Irvingia gabonensis, with efforts focusing
on their domestication (Schreckenberg et al.,
2002 & 2006). Such activities are a priority
for ICRAF (2005), which has been involved
in efforts to develop new agroforestry crops,
including these and other fruit trees, as well
as the medicinal trees, Prunus africana,
Pausinystalia johimbe and Annickia chlorantha.
There have also been some initiatives
promoting the rearing of caterpillars and
apiculture (Latham, 2003).
Cultivation does seem to be the best solution
to address the sustainable use of some
NTFPs. Many resources are already under
high pressure, for example, rattans, Gnetum,
and bushmeat, and this is likely to increase,
with growing populations and declining
forests. Therefore, there is a need to intensify
production of many resources, to ensure
continued food security for example.
However, there are a number of potential
problems with focusing on the cultivation of
NTFPs. One issue is that the link between the
resource and the forest is lost. The suggestion
that the exploitation of NTFPs can promote
forest conservation is based on the assumption
that this will increase incentives for local
people, and also policy makers, to conserve
the forest by increasing its value. However,
this direct incentive is lost if the resource
can be cultivated – although of course forest
resources should still be valued as a source
of genetic diversity. There is also the risk
that cultivation will not reduce pressure on
forest resources. Over-harvesting of these
may continue, even if the species is being
cultivated, simply because forest resources are
freely available. Finally, shifting to cultivation
of a resource may have social implications.
For example, women may become side-lined
from a sector in which they have traditionally
predominated if production methods change.
This is an issue of concern for the vegetable
Gnetum – women currently dominate the
harvesting and trade of this species, but this
could change if it becomes widely cultivated
as a crop, since it is men who traditionally
manage cash-crops (Clark et al., 2004).
Clearly, cultivation and domestication are not
the only solutions that should be explored,
but they should be combined with efforts
to implement sustainable management of
resources in situ. Most efforts in this area
have been undertaken in Cameroon through
the development of community forestry
management. Although this approach has had
mixed results (Brown & Schreckenberg, 2001)
it does reflect an important shift in priorities,
since it allows for the inclusion of NTFPs in
forest management plans (Sunderland, 2001).
Also in Cameroon, as well as some other
countries of the region, NTFPs are now given
some consideration in the forest management
plans of timber concessions, for example, with
provisions for the management of valuable
NTFPs, such as sapelli or moabi.
However, these provisions do not go far
enough, and NTFPs are still not given a high
enough priority. Part of the reason for this is

37
that there is often no policy to promote NTFPs
(Defo, 2004). Few resources are given to
researching or monitoring NTFP exploitation,
and most national forest codes do not regulate
this. Even where licenses or permits are
required, there is often little enforcement.
Since no taxes or licence fees are paid for
harvesting or trading in NTFPs, not only do
they not bring in any revenue for forestry
departments, but there is little information
collected on the scale of their utilisation.
Consequently, the significance of NTFPs for
people’s livelihoods and in local economies
remains overlooked.
This lack of priority extends to the promotion
and marketing of NTFPs14. Little information
was found on initiatives aimed at promoting
the trade of NTFPs. However, many
researchers did highlight the problems
encountered by producers and traders in
marketing NTFPs (CREF, 2006; N’Gasse,
2004; Ndoye & Awono, 2005; Ruiz-Perez et
al., 1999; Sunderland et al., 2002 & 2004;
Toirambe Bamoninga, 2002). The main issues
highlighted were:
The lack of infrastructure in many parts
of the region, limiting access to markets for
rural communities;
Poor market information, for example,
means that producers can not respond to
market demand, nor benefit from increases
in price, while traders and sellers often have
erratic supplies;
Poor market conditions, for example,
limited storage areas and handling facilities for
products;
A lack of organisation of harvesters,
traders and processors (e.g. producer co-
operatives or unions for artisans);
Widespread use of informal ‘taxes’
(tracasserie), from forestry officials, police and
military groups;
A lack of credit, hindering investment,
for example in processing machinery;
A decline in availability of many
resources.
14 This is perhaps a reflection of the type of resources that were accessed for this report. Most time was spent researching the academic literature,
focusing on forestry, conservation and ecology. This reflects the fact that such material is widely available. In contrast, reports on projects and prac-
tical interventions, where they exist, are much harder to obtain.

38
Although greater priority has been given to
NTFPs within the forestry sector, this has not
gone far enough. At present, timber is still
given precedence over alternative uses of the
forest, and multiple-use forest management
has not been fully explored or implemented.
Such a strategy should include: extraction of
NTFPs, beekeeping, cultivation of medicinal
plants, agroforestry, insect rearing, and
bioprospecting.
This requires a more fundamental shift in
thinking within forestry departments and
among policy makers. These countries are still
in need of a comprehensive, well-designed set
of policies, aimed at promoting and supporting
this sector. These should incorporate measures
to:
Monitor NTFP exploitation;
Establish harvesting levels for threatened
species, and on this basis, implement a system
for allocating harvesting licenses;
Review systems of taxation for the trade
in NTFPs;
Enforce systems of fees and licenses,
and ensure that the revenue raised is
reinvested in the sector, for example, to
provide credit to small-producers or support
for co-operatives, and resource monitoring
programmes;
Provide information on NTFP markets,
both national and international;
Develop schemes for the certification
of NTFPs, perhaps in concert with timber
certification;
Promote the research and development
of indigenous crops;
Clarify land tenure and resource rights;
Develop national access and benefit-
sharing legislation for genetic resources,
in order to exploit potential bioprospecting
opportunities;
Implement education and extension
programmes, particularly among forestry
professionals, to raise awareness of the value
of NTFPs.
With these goals in mind, the following
recommendations are made for future research
and project activities:
A review of national policies and
legislation related to NTFPs in the countries
of the Congo Basin, including national forest
policies, agricultural policies (for NTFPs
brought into cultivation), and legislation
related to: protection of biodiversity; taxes &
licenses (for harvesting and trading); rights
to resources; access and benefit-sharing;
et al. This would enable the identification of
any gaps in policy and areas where reform is
needed.
Community-based research to gather
further evidence of the value of NTFPs to
forest-based communities. As this report
illustrates, there remain many gaps in
knowledge in this area. Such information would
be a valuable lobbying tool, to raise awareness
of the crucial role of NTFPs for people’s
livelihoods and in local economies. Particular
attention should be paid to the importance of
NTFPs for marginalized sectors of society, such
as Pygmy communities and women.
Participatory research, to investigate
the value chains of particular NTFPs that
are currently commercialised (an approach
undertaken in Boliva and Mexico (Marshall
et al., 2006). Case-studies should include
different product types (e.g. medicinals, food,
crafts) and those which are sold in different
markets (local, national and international). An
analysis of the value chain (which incorporates
harvesting and production, processing, and
marketing), would enable identification
of those features that are beneficial for
commercialisation as well as any hindrances
(for example, land tenure issues, transport,
taxation…). Such research would enable
identification of areas for policy reform, as well
as enabling the design of practical initiatives to
support NTFP commercialisation.
RECOMMENDATIONS

39
APPENDIX I: NTFPS OBSERVED IN
CENTRAL AFRICAN MARKETS
SPECIES USE / PRODUCT COUNTRY REFERENCE
Aframomum spp Edible fruits DRC Bauma, 1999
Condiment (seed) Gabon Yembi, 1999
Afrostyrax spp. Condiment (seed & bark) Equatorial Guinea Sunderland & Obama,
1999
Antrocaryon micraster Ritual (seeds) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Autranella sp. Ritual (seeds) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Baillonella toxisperma Oil Cameroon Dijk, 1999; Plender-
leith & Brown, 2004;
Brenania breyeri Fish poison & ritual (fruit) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Canarium schweinfurthii Ritual (seeds) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Edible fruit Laird, 1999
Carapa procera Ritual (seeds) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Cleistopholis patens Ritual (seeds) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Cola spp. Stimulant (fruit) Gabon Yembi, 1999
Stimulant (fruit) Cameroon Ruiz-Perez et al.,
1999
Cola acuminata Stimulant (seed) Cameroon Dijk, 1999
Stimulant (seed) Equatorial Guinea Sunderland & Obama,
1999
Stimulant & medicinal Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
(seeds & bark)
Cola lepidota Cameroon Dijk, 1999
Cola nitida Stimulant (seed) Cameroon Dijk, 1999
Stimulant (seed) Equatorial Guinea Sunderland & Obama,
1999
Stimulant & medicinal Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
(seeds & bark)
Coula edulis Cameroon Dijk, 1999
Edible (seeds) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Crytosperma sengalensis Wrapping leaves Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Dacryodes edulis Edible fruit Cameroon Dijk, 1999
Edible fruit Equatorial Guinea Sunderland & Obama,
1999
Edible fruit Cameroon Ruiz-Perez et al.,
1999
Dacryodes macrophylla Cameroon Dijk, 1999
Dialium sp. Edible fruit Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Dioclea reflexa Ritual (seeds) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Elaeis guineensis Cameroon Dijk, 1999
Palm wine, cosmetic, edible, Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
artisanal, ritual (Fruit, seeds,
rachis & sap)
Oil & palm wine (nuts & sap) DRC Bauma, 1999
Oil, wine, food (Fruit, sap, Gabon Yembi, 1999
heart)
Food, palm wine (sap) Cameroon Ruiz-Perez et al.,
1999

40
SPECIES USE / PRODUCT COUNTRY REFERENCE
Eremospatha spp Artisanal (stem) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Erythrophloeum suaveolens Ritual (bark) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Garcinia buchholzianum Vegetable (leaves) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Garcinia klainiana Palm wine additive (bark) Gabon Yembi, 1999
Garcinia kola Stimulant / medicine (seed) Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Stimulant, aphrodisiac, palm Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
wine additive (bark & seeds)
Palm wine (bark); Stimulant Cameroon Ruiz-Perez et al.,
(fruit) 1999
Garcinia lucida Cameroon Dijk, 1999
Chewstick / medicine (bark Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
fruit) Obama, 1999
Palm wine (bark) Cameroon Ruiz-Perez et al.,
1999
Gardenia tenuifolia Ritual (stem & fruit) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Gnetum spp. Vegetable (leaves) Cameroon Ruiz-Perez et al.,
1999
Gnetum africanum Leaf vegetable Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Vegetable (leaves) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Vegetable (leaves) DRC Bauma, 1999
Vegetable (leaves) Gabon Yembi, 1999
Vegetable (leaves) DRC Bola & Szafranski,
1991
Irvingia spp. Condiment Cameroon Ruiz-Perez et al.,
1999
Irvingia gabonensis Edible kernel Cameroon Dijk, 1999
Condiment (kernel) Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Condiment (kernel) Gabon Yembi, 1999
Laccosperma secundiflorum Artisanal (stem) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Landolphia owariensis Edible fruit Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Marantochloa sp. Wrapping leaves Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Megaphrynium sp. Wrapping leaves Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Megaphrynium Wrapping leaves Gabon Yembi, 1999
macrostachyum
Monodora myristica Condiment (seed) Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Ritual (seeds) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Palisota sp Wrapping leaves Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Panda oleosa Cameroon Dijk, 1999
Ritual (seeds) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Pentaclethra Ritual (bark & seeds) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
macrophylla

41
SPECIES PART USED COUNTRY REFERENCE
Aframomum c.f. hanburyi Seeds Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Aframomum spp Seeds DRC Bauma, 1999
Seeds Gabon Yembi, 1999
Aframomum melegueta Seeds Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Fruit Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Cameroon Betti, 2002
Alstonia boonei Cameroon Betti, 2002
Anchomanes difformis Rhizome Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Angokea gore Bark Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
MEDICINALS
SPECIES USE / PRODUCT COUNTRY REFERENCE
Piper guineensis Condiment (seed) Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Condiment & medicine (fruit) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Condiment & medicine (fruit) DRC Bauma, 1999
Poga oleosa Edible fruit Cameroon Dijk, 1999
Pseudospondias longifolia Edible fruit Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Pterocarpus soyauxii Cosmetic (wood) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Raphia montbuttorum Cameroon Dijk, 1999
Raphia spp. Palm wine (sap) DRC Bauma, 1999
Palm wine & artisanal Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
(sap, leaf fibre)
Ricinodendron heudelotii Cameroon Dijk, 1999
Condiment & ritual Gabon Yembi, 1999
(bark, root, seeds)
Condiment Cameroon Ruiz-Perez et al.,
1999
Condiment (seed) Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Sarcophrynium sp. Wrapping leaves Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Scorodophloeus zenkeri Cameroon Dijk, 1999
Bark (condiment) DRC Bauma, 1999
Condiment (seed & bark) Gabon Yembi, 1999
Tetrapleura tetraptera Condiment (fruit) Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Thaumatococcus danielii Wrapping leaves & thatching DRC Bauma, 1999
Trilipisium madagascariensis Vegetable (leaves) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Xylopia aethiopica Condiment (seed) Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Condiment / medicinal (fruit) Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999

42
SPECIES PART USED COUNTRY REFERENCE
Annickia chlorantha Bark Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
(syn. Enantia chlorantha) Obama, 1999
Bark Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Bark Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Bark Gabon Yembi, 1999
Cameroon Betti, 2002
Bark Cameroon Facheux et al., 2004
Anonidium mannii Cameroon Betti, 2002
Antrocaryon klaineanum Cameroon Betti, 2002
Baillonella toxisperma Seeds Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Cameroon Betti, 2002
Bark Cameroon Facheux et al., 2004
Bucholzia coriacea Seeds Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Bucholzia macrophylla Seeds Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Ceiba pentandra Cameroon Betti, 2002
Cissus dinklagei Sap Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Cola spp. Fruit Cameroon Ruiz-Perez et al.,
1999
Cola acuminata Seeds DRC Bauma, 1999
Curcuma longa Roots Cameroon Facheux et al., 2004
Cylicodiscus gabonensis Cameroon Betti, 2002
Dorstenia scabra Roots Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Drypetes gossweileri Cameroon Betti, 2002
Duboscia macrocarpa Fruit Gabon Yembi, 1999
Elaeis guineensis Cameroon Betti, 2002
Entada gigas Fruit Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Erythrina sp. Bark Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Erythrophleum suaveolens Cameroon Betti, 2002
Fagara heitzii Bark Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Garcinia kola Seeds DRC Bauma, 1999
Bark & fruit Cameroon Ruiz-Perez et al.,
1999
Cameroon Betti, 2002
Garcinia lucida Bark Cameroon Ruiz-Perez et al.,
1999
Glyphaea brevis Fruit Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Gnetum africanum Cameroon Betti, 2002
Guarea thompsonii Cameroon Betti, 2002
Guibourtia tesmannii Cameroon Betti, 2002
Bark Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999

43
SPECIES PART USED COUNTRY REFERENCE
Hexalobus crispiflorus Cameroon Betti, 2002
Irvingia gabonensis Cameroon Betti, 2002
Isolona hexaloba Cameroon Betti, 2002
Klainedoxa gabonensis Cameroon Betti, 2002
Momordica charantia Whole plant Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Mostuea hirsute Roots Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Nauclea diderrichii Cameroon Betti, 2002
Nauclea latifolia Roots & fruit Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Nauclea pobeguinii Bark Cameroon Facheux et al., 2004
Okoumea klaineana Bark Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Oldfieldia africana Cameroon Betti, 2002
Pachyelasma tessmannii Cameroon Betti, 2002
Pachypodianthum staudtii Bark Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Pausinystalia johimbe Bark Cameroon Facheux et al., 2004
Penianthus longifolia Roots Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Pentachlethra macrophylla Cameroon Betti, 2002
Pentadiplandra brazzeana Roots Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Roots DRC Bauma, 1999
Picralima nitida Cameroon Betti, 2002
Fruit Cameroon Facheux et al., 2004
Piptadeniastrum africanum Cameroon Betti, 2002
Pollia condensate Fruits & seeds Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Prunus africana Bark Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Bark Cameroon Facheux et al., 2004
Pycnanthus angolensis Cameroon Betti, 2002
Quassia africana Roots Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Raphia mombutiorum Cameroon Betti, 2002
Ricinodendron heudelotii Cameroon Betti, 2002
Sacoglottis gabonensis Cameroon Betti, 2002
Sarcocephalus latifolius Bark Cameroon Facheux et al., 2004
Staudtia kamerunensis Cameroon Betti, 2002
Strombosiopsis tetandra Bark Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Strophanthus gratus Cameroon - Southern Dijk, 1999
Tetrapleura tetraptera Pod Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Cameroon Betti, 2002
Thonningia sanguinea Whole plant Congo-B Kimpouni, 1999
Urera sp. Stem Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Vernonia conferta Equatorial Guinea Sunderland &
Obama, 1999
Zanthoxylum gillettii Cameroon Facheux et al., 2004
Zanthoxylum heitzii Cameroon Betti, 2002

44
CATERPILLARS & LARVAE
SPECIES LOCAL COMMON ETHNIC GROUP COUNTRY REFERENCE
NAMES NAME /LANGUAGE /REGION
Acherontia Munsona Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
atropos sona
Analeptes .Pósε Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
trifasciata
Anaphe spp. Taku Lingala DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Ihumbo Ngandu DRC Takeda, 1990
Nkankiti Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
.lóndá Aka CAR Bahuchet,1985
.tàkú
Anaphe infracta .ndòsì Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Ilanga Ngandu DRC Takeda, 1990
Anaphe panda DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Anaphe venata .ndòsì Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Mboyo- Issongo CAR N'Gasse, 2003
Kondi /
Toukoussou
Antheua Nsanga Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
insignata DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Antheua spp. Malomba Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
loka
Mfundi Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
Nsindi Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
Athletes gigas DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Athletes semialba DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Augosoma Makokolo Scarab DRC Mapunzu, 2002
centaurus beetle
Congo-B Moussa, 2002
Bunaea alcinoe Makedi kedi Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
Makedi kedi Kikongo DRC Mapunzu, 2002
.ngúángùà Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Bunaeopsis sp. Mukoko Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
Bunaeopsis DRC Mapunzu, 2002
aurantiaca
Celtis spp. .Pósε Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Cinabra DRC Mapunzu, 2002
huperbrus
Cirina forda .ndíngízá Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Ngala Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
N’gala Kikongo DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Mikwati / Bandundu
mingolo
Ngbanda- Lingala
ngbanda
Mukoso Kibemba
APPENDIX II: EDIBLE INSECT
SPECIES

45
SPECIES LOCAL COMMON ETHNIC GROUP COUNTRY REFERENCE
NAMES NAME /LANGUAGE /REGION
ENGLISH
/FRENCH
Coeliades libeon Congo-B Moussa, 2002
Cymothe aranus Mokolili Issongo CAR N'Gasse, 2003
Cymothoe caenis Moboto Issongo CAR N'Gasse, 2003
Nsani Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
Drapetides DRC Mapunzu, 2002
uniformis
Elaphrodes Masela / nluti Kikongo DRC Mapunzu, 2002
lactea
Masela / Nluti Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
Goliathus sp. Lèálèá Aka CAR Bahuchet,1985
Gonimbrasa sp. Minsendi Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
Gonimbrasia DRC Mapunzu, 2002
hecate
Gonimbrasia DRC Mapunzu, 2002
rechelmanni
Gonimbrasia DRC Mapunzu, 2002
zambesina
Goodia kuntzei DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Gynanisa ata DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Imbrasia spp. Congo-B Moussa, 2002
Imbrasia alopia Minsongo Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
Imbrasia anthina Minsuka Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
Imbrasia dione DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Imbrasia .ngúlúpá Aka CAR Bahuchet,1985
epimethea
Mvinsu Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Mopoko Issongo CAR N'Gasse, 2003
Imbrasia ertli 1. Mbinzo / 1. Lingala DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Sö /
Mvinzu
2. Misa / 2. Bandundu
Misamisa /
Misati
3. Miasakelen 3. Tshiluba
de
Imbrasia Kwesu DRC – Bas Latham, 2003
macrothyris Congo
Kwesu Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
Kwesu Kikongo DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Ligegele Lingala
Imbrasia melanops? Minsendi Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003

46
SPECIES LOCAL COMMON ETHNIC GROUP COUNTRY REFERENCE
NAMES NAME /LANGUAGE /REGION
ENGLISH
/FRENCH
Imbrasia obscura .kεnàkεnε Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Minsendi Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
CAR N'Gasse, 2003
Imbrasia petiveri Bisu DRC – Bas Latham, 2003
Congo
Bisu Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
Imbrasia rhodinia DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Imbrasia rubra DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Imbrasia truncata Likoto Lingala DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Mbanga Issongo CAR N'Gasse, 2003
mbábángá Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Imbrasia wahlbergia Minsendi noir Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
gp.
Lobobunaea goodi lingonju Ngandu DRC Takeda, 1990
Lobobunaea Kaba DRC – Bas Latham, 2003
phaedusa Congo
Kaba Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
Kaba Kikongo DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Lobobunaea DRC Mapunzu, 2002
saturnus
Macrotoma sp. .Pósε Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Mecinorrhyna sp. Lèálèá Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Melanocara parva DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Melanocera nereis DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Microgone parva DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Nuaurelia authina DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Nudaurelia dione Lilangachike Ngandu DRC Takeda, 1990
Nudaurelia .bòyó Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
oyemensis 1. Tumpekete 1. Tshiluba DRC Mapunzu, 2002
(Synonym = 2. Makangu 2. Bandundu
Imbrasia oyemensis) 3. Mboyo / 3. Ngombe
Mbö
4. Bisu 4. Kikongo
Mboyo Sapelli larva CAR N'Gasse, 2003
(Lingala,
Issongo)
Boyo Sapelli larva Congo-B Lewis, 1998
(Mbendjele)
Nyodes prasinodes DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Oryctes boas Congo-B Moussa, 2002
Oryctes owariensis Congo-B Moussa, 2002
Petrognatha gigas .Pós_ Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Platygenia barbata .ngbòtó Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Platysphinx sp. Munsona Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003

47
SPECIES LOCAL COMMON ETHNIC GROUP COUNTRY REFERENCE
NAMES NAME /LANGUAGE /REGION
ENGLISH
/FRENCH
Acanthacris ruficornis Congo-B Moussa, 2002
Acantharis ruficornis Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Afroxyrrhops procera Congo-B Moussa, 2002
Anoedopoda erosa Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Brachytrypes Nzεnzε Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
membranaceus
Brachytrypes Congo-B Moussa, 2002
membranaceus
Cantatops spissus Congo-B Moussa, 2002
Catantops quadratus Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Chirista compta Congo-B Moussa, 2002
Conocephalus spp. Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Gastrimargus Congo-B Moussa, 2002
africanus
Gryllacris africana Nzúbé Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Gryllodes sp. Nzεnzε Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Heteracris Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
coerulescens
SPECIES LOCAL COMMON ETHNIC GROUP COUNTRY REFERENCE
NAMES NAME /LANGUAGE /REGION
ENGLISH
/FRENCH
Pseudantherea Kanga Issongo CAR N'Gasse, 2003
discrepans .kèsó Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Boona Ngandu DRC Takeda, 1990
Pseudathera anobita Mbona Lingala DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Rhenea mediate DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Rhynchophorus sp. Mpose DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Rhynchophorus .sòkò Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
phoenicis Lohose Ngandu DRC Takeda, 1990
Nsombé Congo-B Moussa, 2002
Rhypopteryx Nsongi Kikongo DRC Latham, 2003
poecilanthes
Saturnia sp. Lihakala Ngandu DRC Takeda, 1990
Stenodontes sp. .Pósε Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Tangorapsis flavinata DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Urota sinope DRC Mapunzu, 2002
Usta terpsichore DRC Mapunzu, 2002
CRICKETS, GRASSHOPPERS & LOCUSTS

48
SPECIES LOCAL COMMON ETHNIC GROUP COUNTRY REFERENCE
NAMES NAME /LANGUAGE /REGION
ENGLISH
/FRENCH
Heterocris Congo-B Moussa, 2002
guineensis
Locusta migratoria Congo-B Moussa, 2002
Oxycantatops Congo-B Moussa, 2002
congoensis
Pyrgomorpha Nzúbé Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
vignaudi
Roduniella insipida Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Tettigonia spp. Mignégné Congo-B Moussa, 2002
TERMITES
SPECIES LOCAL COMMON ETHNIC GROUP COUNTRY REFERENCE
NAMES NAME /LANGUAGE /REGION
ENGLISH
/FRENCH
Apicotermes sp. .bòmò Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
(probably)
Bellicositermes sp. .sémbá Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
Bellicositermes .kàè / Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985
natalensis .samba-.
kàè
Cubitermes spp. Congo-B Moussa, 2002
Macrotermes sp. Likalolo Ngandu DRC Takeda, 1990;
Takeda & Sato,
1993
Macrotermes Congo-B Moussa, 2002
bellicosus
Oecephylla sp. Manteketa Red ant Congo-B Moussa, 2002
Protermes sp. (?) kòmbεlε Aka CAR Bahuchet, 1985

49
SPECIES LOCAL COMMON ETHNIC GROUP COUNTRY REFERENCE
NAMES NAME /LANGUAGE /REGION
ENGLISH
/FRENCH
Apis mellifera Lounjue Ngandu DRC Takeda, 1990
adansonii
Dactyfurina Luchu Ngandu DRC Takeda, 1990
standingeri
Trigona sp. Elungu Ngandu DRC Takeda, 1990
Trigona gribodoi Mbolo Ngandu DRC Takeda, 1990
OTHER INSECTS
SPECIES LOCAL COMMON ETHNIC GROUP COUNTRY REFERENCE
NAMES NAME /LANGUAGE /REGION
ENGLISH
/FRENCH
Afgeliada sp. Cicada Congo-B Moussa, 2002
Bellostoma sp Water bug Congo-B Moussa, 2002
Platypleura adouna Cicada Congo-B Moussa, 2002
Ugada giovannina Cicada Congo-B Moussa, 2002
Ugada limbata Cicada Congo-B Moussa, 2002
Ugada limbimaculata Cicada Congo-B Moussa, 2002
HONEY BEES

50
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PHOTOGRAPH CREDITS
Page 28:
Essock [top] Tropenbos International
Oil palm for palm wine [middle] Bob Walker, Wikipedia
Dacryides edulis [bottom] Cornell University/
Department of Crop and Soil Sciences
Page 29:
Gnetum [top] Dr. Daniel L. Nickrent/Southern Illinois
University
Caterpillars: Filip Verbelen/Greenpeace
Elaeis guineensis (palm wine and nut) www.knoch1.de
Alison Hoare, the author of this report, is a
Research Consultant and Associate Fellow
at Chatham House with expertise in natural
resource use and forest management.

55

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