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A practical guide to using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis ...
7
© Czasopismo Psychologiczne – Psychological Journal, 20, 1, 2014, 7-14
* Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to
Igor Pietkiewicz, University of Social Sciences & Humanities
Faculty of Psychology in Katowice, Techników 9, 40-326 Kato-
wice, Poland. ipietkiewicz@swps.edu.pl
Czasopismo Psychologiczne
Psychological Journal
A practical guide to using
Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis
in qualitative research psychology
Igor Pietkiewicz*
University of Social Sciences & Humanities, Faculty in Katowice
Jonathan A. Smith
Birkbeck University of London, Department of Psychological Sciences
Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) has become a popular methodological framework in qualitative
psychology. Studies based in IPA focus on examining how individuals make meaning of their life experiences.
A detailed analysis of personal accounts followed by presenting and discussing the generic experiential themes
is typically paired with the researcher’s own interpretation, which is an expression of double hermeneutics in
practice. IPA draws upon phenomenology, hermeneutics, and idiography. This paper presents fundamental
principles behind IPA and offers guidelines for doing a study based on this framework.
Key words: qualitative research methodology, interpretative phenomenological analysis, qualitative psychology
QUALITATIVE METHODOLOGY FRAMEWORKS
IN PSYCHOLOGY
For many decades, the mainstream experimental psy-
chology relied on quantitative methodology based on
a model which involved testing theories by deriving
hypotheses from them, which could then be checked in
practice via an experiment or observation. The research-
er looked for disconfi rmation (falsifi cation) of theory and,
by eliminating claims which were not true, he or she was
believed to move closer to the truth. In contrast to this
approach, we have observed a growing development of
qualitative research methodologies1, based on a different
epistemological view. Qualitative researchers are main-
ly concerned with meaning (e.g., how individuals make
sense of the world, how they experience events, what
meaning they attribute to phenomena). In other words,
they are more preoccupied with the quality of experi-
ence, rather than causal relationships. While quantita-
1 Silverman (1993, p. 1) explains the difference between
“methodology” and “method”: whereas the former refers to
‘a general approach to studying research topics’, the latter
denotes ‘a specifi c research technique’ (such as an in-depth
interview, focus group, participatory observation).
tive studies are generally more concerned with counting
occurrences, volumes, or the size of associations between
entities (which require the reduction of phenomena to
numerical values in order to carry out statistical analy-
ses), a great deal of qualitative research aims to provide
rich descriptive accounts of the phenomenon under in-
vestigation. In qualitative research, data is usually col-
lected in naturalistic settings (at home, school, hospi-
tal). Both participants’ and researchers’ interpretations
of phenomena is taken into account in the process of
analysis. An important part of qualitative methodology
is epistemological refl exivity, which refers to questions
such as: How does the research question defi ne and limit
what can be found? How does study design and method
of analysis affect data and its analysis? If the research
problem were defi ned differently, how would this affect
the understanding of the phenomenon under investiga-
tion? (Willig, 2008).
Handbooks on qualitative methodology in psychology
usually describe a number of major methodological ap-
proaches, such as the Grounded Theory, Phenomenol-
ogy, Discourse Analysis, Narrative Psychology, Partici-
patory Action Research (Smith 2008; Willig 2008; Camic,
Rhodes & Yardley 2003). Each type constitutes a com-
DOI: 10.14691/CPPJ.20.1.7
This is an English version reprint of the paper: Pietkiewicz, I.
& Smith, J.A. (2012). Praktyczny przewodnik interpretacyjnej
analizy fenomenologicznej w badaniach jakościowych w psycho-
logii. Czasopismo Psychologiczne 18, 2, 361-369.
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Igor Pietkiewicz, Jonathan A. Smith
© Czasopismo Psychologiczne – Psychological Journal, 20, 1, 2014, 7-14
prehensive framework which includes the theoretical
underpinnings behind it and guidelines for research de-
sign (sampling, methods of data collection and analysis).
When producing the fi nal report (or a research paper),
it is especially convenient to use an established meth-
odological framework. This is valuable, as most journals
impose limitations on paper lengths. The researcher can
make reference to standardized methods and methodolo-
gies, instead of giving detailed descriptions of analytical
procedures. This allows more space to present abundant
qualitative material. In this paper, we describe one such
methodological framework which has become increas-
ingly popular in European and American psychology,
namely Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA).
After a short outline of its theoretical orientation, we de-
scribe the specifi cs of research problems suitable for IPA,
methods of sampling and data collection, and present
guidelines for analysis using examples, and fi nal com-
ments on how to produce a fi nal paper. For the reader
who is interested, a much fuller treatment of these is-
sues can be found in the book on IPA (Smith, Flowers,
& Larkin 2009).
IPA THEORETICAL ORIENTATION
The primary goal of IPA researchers is to investigate
how individuals make sense of their experiences. It is
assumed that people are ‘self-interpreting beings’ (Tay-
lor, 1985), which means that they are actively engaged
in interpreting the events, objects, and people in their
lives. To examine this process, IPA draws upon the fun-
damental principles of phenomenology, hermeneutics,
and idiography.
Phenomenology, developed by Edmund Husserl as an
eidetic method, is concerned with attending to the way
things appear to individuals in their experience. In other
words, it aims at identifying the essential components
of phenomena or experiences which make them unique
or distinguishable from others. By the use of eidetic re-
duction, phenomenologists try to recognize what essen-
tial components make a given phenomenon special (or
unique). Phenomenological studies thus focus on how
people perceive and talk about objects and events, rather
than describing phenomena according to a predeter-
mined categorical system, conceptual and scientifi c cri-
teria. This involves ‘bracketing’ one’s preconceptions and
allowing phenomena to speak for themselves.
Husserl’s thought was further developed by his fol-
lower, Martin Heidegger (1962), into existential philoso-
phy and hermeneutics. Heidegger was concerned with
the ontological question of existence itself. According to
hermeneutics (from the Greek word ‘to interpret’ or ‘to
make clear’) one needs to comprehend the mind-set of
a person and their language which mediates one’s ex-
periences of the world, in order to translate his or her
message (Freeman, 2008). Thus, IPA researchers at-
tempt to understand what it is like to stand in the shoes
of their subject (although recognizing this is never com-
pletely possible) and, through interpretative activity,
make meaning comprehensible by translating it (just
like the mythological Hermes translated the gods’ mes-
sages to humans). This means that the IPA study is
a dynamic process with the active role of the researcher
who infl uences the extent to which they get access to the
participant’s experience and how, through interpretative
activity, they make sense of the subject’s personal world.
The analytical process in IPA is often described in terms
of a double hermeneutic or dual interpretation process
because, fi rstly, the participants make meaning of their
world and, secondly, the researcher tries to decode that
meaning to make sense of the participants’ meaning
making (Smith & Osborn, 2008). In other words, IPA re-
searchers try to understand what an experience (object
or event) is like from the participant’s perspective. Yet,
at the same time, they try to formulate critical questions
referring to the material, such as: What is the person
trying to achieve here? Is anything meaningful being
said here, which was not intended? Do I have a sense
of something going on here that the person himself or
herself is perhaps less aware of? IPA studies may thus
contain elements of both types of interpretation, making
the analysis richer and more comprehensive.
To sum up, IPA synthesizes ideas from phenomenol-
ogy and hermeneutics resulting in a method which is de-
scriptive because it is concerned with how things appear
and letting things speak for themselves, and interpreta-
tive because it recognizes there is no such thing as an
uninterpreted phenomenon.
The third theoretical orientation which IPA relies
upon is idiography. This refers to an in-depth analysis
of single cases and examining individual perspectives of
study participants in their unique contexts. The funda-
mental principle behind the idiographic approach is to
explore every single case, before producing any general
statements. This contrasts with the nomothetic princi-
ples which underlie most empirical work in psychology,
in which groups and populations are studied to establish
the probability that certain phenomena will occur un-
der specifi c conditions. IPA relies on idiography, mean-
ing that researchers focus on the particular rather the
universal (Smith, Harré, & Van Langenhove, 1995). The
researcher can make specifi c statements about study
participants because the analysis is based upon a de-
tailed case exploration. The IPA researcher thus starts
either by examining an individual and producing a case
study or moves to an equally attentive exploration of the
second case, and so on. This idiographic commitment is
unusual even among qualitative methodologies. If the
researcher wants to study a group of individuals, he or
she moves between important themes generated in the
analysis and exemplifi es them with individual narra-
tives (how particular individuals tell their stories), com-
paring and contrasting them (i.e., showing similarities
and differences).
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A practical guide to using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis ...
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© Czasopismo Psychologiczne – Psychological Journal, 20, 1, 2014, 7-14
FORMULATING RESEARCH QUESTIONS
Most qualitative methodologies reject formulating hy-
potheses prior to research conduct. Instead, they promote
an open inductive approach to data collection and analy-
sis. IPA emphasises studying people idiographically. It
aims at generating rich and detailed descriptions of how
individuals experience phenomena under investigation.
Its concern with the in-depth exploration of their lived
experiences and how they make sense of those experi-
ences helps defi ne the type of question which is suitable
for an IPA study. Example research problems might be:
• What does jealousy feel like?
• How do young people experience the transition
from school to college or university?
• How do people make the decision whether or not
undergo chemotherapy?
There are interesting examples of using IPA in psy-
chological research to explore a variety of problems,
such as: the relationship between body image, gender
and sexual orientation (Morgan & Arcelus, 2009); how
people with multiple sclerosis think about the experi-
ence of exercise (Borkoles et al., 2008); how being HIV
positive impacts personal relationships (Jarman, Walsh,
& de Lacey, 2005); what infl uences the decision to stop
psychotherapy (Wilson & Sperlinger, 2004); how an indi-
vidual’s sense of identity is affected by being diagnosed
with Alzheimer’s disease (Clare, 2003); by homelessness
(Riggs & Coyle, 2002); or how it changes during the tran-
sition to motherhood (Smith, 1999); how people come to
terms with the death of a partner (Golsworthy & Coyle,
1999); or how gay men think about sex and sexuality
(Flowers et al, 1997).
IPA was initially applied to problems in health psy-
chology but became more and more popular in other
fi elds. It can be a suitable approach in clinical psychol-
ogy and psychotherapy to examine cases. Its strengths
can also be utilized in cultural or indigenous psychology,
which focus on the emic perspective of participants. It can
also support psychologists of religion to analyze spiritual
experiences or religious rituals and meanings attributed
to them. Community psychologists, as well as psycholo-
gists of migration and acculturation, can fi nd it useful to
examine how various groups construct their ethnic (or
group) identity, what meaning they attribute to social
roles, and how they perceive phenomena. These are just
a few examples of how this methodological framework
can be used to design qualitative psychological research.
SAMPLING IN IPA
The main concern in IPA is give full appreciation to each
participant’s account (case). For this reason, samples in
IPA studies are usually small, which enables a detailed
and very time consuming case-by-case analysis. At an
early stage, the researcher must decide whether he or
she wants to give a comprehensive and in-depth analysis
about a particular participant’s experiences or present
a more general account on a group or specifi c popula-
tion. Doing both is rarely possible, so the fi nal goal will
determine the subsequent methodology and research de-
sign. It is inappropriate to use a large sample size just
because that is more common in psychological studies.
With IPA, we aim at producing an in-depth examination
of certain phenomena, and not generating a theory to be
generalized over the whole population. (However, com-
paring multiple IPA studies on a particular problem may
provide insights into universal patterns or mechanisms.)
There is no rule regarding how many participants
should be included. It generally depends on: 1. the depth
of analysis of a single case study; 2. the richness of the
individual cases; 3. how the researcher wants to compare
or contrast single cases; and 4. the pragmatic restric-
tions one is working under. The last category includes
time constraints or access to participants. For example,
one of the authors participated in a study to investigate
the experiences of parents who had a child with Juve-
nile Huntington’s Disease – a seemingly rare condition
(Smith et al., 2006). The total number of people for whom
this is a relevant experience is small and therefore this
immediately determines the boundaries for a possible
sample. More commonly the potential participant pool
is wider and a process of sample selection needs to be
undertaken.
IPA studies have been published with – for example –
one, four, nine, fi fteen participants. Larger sample sizes
are possible but less common. According to Turpin et al.
(1997) the clinical psychology doctoral programmes in
Britain recommend that six to eight participants is ap-
propriate for an IPA study as this size sample gives an
opportunity to examine similarities and differences be-
tween individuals. At the same time, the amount of qual-
itative data gathered is not overwhelming. In general,
IPA researchers should concentrate more on the depth,
rather than breadth, of the study. A detailed analysis of
a single case may well be justifi ed if rich and meaning-
ful data has been collected which allows the researcher
to present original problems, mechanism, or experiences.
This offers an opportunity to learn a lot about the indi-
vidual, his or her response to a specifi c situation, and
consider connections between different aspects of the
person’s account (Smith, 2004). In most studies, how-
ever, IPA researchers rely on a small sample rather than
a single individual.
Typically, IPA researchers aim for a fairly homoge-
neous sample, contrary to grounded theorists, for ex-
ample, who engage in constant comparisons and seek
exceptions or odd cases which helps them produce a mul-
tidimensional dynamic theory of how different factors af-
fect human behaviours (Charmaz, 2006). In IPA, psycho-
logical similarities and differences are usually analyzed
within a group that has been defi ned as similar accord-
ing to important variables. Obviously, it is inappropriate
to think in terms of random or representative sampling
when one is interviewing so few participants. In line
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© Czasopismo Psychologiczne – Psychological Journal, 20, 1, 2014, 7-14
with the theoretical underpinnings of IPA, participants
are selected purposely. This allows one to fi nd a defi ned
group for whom the research problem has relevance and
personal signifi cance. How homogeneous the group is de-
pends on two factors: 1. interpretative concerns (degree
of similarity or variation that can be contained in the
analysis of the phenomenon), and 2. pragmatic consider-
ations (ease or diffi culty of contacting potential partici-
pants, relative rarity of the phenomenon). The subject
matter can itself defi ne the boundaries of the relevant
sample (e.g., if the topic is rare and few representatives
are available, such as the Juvenile Huntington’s Disease
mentioned earlier). In other cases, when the topic is more
commonplace, the sample may include individuals with
similar demographic or socio-economic status profi les
(e.g., elderly, female members of a specifi c religious com-
munity or young, male patients diagnosed with a par-
ticular illness, etc.). In this respect, IPA can be compared
to ethnographic studies in which small communities are
closely investigated to produce detailed descriptions and
commentaries about their culture, where claims are
bound to that culture or only cautiously suggested at
a broader level. Nevertheless, through a steady accumu-
lation of similar studies on other groups, generalizations
may become possible over time (Smith, Harré, & Van
Langenhove, 1995).
COLLECTING DATA
The primary concern of IPA researchers is to elicit rich,
detailed, and fi rst-person accounts of experiences and
phenomena under investigation. Semi-structured, in-
depth, one-on-one interviews are the most popular meth-
od to achieve that, although other alternatives of data
collection can also be used (e.g., diaries, focus groups, let-
ters or chat dialogues). Semi-structured interviews allow
the researcher and the participant to engage in a dia-
logue in real time. They also give enough space and fl ex-
ibility for original and unexpected issues to arise, which
the researcher may investigate in more detail with fur-
ther questions.
It is crucial that researchers have developed their in-
terviewing skills. Apart from mastering active listening2
and the ability to ask open-ended questions free from
hidden presumptions, the interviewer should know to
build rapport and gain trust of the participant. A kind
of warm-up discussion may be necessary to reduce the
interviewee’s tension and get him or her ready to discuss
more sensitive or personal issues. With semi-structured
interviews, it is helpful to prepare an interview plan
in advance. This plan is a guide to facilitate a natural
fl ow of conversation, and can include key questions or
areas the researcher wants to discuss (see example in
Frame 1). Formulating specifi c questions (e.g., relating
to sensitive issues) may be helpful for less experienced
interviewers. Apart from open and expansive questions
which encourage participants to talk at length, it may be
also be convenient to think about prompts. These may be
helpful if participants fi nd some questions too general or
abstract. Questions suitable for an IPA study may con-
centrate on exploring sensory perceptions, mental phe-
nomena (thoughts, memories, associations, fantasies)
and, in particular, individual interpretations. During an
interview, the researcher should also feel comfortable
with moments of silence, to allow both his or herself and
the participant to refl ect upon issues being discussed.
Furthermore, an experienced interviewer is also sensi-
tive to and tries to be aware of all verbal, non-verbal, and
non-behavioral communication. (Frame 1)
For ethical reasons, and because IPA studies are fre-
quently concerned with signifi cant existential issues, it
is crucial that the interviewer monitors how the inter-
view is affecting the participant. Experienced interview-
ers can easily determine when the participants avoid
talking about certain issues, start feeling awkward,
ashamed or become very emotional. Using counseling
skills may then be useful and, if the interviewer has not
developed such competence, he or she should follow spe-
2 This involves listening attentively, trying to understand
what is being said, negotiating meaning when things seem
unclear, ambiguous or abstract, and constructing appropri-
ate questions which help explore what is being said.
Frame 1:
Example interview questions for a study on illness behaviors in an ethnic minority group. The researcher’s goal was to examine how
the indigenous culture and acculturation in northern India affected Tibetan patients’ explanatory models and reactions to becoming ill
1. Can you tell me about your illness experiences when living in exile?
Prompts: What kind of health problems did you have? How did that feel in your body? How did you interpret symptoms? Why do you think
symptoms appeared at that time of your life? What was going on in your mind then? (thoughts/ associations/ fantasies)
2. What did you think could help you feel better at that time?
Prompts: What kind of treatment did you think was most appropriate? Why? What did you think should have been done to help you
overcome your problem(s)? How did you think your condition would change if you had done nothing about it?
3. What was your fi rst / subsequent reaction(s)?
Prompts: How did you decide to go about your health problems? Where did you seek help? What stopped you from seeking help? If sought
medical / non-medical treatment: What did you think about recommendations you received? What was similar or different in what you
thought about your problem and how the person you referred to assessed it?
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cifi c ethical procedures (e.g., stop the interview and refer
the person to a professional in mental care). Even though
such situations are rare, researchers should consider all
possible risks.
The duration of most IPA interviews is one hour or
longer. The semi-structured form of interviews allows
the interviewer to ask questions in a convenient order,
which may differ from one interview to another. Novel
perspectives or topics, which have not been anticipat-
ed, may also arise and the researcher is free to develop
them. In IPA it is necessary to audio record the interview
and produce a verbatim transcription of it.
ANALYSIS OF THE QUALITATIVE MATERIAL
Analysing qualitative material using the IPA framework
can be an inspiring activity, although complex and time-
consuming. It is recommended that researchers totally
immerse themselves in the data or, in other words, try
to step into the participants’ shoes as far as possible.
IPA aims at giving evidence of the participants’ mak-
ing sense of phenomena under investigation and, at the
same time, document the researcher’s sense making.
The researcher thus moves between the emic and etic
perspectives. The latter is achieved by looking at the
data through a psychological lens, interpreting it with
the application of psychological concepts and theories
which the researcher fi nds helpful to illuminate the un-
derstanding of research problems. Showing the emic per-
spective protects researchers from psychological or psy-
chiatric reductionism. On the other hand, by looking at
data from the outsider’s perspective, we have a chance to
develop higher level theories and insights (which the re-
spondent himself or herself may not have access to). The
researcher should be careful, however, when applying
theories developed in one setting (e.g., western culture)
to explain phenomena from a different one. Indigenous
psychologists stipulate that such theories might be ir-
relevant.
In general, IPA provides a set of fl exible guidelines
which can be adapted by individual researchers accord-
ing to their research objectives. However, these guide-
lines are merely an illustration of one possible way of
analysing the qualitative material. They should not be
treated as a recipe and the researcher is advised to be
fl exible and creative in his or her thinking. To demon-
strate how the analysis unfolds, we describe the analytic
stages of an example study on how Tibetans accultur-
ating in northern India make meaning of their medical
conditions.
Frame 2:
An extract from an interview with Lobsang (a Tibetan from Dharamsala) about making meaning of his symptoms, with researcher’s
notes
Oryginal transcript Exploratory comments
Interviewer: Can you tell me about the last time you were ill?
Oh, it was long ago. By the grace of His Holiness the Dalai Lama I haven’t had any
problems recently. When I arrived here ten years ago… well… even I had a small,
like… spirit harm. My [points to his genitals], you know, my organ got swollen and
it was itching. I did not pay attention to it at fi rst, but after a few days it got worse.
I had… sort of pain when I was trying to pee, and I was really worried.
Attributes good fortune to the Dalai Lama. A cliché or
refl ects his beliefs?
Attributes illness to spirits; does not know the word “penis”
or ashamed to use it? Grew worried about his symptoms as
they got worse
Interviewer: Why do you think that symptom appeared?
Well, you know, many reasons are possible. What I thought at that time and what I
think now – two different reasons. I mean, you know, we used to piss everywhere,
you see. In a spring, on a tree… we used to pee near that and sometimes my organ
[penis] swells. And when I go to lama, he say: “This is harm of nagas because you
did something wrong.” So, they would tell me to do this prayer and I do.
Finds different explanations for his problem
Sees symptoms as punishment by nagas
Interviewer: Can you tell me how you interpreted your health problem?
Well, at that time, I thought that it was the curse of nagas. These serpent deities
are very powerful beings, you know, so you have to… you know, be careful not to
offend them. Sometimes, they… you can see them in the form of a frog or snake.
They live in forests, in streams or in a tree. So, you know… when you pee into the
stream or on that tree… or cut this tree, you can make them angry and they curse
you. Then, you know… skin problems.
Holds folk beliefs about serpent deities (nagas), ways of
offending them (peeing, cutting a tree), and being cursed.
Associating skin problems with nagas’ activity
Interviewer: What else might have caused your problem? You mentioned another
reason.
Well… it is like…. you know, I may have slept with another woman, who may have
some problems. Like a prostitute for instance. I think, if that is the cause, then I
should go to a doctor. It depends. Maybe nagas or maybe… you know… bacteria.
Sometimes we have these talks, you know… a nurse or a doctor comes… and
they talk about bacteria. “Wash your hands” – you know, after using toilet or “Use
condoms.”
Smiled and seemed embarrassed to talk about sleeping
with a woman. What is embarrassing for him – talking about
sexual activity, prostitutes?
Referring to the germ theory to explain his symptoms. How
does he go about confl icting explanations?
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Multiple reading and making notes
The initial stage involves close reading of the transcript
a number of times. If an audio recording is available, it is
also recommended to listen to it a few times. This helps
researchers immerse themselves in the data, recall the
atmosphere of the interview, and the setting in which
it was conducted. Each reading and listening to the re-
cording may provide some new insights. At this stage,
the researcher can make notes about his or her observa-
tions and refl ections about the interview experience or
any other thoughts and comments of potential signifi -
cance. They may focus on content (what is actually being
discussed), language use (features such as metaphors,
symbols, repetitions, pauses), context, and initial inter-
pretative comments. Some comments associated with
personal refl exivity may also be generated (e.g., how
might personal characteristics of the interviewer, such
as gender, age, social status, affect the rapport with the
participant). It is useful to highlight distinctive phrases
and emotional responses. An example of relevant notes
is shown in Frame 2.
Transforming notes into Emergent Themes
At this stage, the researcher should work more with his
or her notes, rather than with the transcript. When de-
tailed and comprehensive notes have been produced at
an earlier stage, they should refl ect the source material.
The aim is to transform notes into emerging themes.
The researcher aims to formulate a concise phrase at
a slightly higher level of abstraction which may refer to
a more psychological conceptualization. Nevertheless,
this is still grounded in the particular detail of the par-
ticipant’s account. At this stage, we are inevitably in-
fl uenced by having already annotated the transcript as
a whole, which is a good example of the hermeneutic
circle discussed earlier (the part is interpreted in rela-
tion to the whole, and the whole is interpreted in relation
to the part). Frame 3 shows examples of the emergent
themes for the same interview extract with Lobsang.
Seeking relationships and clustering themes
The next stage involves looking for connections between
emerging themes, grouping them together according to
conceptual similarities, and providing each cluster with
a descriptive label. In practice, it means compiling themes
for the whole transcript before looking for connections
and clusters. Some of the themes may be dropped at this
stage if they do not fi t well with the emerging structure
or because they have a weak evidential base. A fi nal list
may comprise of numerous superordinate themes and
subthemes (see: Frame 4). Researchers who use the tra-
Frame 3:
Examples of developing emergent themes
Original transcript Emerging themes
Interviewer: Can you tell me about the last time you were ill?
Oh, it was long ago. By the grace of His Holiness the Dalai Lama I haven’t had any
problems recently. When I arrived here ten years ago… well… even I had a small,
like… spirit harm. My [points to his genitals], you know, my organ got swollen and
it was itching. I did not pay attention to it at fi rst, but after a few days it got worse.
I had… sort of pain when I was trying to pee, and I was really worried.
Attributing good fortune to lama’s blessing.
Attributing illness to supernatural forces.
Interviewer: Why do you think that symptom appeared?
Well, you know, many reasons are possible. What I thought at that time and what I
think now – two different reasons. I mean, you know, we used to piss everywhere,
you see. In a spring, on a tree… we used to pee near that and sometimes my organ
[penis] swells. And when I go to lama, he say: “This is harm of nagas because you
did something wrong.” So, they would tell me to do this prayer and I do. Holding different explanatory models.
Interviewer: Can you tell me how you interpreted your health problem?
Well, at that time, I thought that it was the curse of nagas. These serpent deities
are very powerful beings, you know, so you have to… you know, be careful not to
offend them. Sometimes, they… you can see them in the form of a frog or snake.
They live in forests, in streams or in a tree. So, you know… when you pee into the
stream or on that tree… or cut this tree, you can make them angry and they curse
you. Then, you know… skin problems.
Referring to folk beliefs associated with nagas to rationalize
illness.
Folk beliefs about nagas, ways of offending them, and being
cursed.
Interviewer: What else might have caused your problem? You mentioned
another reason..
Well… it is like…. you know, I may have slept with another woman, who may have
some problems. Like a prostitute for instance. I think, if that is the cause, then
I should go to a doctor. It depends. Maybe nagas or maybe… you know… bacteria.
Sometimes we have these talks, you know… a nurse or a doctor comes… and
they talk about bacteria. “Wash your hands” – you know, after using toilet or “Use
condoms.”
Referring to folk beliefs to rationalize skin problems.
Using western conceptualizations to explain illness.
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A practical guide to using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis ...
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© Czasopismo Psychologiczne – Psychological Journal, 20, 1, 2014, 7-14
ditional method of pen and paper, and write comments
and themes in the margin, probably like to end up with
a list of major themes and subthemes, and relevant short
extracts from the transcript, followed by the line number,
so that it is easy to return to the transcript and check
the extract in context. On the other hand, researchers
who use modern software for qualitative data admin-
istration, will feel confi dent with a mere list of themes
and subthemes, as they can produce short descriptions
of each theme and use links to appropriate passages in
the transcript. Using QDA software with IPA is another
subject, however, which needs further elaboration in
a separate paper.
WRITING UP AN IPA STUDY
The painstaking analysis described above leads to writ-
ing a narrative account of the study. This usually in-
volves taking the themes identifi ed in the fi nal table and
writing them up one by one. Each theme needs to be de-
scribed and exemplifi ed with extracts from interview(s),
followed by analytic comments from the authors (see ex-
ample in Frame 5). The table of themes opens up into
a persuasive account that explains to the reader the im-
portant experiential items that have been found during
the process of analysis. Using interviewees’ own words
to illustrate themes has two functions: 1. It enables the
reader to assess the pertinence of the interpretations,
and 2. It retains the voice of the participants’ personal
experience and gives a chance to present the emic per-
spective. The fi nal paper thus includes both the partici-
pant’s account of his or her experience in his or her own
words, and interpretative commentary of the research-
er. The narrative account may engage several levels of
interpretation, from low-level interpretation of data to
a highly detailed, interpretative and theoretical level,
which may generate new insights.
In a typical IPA project, the narrative account is fol-
lowed by a discussion section which relates the identifi ed
themes to existing literature. Refl ection on the research
can be included here, as well as comments on implica-
tions of the study, its limitations, and ideas for future
development.
CONCLUSION
Doing an IPA study is a demanding enterprise, despite
a possible illusion that using a small sample makes it
easy. Obviously, the researcher needs to combine a wide
repertoire of skills. To gather valuable data, some de-
gree of interviewing experience is indispensable. Care-
ful, systematic, and rigorous analysis, on the other
hand, requires patience and openness to see the world
through someone else’s eyes and the ability to control a
temptation to a priori impose conceptual categories. The
inductive character of most qualitative methodologies
requires that theories are derived from data, and not the
other way round.
Training in qualitative research in psychology is still
relatively new and underdeveloped. Students are thus
likely to approach qualitative research with a mindset
developed from much fuller training in quantitative
methodology. Many feel challenged by the lack of ap-
propriate skills required here. As qualitative psychology
matures, we expect the general level of student work to
become stronger, deeper, and richer (Smith, 2011).
Frame 4:
An example of clustered themes
Conditions associated with good health and luck
Accumulation of positive karma in the past.
Involvement in actions to accumulate merits.
Attributing good fortune to lama’s blessing.
Meaning attributed to spiritual involvement.
Rationalizing symptoms of illness
The concept of negative karma.
Referring to indigenous beliefs to conceptualize illness:
• Imbalance of humours.
• Attributing illness to supernatural forces.
Using western conceptualizations to explain illness:
• Attributing symptoms to viruses or bacteria.
• Illness attributed to stress.
Illness attributed to poor diet.
Illness attributed to exhaustion.
Holding confl icting explanatory models
Frame 5:
A brief ilustration of writing up an IPA study
Trying to rationalize the onset of his illness, Lobsang initially referred to the traditional indigenous beliefs of the culture he represented:
I thought that it was the curse of nagas. These serpent deities are very powerful beings, you know, so you have to… you know, be careful
not to offend them. Sometimes, they… you can see them in the form of a frog or snake. They live in forests, in streams or in a tree. So, you
know… when you pee into the stream or on that tree… or cut this tree, you can make them angry and they curse you.
Stories about serpent deities have been part of everyday life and social discourse in the Tibetan diaspora. They were embedded in their
cosmological system and refl ected the belief in the invisible sphere of existence, inhabited by gods, demi-gods, spirits or hungry ghosts. This
defi ned Lobsang’s spirituality and his sense of identity. This also represents shared values Lobsang identifi ed with, such as respect towards
nature and all living creation. Yet, in another part of his discourse, Lobsang refers to fundamental principles of tantric Buddhism according to
which all phenomena are perceived as “mere refl ections of the mind”. As such, serpent deities, powerful, dangerous, and potentially oppressive
for those who cross the taboo, can represent inner objects which are projected and used to control the behavior of body, speech, and mind.
Peeing into the stream or cutting a tree which belongs to the nagas carries signifi cant symbolic force…
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Igor Pietkiewicz, Jonathan A. Smith
© Czasopismo Psychologiczne – Psychological Journal, 20, 1, 2014, 7-14
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