The Anatolian Seljuk City An Analysis on Early Turkish Urban Models in Anatolia

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CENTRAL ASIATIC
JOURNAL
International Periodical
for the Languages, Literature,
History and Archaeology
of Central Asia
Edited by Giovanni Stary
54 (2010)
Harrassowitz Verlag · Wiesbaden

© Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden 2010
This jour nal and all contributions and illustrations contained therein are protected
by copyright. Any use beyond the limits of copyright law without the per mission of
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ISSN 0008-9192
The Central Asiatic Jour nal is published twice a year.
On editorial matters, book reviews etc., please contact the Editor,
Professor Dr. Giovanni Stary, Via card. G. Urbani 25, I-30174 Mestre-Venezia, Italy.
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Contents of CAJ 54 (2010)
Articles
Aizat Aisarakunova, Globalization and Kyrgyz Traditional Culture .................. 1
José Andrés Alonso de la Fuente, Proto-Yeniseian *dïn ~ *dïñ ‘fir tree’ ........... 12
Erhan Aydin, The Contribution of the Mongolian Language
on the Reading of Place Names in Old Turkish Inscriptions:
Togla or Tugla (Tugula?) ............................................................................... 22
Michael Fedorov, The Bukhar Khudat type drachms and Black dirhems
in money circulation of mediaeval Central Asia ............................................ 27
Martin Gimm, Einige Ergänzungen zu H. Conon v. d. Gabelentz’
Übersetzung der manjurischen Version des chinesischen Romans
Jin Ping Mei ................................................................................................... 53
Guillaume Jacques, The Tangut imperial title ..................................................... 60
Michael Knüppel, Jakutische Elemente in tungusischen Sprachen VI–XI
Jakutisches im Manegirischen (VI), Man’kova-Ewenkischen (VII),
Ner¥insk-Ewenkischen (VIII) und Chinganischen (IX) ................................ 66
Michael Knüppel, Hungaro-Sumero-Tibeto-Birmanisch? ................................... 74
Lode Talpe, Some Qidan Words in Chinese Poems............................................. 79
Ufuk Tavkul, On Parallelism Between Prophet David
and Nart Debet~Devet in the Nart Epos of Karachay-Balkar ........................ 92
Michael Knüppel, John Charles Street. Leben und Schaffen
eines Mongolisten und Altaisten .................................................................... 163
Melek Erdem, Time Metaphors in Oguz Concept System .................................. 191
Martin Gimm, Anfangsgründe der Mandschu-Grammatik von
Georg v. d. Gabelentz .................................................................................... 207
Mustaq A. Kaw, Central Asian Contribution to Kashmir’s Tradition
of Religio-Cultural Pluralism ......................................................................... 237
Reza Mehrafarin – Seyyed Rasool Mousavi Haji, In Search of
Ram Shahrestan. The Capital of the Sistan Province in the Sassanid Era ...... 256
Koray Özcan, The Anatolian Seljuk City. An Analysis
on Early Turkish Urban Models in Anatolia .................................................. 273
Michael L. Walter – Christopher I. Beckwith, The Dating
and Interpretation of the Old Tibetan Inscriptions ......................................... 291

Reviews
Almuth Degener: Shina-Texte aus Gilgit (Nord-Pakistan)
(by Jürgen Wasim Frembgen) ........................................................................ 99
Arienne M. Dwyer: Salar: A study in Inner Asian language contact
processes. Part I (by Julian Rentzsch) ........................................................... 100
Edige. A Karakalpak Heroic Epic as performed by Jumabay Bazarov
(by Jürgen Wasim Frembgen) ........................................................................ 104
Franz-Karl Ehrhard: A Rosary of Rubies: The Chronicle of the Gurrigs
mDo-chen Tradition from South-Western Tibet (by Helmut Eimer) .............. 106
Florilegia Altaistica. Studies in honour of Denis Sinor
on the occasion of his 90th birthday (by Michael Knüppel)........................... 108
Juha Janhunen, Marja Peltomaa, Erika Sandman, Xiawu Dongzhou: Wutun.......
(by José Andrés Alonso de la Fuente) ............................................................ 115
Kasai Yukiyo: Die uigurischen buddhistischen Kolophone
(by Michael Knüppel)..................................................................................... 119
Wladimir Monastyrjew: Jakutisch. Kleines erklärendes Wörterbuch
des Jakutischen (by Michael Knüppel)........................................................... 122
David Morgan: The Mongols (by Keith Hitchins)................................................ 123
Pasar Tsultrim Tenzin, Changru Tritsuk Namdak Nyima,
Gatsa Lodroe Rabsal (comp.): A Lexikon of Zhangzhung and Bonpo Terms
(by Helmut Eimer).......................................................................................... 126
Religionsbegegnung und Kulturaustausch in Asien. Studien zum Gedenken
an Hans-Joachim Klimkeit (by Volker Rybatzki)........................................... 129
Studies on the Inner Asian Languages I/1983–XXI/2006
(by Volker Rybatzki) ...................................................................................... 135
Manfred Taube (Hrsg.): Briefwechsel J. F. Rock – J. Schubert 1935–1961
(by Hartmut Walravens).................................................................................. 142
Tumen jalafun jecen akÙ. Manchu Studies in Honour of Giovanni Stary
(by Michael Knüppel)..................................................................................... 145
Heinrich Werner: Die Welt der Jenissejer im Lichte des Wortschatzes
Zur Rekonstruktion der jenissejischen Protokultur
(by Michael Knüppel)..................................................................................... 150
Jens Wilkens: Das Buch von der Sündentilgung
Edition des alttürkisch-buddhistischen Kšanti Kïlguluk Nom Bitig
(by Michael Knüppel)..................................................................................... 160
Ingeborg Hauenschild, Botanica und Zoologica im BƗbur-name
Eine lexikologische und kulturhistorische Untersuchung
(by Szonja Schmidt) ....................................................................................... 321

CAJ 54/2 (2010)
The Anatolian Seljuk City
An Analysis on Early Turkish Urban Models in Anatolia
By
KORAY ÖZCAN
(Selçuk University, Konya)
Introduction
The Seljuk period has been important in the urban history of Anatolia
because of embodying the first Turkish-Islamic colonization and urbani-
zation process in Anatolia. As a result of the foundation of the Anatolian
Seljuk State, Turks participated in the settlement pattern of Anatolia in the
beginning of the 12th century. The Anatolian Seljuk State was not only a
tribal confederation comprised of Turcoman nomadic groups or subgroups
from Central Asia and Iran, but also the synthesis of the Christian-Byzantine
social, cultural, economic institutions with the synthesis of the social and
cultural values which were based on the sedentary or nomadic life styles of
Turks transferring from Central Asia and Iran to Anatolia.
The Seljuks organized the urban network and transportation system in
Anatolia taken over from Byzantine that they were based on the potentials
and dynamics of the international and regional trading of Anatolia. In this
point, it is considered that Anatolian Seljuk cities were organized as the
spatial and functional components of urban network and transportation
system set up in Anatolia, and the colonization or land use policies trans-
ferring from the traditions of Turkish-Islamic States in Central Asia and Iran
to Anatolia. So, it can be said that Anatolian Seljuk cities were developed on
the urban heritage inherited from Byzantine, and also organized spatially
under the impact of Central Asia-Turkish before Islamic and Iran-Turkish in
after Islamic urban cultures in many regards.1
1 This study is based on the findings of the PhD thesis “The Urban Network and Urban
Models in Anatolia during Seljuk Period” which was prepared at Selçuk University,
Turkey, in 2005 by Koray Özcan.

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This study attempts to define the spatial organizations and physical
morphology of Anatolian cities during Anatolian Seljuk period extending
from the beginning of the 12th Century to the end of the 13th Century.
Within this scope, the meaning of the concept of “the Anatolian Seljuk city”
is conceived as the result of the impacts of the social, cultural and economic
symbiosis between Christian-Byzantine and Muslim-Seljuk on the spatial
organizations in Anatolia.
In order to establish the Anatolian Seljuk city, in terms of research
sources and its methodology, it is considered that the use of original histo-
rical and manuscript sources should be supported with their spatial dimen-
sion. Within the framework of the this study, it is also considered that the
spatial organizations and morphologies of the Anatolian Seljuk cities can be
defined by using the maps based on the manuscript sources and archae-
ological or architectural ruins.
The chronological framework of this study extends from the beginning of
the 12th century, when the political and administrative system of Anatolian
Seljuk State began to develop, to the end of the 13th century, the period of
the Ilkhanid which began to form after the end of the Seljuk period.
The study area is delineated as a unified political geography controlled by
Anatolian Seljuk Dynasty in terms of the administrative and political
boundaries;
In the West, Byzantine-Seljuk frontier regions called as Uc in the western
Anatolia lay on the roughly diagonal line along Makri Bay and Dalaman
River-Denizli-Kütahya-Kastamonu and Sinop, from southwest to the
northeast of Anatolia.
In the South, the frontiers of Cilicia Kingdom of Armenia in Taurus
Mountains and the coastal regions of the Mediterranean extending from
Antalya to Alâîyye.
In the North, the frontiers of the Empire of Trebizond and the coastal
regions of the Black Sea extending between Sinop and Cerasus.
In the East, frontier regions between the Great Seljuk Empire and
Anatolian Seljuk State extended along Elbistan-Malatya-Erzincan-Erzen-i
Rûm (Erzurum) and Çoruh Valley (Map 1).
The Spacial and Functional Organization of Anatolian Seljuk Cities
A view of Urban Heritage in Anatolia inherited from Byzantine
Anatolian cities had a spatial development extending outside the city walls
during the Roman Empire and the following the Byzantine Empire.

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CAJ 54/2 (2010)
275
However, Arabian-Iranian invasions called as “Dark Ages” lasted from the
beginning of the 7th to the end of the 9th centuries, and the following
Turkish conquests continued for two hundred years after the 9th century.
This process caused Byzantine Empire to weaken and lose control over the
Anatolian cities, and also many cities were deported and unpopulated.2
When Seljuk Turks entered Anatolia, the Byzantine urban network and
transportation system in Anatolia collapsed and Anatolia was kept out of the
long-distance commerce. Consequently, rural and urban life depending on
agricultural production and long-distance commerce were interrupted and
the ruralization process was underway before the Turkish conquest, and also
Byzantine cities were forced to enter the process of spatial and functional
transformation.3
Archaeological surveys on Byzantine cities indicate that, Byzantine cities
evolved in the reverse process both spatially and functionally. As a result,
many urban and rural settlements in Anatolia were abandoned or
depopulated, and also urban life was interrupted and a process of ruralization
began in Anatolia before the Turkish conquests. Only a few cities with a
sound economic base evolved to the fortified towns called castron,4 but other
cities were disintegrated into their component parts called as dioikismos.5
2 G. Dagron, “The Urban Economy, Seventh-Twelfth Centuries”, The Economic History
of Byzantium: from the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century, Dumbarton Oaks Press,
Washington, 2002, pp. 393–461. P. Charanis, “Bizans İmparatorluğu'nun Çöküşündeki
Ekonomik Faktörler (The Economic Factors on the Collapsing of the Byzantine Em-
pire)”, TTK Belleteni, XLVIII (191–192), pp. 523–535.
3 E. Kirsten, Die Byzantinische Stadt, Berichte zum XI. Internationalen Byzantinisten
Kongress (1958), München, pp. 1–48. M. Angold, “The Shaping of the medieval By-
zantine City”, Byzantinische Forschungen, X (1985), pp. 1–37. G. Dagron, “The Urban
Economy, Seventh-Twelfth Centuries, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 39 (2002), pp. 393–
461.
4 C. Foss, “Late Antique and Byzantine Ankara”, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 31 (1977),
pp. 29–86. J. Teall, “Byzantine Urbanism in the Military Handbooks”, The Medieval
City, Yale University Press, London, 1977, pp. 201–205.
5 C. Foss, Ephesus after Antiquity: A late antique, Byzantine and Turkish city, London,
1979, pp. 121–122, 137. C. Foss, “Archaeology and the twenty cities of Byzantine
Asia”, American Journal of Archaeology, 81 (4), 1977, 469–486. A. Bryer, “Structure
of the Late Byzantine Town; Dioiskismos and the Mesoi”, Continuity and change in the
Byzantine and Early Ottoman Society, Birmingham, 1986, pp. 263–279. Also see. M.
Angold, “The Shaping of the Medieval Byzantine City”, Byzantinische Forschungen X
(1985), pp. 1–37. Ch. Bouras, “Aspects of the Byzantine City; Eighth-Fifteenth Centu-
ries”. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 39 (2002), 499–528.

Koray Özcan
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The Seljuk Settlement Policies and Revitalization of Rural and Urban Life
Seljuks systematically followed social, cultural and economic policies in
order to revive urban and rural life and to rehabilitate of the socio-economic
conditions of Anatolia inherited from Byzantine Empire. These policies were
focused on the development of the long-distance commerce by constructing
the caravanserais and bridges and on the revitalization of the agricultural
production through various encouragements. In that way, Seljuks aimed to
encourage the nomadic Turcoman groups to participate in urban and rural
life for Turkish-Islamic colonization of Anatolia and to resettle the local
Christian peoples6.
First, the Seljuk sultans, especially from Sultan Kilij Arslan II (1155–
1192) to Kay-Qubad I (1220–1237), modified the transportation system,
inherited from Byzantine Empire, by constructing commercial buildings
such as caravanserais and khans on the international trade routes across
Anatolia in order to develop international and regional trade potential7.
These routes led from Konya, the capital of Anatolian Seljuk, to Istanbul and
Ephesus, the trade centers of the Byzantine Empire, and to Tabriz and Sulta-
niye, the eastern cultural and commercial centers and capital cities of the
Ilkhanids.
Epigraphic evidence and archaeological findings indicated that
approximately 120 caravanserais and khans were constructed along the
international trade routes across Anatolia, the great majority of them in the
first four decades of the 13th century.8
6 C. Cahen, The Formation of Turkey; The Seljukid Sultanate of Rum: Eleventh to
Fourteenth Century, London, 2001, pp. 100–122.
7 K. Erdmann, Das Anatolische Karavansaray des 13. Jahrhunderts, Katalog –Text,
Berlin, 1961. O. Turan, “Selçuk Kervansarayları” (Seljuk Caravanserais), TTK Belle-
teni, X/39 (1946), pp. 471–496. J. M. Rogers, “Waqs and Patronage in the Seljuk
Anatolia; The Epigraphic Evidence”, Anatolian Studies, XXVI (1976), pp. 69–103. J.
M. Rogers, “Royal Caravanserais and Royal Inscriptions in Seljuk Anatolia”, Atatürk
Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, the special issue for Albert Louis Gabriel
(1978), pp. 397–431.
8 M. K. Özergin, Anadolu Selçukluları Çağında Anadolu Yolları (Anatolian Routes
during Anatolian Seljuk Period), Istanbul University (Unpublished PhD thesis),
Istanbul, 1959, pp. 55–144. J. M. Rogers, “Waqs and Patronage in the Seljuk Anatolia;
The Epigraphic Evidence”, pp. 69–103.

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Most of the caravanserais and khans concentrated on the route to the east
from Konya to Aksaray, Kayseri, Sivas that reflects the focal points or major
cities of Anatolia between the 12th century and the 13th century. Ibn Said,
an Arabic geographer, recorded that there were only 24 caravanserais
between Kayseri and Sivas.9 According to the archaeological findings, the
first Seljuk caravanserai in Anatolia was the Kilij Arslan Caravanserai near
Aksaray on the caravan route of Konya–Kayseri. It was constructed by
Sultan Kilij Arslan II (1155–1192).10
Also, Seljuk sultans encouraged Islamic and Christian peoples (especially
Turcoman nomadic groups and the previously deported local Christian
peasants of Anatolia) to settle. They moved them to rural areas of Anatolia,
giving them houses, farming tools, seed and fields, and also exempted them
from taxation in order to increase agricultural production and to promote the
process of Turkish-Islamic colonization in Anatolia. In 1196–7, Sultan Kay-
Khusraw I made Christian-Tantalus and Karia peoples, who were deprived
of their land, settle in groups of 5,000 in the areas around Akşehir by giving
farming tools and fields.11
Similarly, the Karamanids, one of the nomadic Turcoman groups from
Central Asia, were settled as the Turkish colonizators along the Seljuk and
Cilicia Kingdom of Armenia frontier regions extending from Ermenek to
Mut because of the strategic importance.12
Third, Seljuk sultans invited scholars, theologians, jurists, artists and
poets from nearby Islamic countries such as Iran to settle in Anatolia.
Sultans and emirs erected mosques, madrasas, hospitals and other social-
cultural institutions in the cities inherited from Byzantine by using waqfs in
order to promote Turkish-Islamic culture in Anatolia. So the Seljuk sultans
reconstructed or re-colonized the cities that were conquered or captured from
Byzantine control like Taxara (Aksaray) and Kalonoros (Alâîyye).
9 C. Cahen, “Ibn Sa’id Sur L’Asie Mineure Seldjuqide”, Ankara Universitesi DTCF
Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi, IV/10–11 (1968), pp. 41–50.
10 M. K. Özergin, “Anadolu’da Selçuklu Kervansarayları (Seljuk Caravanserais in Anato-
lia)”, Istanbul Üniversitesi Tarih Dergisi, 15/20 (1965), p. 83.
11 S. Vryonis, “Byzantium and Islam Seven–Seventeenth Century”, East Europenean
Quarterly, 2/3 (1968), pp. 205–240. O. Turan, Selçuklular Zamanında Türkiye (Turkey
during Seljuk Period), Istanbul, 1971, p. 240.
12 Ibn Bibi, El Evamirü’l Ala’iye Fil Umuri’l Ala’iye (The Chronicle on Anatolian Seljuk
History), Ankara, 1996, vol. I, p. 354. Simbat, Başkumandan Simbat Vakâyî–nâmesi
951–1334 (The Chronicle of the Commander Simbat), Unpublished document in the
Library of Turkish History Society (nu: 68), Ankara, pp. 80–81.

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In the spatial manifestation of the Turkish-Islamic colonization process,
churches, chapels, or basilicas in the conquered cities were converted into
Islamic institutions like mosques and mescids, or removed the most
impressive site of cities for construction of mosques named as Fethiye, or
Fetih in Turkish. The historical records are signed that merchants were
invited to the conquered cities by Seljuk sultans, Christian peoples were
deported and Turks were settled in their places in the cities like Malatya,
Sinop, Alâîyye and Aksaray.13
It was recorded in the Chronicle of Seljuk that Taxara in Central Anatolia
was re-colonized and reconstructed as a base for military operations by
Sultan Kilij Arslan II. While he invited scholars, artists and tradesmen from
Azerbaijan and forced them to settle there, he deported the local Christian
population. Afterwards, the Sultan ordered to construct a palace of white
marble for himself and renamed it Aksaray (the white palace), also titled
Dârü’r Ribât (the military base) in Persian.14
As similarly, Kay-Kavus I captured Sinop from the Empire of Trebizond
in 1214 and his successor Kay-Qubad I conquered fortress of Kalonoros
(Alâîyye) from its Armenian Lord Kir Fard in 1222. When they invited
merchants, traders and craftsmen from other cities or regions to settle there,
Christian peoples were deported and also made these cities bases for Seljuk
naval power.15
The epigraphic evidences from the fortress of Alâîyye is signed that Kay-
Qubad I constructed an arsenal protected by towers, and used for
constructing and repairing of ships. After the Seljuk conquest, Kalonoros
was renamed as Alâîyye in the honor of the Sultan Kay-Qubad I and used as
the winter residence during his sultanate.16
Also, Sultan Kay-Qubad I planned a palace complex located on the
western shore of the Lake Beyşehir. It was named Kubad-abad after the
Sultan. According to the Seljuk chronicles, Sultan ordered to construct Sa’d
al-din Umar Ibn Köpek, his court architect and master of the Royal Hunt,
and its construction lasted from 1224 to 1226.17 The archaeological surveys
13 Anonymous History, Anadolu Selçukluları Tarihi; Tarih–i Selçuk (The Chronicle of
Seljuk), Ankara, 1952, p. 25. Michael the Syrian, Chronicle of Syrian Patriarch (1042–
1195), Unpublished document in the Library of Turkish History Society (nu: 44), An-
kara, vol:II, pp. 251–252. Ibn Bibi, ibid, pp. 115–120, 162–174, 253–262, 315–344.
14 Anonymous History, ibid, p. 52.
15 Ibn Bibi, ibid, pp. 253–267.
16 A.Yardım, Alanya Kitabeleri (Inscriptions of Alanya), İstanbul Fetih Cemiyeti
Yayınları, İstanbul, 2002.
17 Ibn Bibi, ibid, pp. 62–364.

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in Kubad-abad indicated that there were two palaces one small and other one
large, a boathouse, water canals, cisterns, mosque, mescid, hamam
(bathhouse) and hunting animal garden.18 In addition, an inscription dated
from the year 1236 signed that by that time Kubad-abad had a military
governor named Bedr al-Din Sutaş.19 In the light of this knowledge, it can be
said that Kubad-abad promoted or evolved to a palace-city after the year
1236 in terms of the spatial and functional.
On the other hand, the theologians like dervishes and sheiks, from Central
Asia and Iran contributed to not only the Turkish-Islamic colonization of
Anatolia, but also development of agricultural production by founding
dervish lodges in urban and rural areas of Anatolia.20
The accounts of Ibn Battuta who traveled in Anatolia at the end of the
13th century, confirm that there were many dervish lodges and zawiyes
established in urban and rural areas of Anatolia by sheiks and dervishes.21
Historical texts like menâkıb–nâme, make clear the role of sheiks and
dervishes in the process of Turkish-Islamic colonization in Anatolia. In
context, it can be given many cases in Anatolia like Hadji Bektaş, Seyyid
Harun, etc.
Hadji Bektaş Veli, one of the Yesevi dervishes from Khorasan, settled in
Suluca Karahöyük village (Hadji Bektaş village after himself) in
Cappadocia, and constructed a dervish lodge on the ruins of a chapel. He
contributed to the settling there Turkish-Islamic peoples and also the process
of Turkish-Islamic colonization of Cappadocia known as one of the
Christian culture region of Anatolia during the Byzantine period.22 Similarly,
Seyyid (or Hadji) Harun Veli and his followers from Khorasan settled near
18 R. Arık, Kubâd-âbâd; Selçuklu Saray ve Çinileri (Kubâd-âbâd; Seljuk Palaces and
their Ceramics), Türkiye İş Bankası Yayınları, İstanbul, 2000. R. Arık 2003, “Kubâd-
âbâd 2002 Yılı Kazı Çalışmaları (Kubâd-âbâd 2002 Archeological Survey) 25. Kazı
Sonuçları Toplantısı (26–31 Mayıs 2003), Kültür Bakanlığı Yayınları, Ankara, vol:2,
pp. 345–350,
19 O. Turan, Türkiye Selçukluları Hakkında Resmi Vesikalar (The Official Documents on
Anatolian Seljuks), Ankara, 1988, pp .14.
20 E. S. Wolper, Cities and Saints; Sufism and the Transformation of Urban Space in
Medieval Anatolia, Pennsylvania University Press, Pennsylvania, 2003. S. S. Blair,
“Sufi Saints and Shrine Architecture in the Early Fourteenth Century”, Muqarnas, 7
(1990), pp. 35–49.
21 Ibn Battúta, Ibn Battúta Travels in Asia and Africa; 1325–1334, London, 1970, pp.
124–126.
22 W. F. Hasluck, Christianity and Islam under the Sultans, II, Octagon Books Press, New
York, 1973, pp. 568–576. Aşıkpaşaoğlu, Tevârih-I Al-i Osman (The Ottoman History
of Aşıkpaşaoğlu), Ankara, 1970, pp. 221–222.

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ancient Roman settlements of Vervelid in the southwest of Konya and
renamed it Seydî-Şehr (Seyyid Town in English).23
These settlements became not only Turkish-Islamic colonization centers
but also religious organizations or sacred centers for religious subgroups
comprised of the members of a sheik or dervish in Anatolia during Seljuk
period.
The re-organization of Anatolian Cities in terms of the functional
In Seljuk urban network and transportation system set up in Anatolia, each
of the Anatolian cities was specialized in different functions according to its
geographical and strategic positions.24
In the middle of the 13th century, Ibn Said, an Arabic geographer,
recorded that there were 24 major cities with a governor, judge, admi-
nistrator, mosques, numerous hamam, and bazaars in Anatolia under Seljuk
domain.25 And, Simon of Saint Quentin, a Christian missioner, visited to
Anatolia in the end of the 13th century. He reported that there were more
than one-hundred settlements consisting of castles, towns, and villages in
Seljuk Anatolia.26
The inscriptions in the fortress of Konya and Sinop give information
about the functional identities of major Seljuk towns.27 In this regard, some
cities like Konya and Kayseri, known as Dâru’l Mülk (the sultanate cities) in
Persian,28 became administrative and political centers. While some cities
placed along Byzantine frontiers called as Uc, were governed by Subaşı like
Honaz and Denizli, and specialized in military organizations and also titled
23 Abdulkerim bin Sheikh Musa, Makâlât–I Seyyid Harun Veli (The Tale of Seyyid Harun
Veli), Ankara, 1991, pp. 21–82.
24 K. Özcan, Anadolu’da Selçuklu Dönemi Yerleşme Sistemi ve Kent Modelleri (Urban
Network and Urban Models in Anatolia during Seljuk Period), Selçuk University (Un-
published PhD thesis), Konya, 2005, pp. 181–185.
25 C. Cahen, “Ibn Sa’id Sur L’Asie Mineure Seldjuqide”, Ankara Universitesi DTCF
Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi, IV/10–11 (1968), pp. 41–50.
26 Simon de Saint Quentin, Histoire des Tartares, Jean Richard (ed.), Librairie Orientaliste
Paul Geuthner, Paris, 1965, pp. 66–68.
27 Mehmet Şakir Ülkütaşır, “Sinop’ta Selçukiler Zamanına Ait Tarihi Eserler (The Histo-
rical Remains in Sinop during Seljuk Era)”, Türk Tarih, Arkeologya ve Etnografya
Dergisi, V (1949), pp. 112–151.
28 Ibn Bibi, ibid, p. 315.

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as Dârü’s sagr (the frontier cities) in Persian.29 The cities located in the
frontier regions called as Uc, between Anatolian Seljuk State and the
Byzantine Empire like Denizli, Kütahya and Ankara, were developed as
military organization centers. Also, nomadic groups were organized in these
cities for military operations over the frontiers.30 And, the port cities like
Alâîyye and Antalya in the coastal regions of the Mediterranean and Sinop
in the coastal regions of Black Sea coast was functioned and specialized in
international trading activities and military-strategic organizations.31
Also, the Seljuk sultans signed agreements with the Venetians to develop
international trade in Anatolia.32 Trade agreements between the Seljuk and
the Venetians resulted in the construction of consulates and establishment of
trading quarters in Anatolian cities, such as Konya, Alâîyye, and Sivas.
Italian, French and Jewish merchants also settled in these cities and built
consulates and churches.
In Sivas, the merchants of Genoa constructed a consulate and chapel in
the 13th century.33 Also, Sivas became the major center of international
caravan organizations as well as the regional trade center of inner Anatolia.34
Unlike Sivas, Antalya and Sinop became international trade centers as well
as military-strategic centers, and they were used as naval bases for an
overseas operation against Sughdak (Crimea), where the Seljuks organized a
Turkish colony and erected a mosque in 1225.35
Moreover, based on the existence of long-distance commerce a vital
urban social and economic life developed in Yeşilırmak and Kızılırmak
29 O. Turan, Türkiye Selçukluları Hakkında Resmi Vesikalar (The Official Documents on
Anatolian Seljuks), Ankara, 1988, p. 15.
30 K. Özcan, PhD Thesis, pp. 174–175, 185.
31 G. I. Bratianu, Recherches Sur Le Commerce Genois Dans La Mer Noire Au XIII.
Siecle, Paris, 1929, pp. 166–168.
32 O. Turan, “Ortaçağlarda Türkiye–Kıbrıs Münasebetleri” (The relations between Turkish
and Cyprus in Medieval), TTK Belleteni, XXVIII/110 (1964), pp. 209–227. O. Turan,
Türkiye Selçukluları Hakkında Resmi Vesikalar (The Official Documents on Anatolian
Seljuks), Ankara, 1988, pp. 109–146. M. E. Martin, “The Seljuk–Venetian Treaty of
1220”, English Historical Review, 95/375 (1980), pp. 321–330.
33 G. I. Bratianu, ibid, pp. 166–168. W. Heyd, Yakın–Doğu Ticaret Tarihi (Histoire du
Commerce du Levant au Moyen–Age), Ankara, 1975, pp. 332–334.
34 K. Özcan, “Ortaçağda Bir Anadolu Türk Kentinin İşlevsel Kimliği Üzerine Hipotetik
Yaklaşımlar; Selçuklu Çağında Sivas” (Hypothetical Approaches on the Functional
Identity of an Anatolian-Turkish Town in the Middle Ages: Sivas during the Seljuk
Era), Journal of Academic Studies, 7/33 (2007), pp. 100–115.
35 Ibn Bibi, ibid, pp. 253–267, 325–345. Also see: A.C.S. Peacock, “The Saljuq Campaign
against the Crimea”, Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 16/2 (2006), pp. 133–149.

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Valleys formed on trading routes extending from Central Anatolia to Black
Sea coasts. In Yeşilırmak Valley, cities like Amasya and Tokat, became the
transferring and distribution centers in the Seljuk transportation system set
up in Anatolia,36 the seasonal open market places like Ezine Bazaar in
Yeşilırmak Valley and Ziyaret Bazaar in Kızılırmak Valley, began to
establish and developed as the regional trading centers by constructing
caravanserais under the patronage of Seljuk Sultans and Khatuns in the 13th
century.37
Also, cities like Kırşehir and Ankara, placed in the Kızılırmak Valley
were promoted in production centers as the major seats of the Akhi order,
and also engaged in vital commercial life and cultural activities Akhilik as
the Turkish crafts and trades-guilds organization based on futuwwa
(brotherhood), was organized in Anatolia by Akhi Evran in the middle of the
13th century. Akhi Evran known as the founder of guild of tanners, settled in
Kırşehir and made Turkish craftsmen and tradesmen organize there.38 Unlike
Kırşehir, following the collapse of the Anatolian Seljuk State, Ankara was
controlled as an autonomous city by Akhis with regard to the social and
economic as well as administrative and political39.
Anatolian Seljuk Urban Models
In this study, it is considered that the main factor on the spatial patterns and
morphologies of Anatolian Seljuk cities were their functional identities in
the urban network and transportation system set up in Anatolia. Anatolian
cities inherited from Byzantine were re–organized by Seljuk in terms of the
spatial and functional.
36 L. Yılmaz, “Seljuk Cities in Northern Anatolia: Amasya, Tokat, Sivas”, TTOK Belle-
teni, 305 (1970), pp. 21–30.
37 K. Özcan, “Anadolu’da Selçuklu Dönemi Yerleşme Tipolojileri–I: Pazar ya da Panayır
Yerleşmeleri (Settlement Typologies in Anatolia during Seljuk Period: Bazaar or Fair
Cities), Anadolu University Journal of Social Sciences, 6/1 (2006), pp. 205–224. Also
see: Ş. Turan, Türkiye-İtalya İlişkileri; Selçuklulardan Bizans’ın Sona Erişine Kadar
(Turkish–Italy Relations; from the Seljuk to the collapse of the Byzantine), İstanbul,
1990, p. 109.
38 M. Bayram, Ahi Evren ve Ahi Teşkilatı’nın Kuruluşu (Akhi Evran and the Formation of
Akhi Organization), Konya, 1991. Neşet Çağatay, Bir Türk Kurumu Olan Ahilik (Akhis
as a Turkish Corporation) Ankara, 1997.
39 A. Tevhid, “Ankara’da Ahiler Hükümeti” (The Akhi Government in Ankara), Türk Tarih
Encümeni, IV/19 (1913), pp. 1205–1219.

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The spatial patterns of Anatolian cities was organized and developed by
Turkish–Islamic monumental–public buildings such mosques, mescids, and
madrasas, by using waqf under the patronage of Seljuk Sultans and Emirs.
Especially, Christian–Byzantine institutions in Anatolian cities like chur-
ches, chapels, or basilicas, were converted into Islamic institutions like
mosques and mescids in the process of Turkish–Islamic colonization.
And, the functional identities were based on the roles of the cities in the
international and regional trade potentials, geographical positions, military–
strategic atmosphere, and political relationship between the Anatolian Seljuk
State and the Byzantine Empire. In this frame, each of the Anatolian cities
was specialized in different functions such as military, administrative,
trading centers.
Consequently, Anatolian Seljuk cities were classified on the main three
categories as the “fortified city”, “the open city” and “external focused city”,
in terms of to the spatial patterns and functional identities.
“The Fortified City” Models
As a result of the developments outlined above, cities such as Konya and
Kayseri, which were on the focus point of the international trade routes
across Anatolia specialized in administrative and political functions. They
also held military and strategic importance.
For this reason, the Royal palaces and government offices called as
devlethane, were constructed in both of them, like Felek–abâd in Konya and
Qaykubadiye in Kayseri.40 These cities were also used as meeting places for
Seljuk armies before campaigns: the Ruzbe plain in Konya and Meşhed plain
in Kayseri.41 Although these cities were surrounded the city walls together to
the partially expanded outside the city walls by erected the monumental–
public buildings consisting of a mosque, madrasa, hamam and the founder’s
tomb, named as külliyes like Sahip Ata in Konya and Huand Khatun in
Kayseri, near the main city gate where were organized Seljuk sultans and
emirs.42 This type of cities are here labeled “the fortified city, type A”
(Figure 1).
Coastal cities in the edge of the Black Sea and the Mediterranean like
Antalya and Sinop, were re-fortified and its settlement areas completely
40 S. Redford, “Thirteenth–Century Rum Seljuq Palaces and palace Imagery”, Ars Orien-
talis, 23 (1993), pp. 215–232.
41 Ibn Bibi, ibid, pp. 126, 163, 233, 289, 315, 443.
42 H. Crane, “Notes on Saldjuq Architectural Patronage in Thirteenth Century Anatolia”,
Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, XXXVI (1993), pp. 1–57.

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surrounded by city walls, and also functioned as the trading centers and also
naval bases and military-strategic centers for overseas operations.43 Similar
to coastal cities, some of the inland cities grew as the part of the defensive
system of the Anatolian Seljuk State. Called Karahissar (Black Castle), as in
Afyon Karahissar, Şarki Karahissar, Osmancık Karahissar, and Develi
Karahissar, they were specialized in military organization for the internal
and external threats such as the rebellious nomadic Turcoman groups or the
Byzantine and the Mongol threats. Likewise, Simre near Amasya in northern
Anatolia and Aksaray near Konya in Central Anatolia, were founded by the
Seljuk sultans Masud and his son Kilij Arslan II, as the headquarters for
launching military operations on the Empire of Trebizond and the Cilicia
Kingdom of Armenia.44 In context of this study, these cities which were
completely developed inside the city walls are called “the fortified city, type
B” (Figure 2).
“The Open City” Models
In this study, “the open city model” is classified under two sub-categories as
“type A” and “type B” with regard to their spatial and functional
characteristics. In this context, the geographical conditions of Anatolia were
the main factor in the spatial development of cities like Amasya and Tokat,
whose main function was to serve as regional production-distribution centers
for finished goods. These cities were specialized as the regional trading
centers in Anatolia. These cities expanded beyond the city walls in order to
engage in vital and density commercial activities by constructing the külliyes
as urban social, cultural and economic service buildings which consisted of
the nucleus of new development areas outside the city walls as defined
mahalle, in which were formed into the nomadic and tribal Turcoman
groups45. These cities are called “the open city, type A” (Figure 3).
Likewise, cities like Ziyaret Bazaar, Ezine Bazaar, and Yabanlu Bazaar
placed on the caravan routes in Yeşilırmak, were established and developed
as regional annual or seasonal open market places, in where caravanserais
were constructed for encouragement of commerce by Seljuk sultans, khatuns
43 Ibn Bibi, ibid, pp. 162–174.
44 Ahmed bin Lütfullah Müneccimbaşı, Camiü’d–Düvel–Selçuklular Tarihi; Anadolu
Seçukluları ve Beylikler (The Chronicle on History of Anatolian Seljuks and the
Beyliks), İzmir, vol. II, İzmir, 2001, pp. 17–18.
45 K. Özcan, PhD Thesis, pp. 184–185.

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and emirs46. Also, the caravanserais here were constructed and functioned as
the fortress or citadel47. This study defines these cities as “the open city, type
B” (Figure 4).
“The External Focused City” Model
The cities which expanded considerably beyond the city walls are defined as
the external focused city model. These cities were located between the
Seljuk State and the Byzantine Empire in the frontiers regions called as Uc,
which lay on the along the Antalya, Denizli, Afyon Karahisar, Kütahya,
Çankırı, Kastamonu and Sinop routes.
The main function of these cities was to organize and direct the nomadic
groups on the frontiers to contribute to Turkish-Islamic colonization of
Anatolia. These cities like Denizli, Kütahya, Ankara, and Çankırı, became
not only the centers of the administrative units (Uc provinces) in the
Anatolian Seljuk administration system, but also the social, cultural, and
economic contact points between Christian-Byzantine and Muslim-Turkish
societies through activities such as trade in finished goods and raw materials.
In the Byzantine frontier regions, Seyf ed-din Kızıl Beg, the governor of
Ankara, summoned to construct monumental public-service buildings as the
development and colonization generators to expand Turkish-Islamic
colonization, like Kızıl Beg Mescid beyond the city walls of the fortress of
Ankara.48 Similarly, in Kütahya, Emir Hezar Dinarî, governor of Kütahya,
built several Turkish-Islamic colonization buildings, like mosque and
hospital (Dar al-Shifa), outside the city walls of the fortress of Kütahya.49
For this reason, these cities expanded the outside of the city walls
considerably by establishing new residential quarters or settlement areas in
which were settled Turcoman groups. And, the nucleuses of these quartres
were focused on Turkish-Islamic colonization buildings, such as mosques,
mescids, hospitals, and zawiyes, built by Seljuk emirs, sheikhs and dervishes
(Figure 5).
46 H. Crane, “Notes on Saldjuq Architectural Patronage in Thirteenth Century Anatolia”,
pp. 11–12.
47 K. Özcan, PhD Thesis, pp. 184–185.
48 P. Wittek, “Orta Zamanlarda Ankara” (Ankara in Medieval), Çığır Milli Kültür
Mecmuası, 47(1936), pp. 118–119. H. Crane, “Notes on Saldjuq Architectural
Patronage in Thirteenth Century Anatolia”, pp. 29, 35.
49 A. Sayılı, “A Hospital in Kütahya”, TTK Belleteni, XII/47 (1948), pp. 681–682.

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Conclusion
This study argues that the Anatolian Seljuk cities reflect the morphological
characteristics in terms of to their spatial and functional roles in the urban
network and transportation system set up in Anatolia. Anatolian Seljuk cities
developed on the urban heritage inherited from Byzantine, and also
organized spatially under the impact of pre-Anatolian Turkish urban culture.
In this regard, they were defined under three categories of “fortified city”,
“open city” and “external focused city” models according to the distin-
guishing spatial and functional characteristics (Figure 6).
However, each of these main categories also showed differences in terms
of their geographical and strategic conditions. The fortified city model is
divided into two sub-categories according to functional identities and
geographical conditions. The fortified cities located in the focal regions of
the urban network and transportation system which the Seljuks organized in
Anatolia surpassed the determined demographical sizes of 10,000 people for
medieval cities50 that functioned and specialized in the political and
administrative centers. For this reason, the fortified city of “type A” ex-
panded partially outside the city walls by constructing the colonization
buildings which Seljuk sultans and emirs organized using waqfs. And, the
fortified cities of “type B” completely developed inside the city walls. These
cities were ports and strategic centers like Antalya, Alâîyye, and Sinop, in
the transportation system set up in Anatolia. This model was also seen in the
cities that they became centers for military operations and colonization
organization as the elements of the Seljuk defensive system like Karahissars
(Black Castles).51
Second, “open city” model indicates that the main functions of these
cities were specialized in international and interregional trade activities and
can also be subdivided as the “type A” and the “type B” with regard to the
spatial organization.
“Type A” cities like Ziyaret Bazaar and Yabanlu Bazaar, were located at
the points of the geographical intersections of the Seljuk transportation
system and they grew through the founding of caravanserais or khans which
were erected by sultans and emirs to promote and protect of the long-
distance trade in Anatolia. These cities were not enclosed by walls because
the constructed caravanserais in the cities served not only for trade activities
but also, for defensive functions like the fortress.
50 T. Chandler-G. Fox, 3000 years of Urban Growth, London, 1974, pp. 218–219.
51 K. Özcan, PhD Thesis, pp. 76–82.

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“Type B” cities were taken over from Byzantine control (the Castron),
and expanded beyond the city walls because their development potential was
limited by geographical conditions. Only, the nucleuses of these cities in the
top of the hills were fortified such as Amasya and Tokat.
Third, “external focused city” model defines for cities located in the
frontier regions between the Seljuk State and the Byzantine Empire, such as
Denizli, Kütahya, Ankara, and Çankırı. They were also functioned as the
centers for military operations where organized to raid by nomadic Turco-
mans on the Byzantine Empire for the Turkish-Islamic colonization of
Anatolia. For these reasons, they expanded beyond city walls in order to the
military and strategic conditions determined their spatial organizations by
constructing monumental public-service buildings as the development and
colonization generators.
As a result of the models on Seljuk cities outlined above, it is stated in
this study that the potentials and dynamics of urban network and transpor-
tation system set up in Anatolia during Seljuk period extending from the
beginning of the 12th Century to the end of the 13th Century had acted on
the functional identities of Seljuk cities and also formed the their spatial
organizations. These factors continued to form the spatial and functional
characteristics of Anatolian cities after the Seljuk period, in the succeeding
the Ottoman period.
Acknowledgement
Prof. Dr. Zekiye Yenen (Department of Urban Planning in Yıldız Technical
University), Prof. Dr. Sevgi Aktüre (Department of Urban Planning in
Middle East Technical University), Prof. Dr. Fulin Bölen (Department of
Urban Planning in Istanbul Technical University), Prof. Dr. Füsun Alioğlu
(Department of Architecture in Yıldız Technical University) and Prof. Dr.
Haşim Karpuz (Department of Art History in Selçuk University) are called
to mind with most special thanks for their contribution in the process of
preparing and completing my PhD thesis called “The Urban Network and
Urban Models in Anatolia during Seljuk Period”, that this study is prepared
as depending on its findings.

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Map 1: Urban Network in Anatolia During Seljuk Period

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Fig. 1: The Fortified City, type A Fig. 2: The Fortified City, type B
Fig. 3: The Open City, type A Fig. 4: The Open City, type B

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Fig. 5: The External-Focus City Legend
Fig. 6: Matrix of Urban Models