Moral Disengagement in Harmful but Cherished Food Practices? An Exploration into the Case of Meat

Abstract

Harmful but culturally cherished practices often endure in spite of the damages they cause. Meat consumption is increasingly becoming one of such cases and may provide an opportunity from which to observe these phenomena. Growing evidence indicates that current and projected production and consumption patterns are important contributors to significant environmental problems, public health degradation, and animal suffering. Our aim is to contribute to a further understanding of the psychological factors that may hinder or promote personal disposition to change food habits to benefit each of these domains. Drawing from previous evidence, this study explores the proposition that some consumers are motivated to resort to moral disengagement strategies when called upon to consider the impacts of their food habits. Data were collected from six semi-structured focus groups with a sample of 40 participants. Although affirming personal duties towards preserving the environment, promoting public health, and safeguarding animal welfare, participants did not show personal disposition to change their meat consumption habits. Several patterns of response that resonate with the principles of moral disengagement theory (i.e. reconstrual of the harmful conduct; obscuring personal responsibility; disregard for the negative consequences; active avoidance and dissociation) were observed while discussing impacts and the possibility of change. Results seem to support the proposition that the process of moral disengagement may play a role in hindering openness to change food habits for the benefit of the environment, public health, and animals, and point towards the relevance of further exploring this approach.

Full text

RESEARCH PAPER
Moral Disengagement in Harmful but Cherished Food
Practices? An Exploration into the Case of Meat
Joa
˜o Grac¸a •Maria Manuela Calheiros •
Abı
´lio Oliveira
Accepted: 5 January 2014
Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
Abstract Harmful but culturally cherished practices often endure in spite of the
damages they cause. Meat consumption is increasingly becoming one of such cases
and may provide an opportunity from which to observe these phenomena. Growing
evidence indicates that current and projected production and consumption patterns
are important contributors to significant environmental problems, public health
degradation, and animal suffering. Our aim is to contribute to a further under-
standing of the psychological factors that may hinder or promote personal dispo-
sition to change food habits to benefit each of these domains. Drawing from
previous evidence, this study explores the proposition that some consumers are
motivated to resort to moral disengagement strategies when called upon to consider
the impacts of their food habits. Data were collected from six semi-structured focus
groups with a sample of 40 participants. Although affirming personal duties towards
preserving the environment, promoting public health, and safeguarding animal
welfare, participants did not show personal disposition to change their meat con-
sumption habits. Several patterns of response that resonate with the principles of
moral disengagement theory (i.e. reconstrual of the harmful conduct; obscuring
personal responsibility; disregard for the negative consequences; active avoidance
and dissociation) were observed while discussing impacts and the possibility of
change. Results seem to support the proposition that the process of moral disen-
gagement may play a role in hindering openness to change food habits for the
benefit of the environment, public health, and animals, and point towards the rel-
evance of further exploring this approach.
J. Grac¸a (&)M. M. Calheiros
Instituto Universita
´rio de Lisboa (ISCTE-IUL), Cis-IUL, Lisboa, Portugal
e-mail: joao_daniel_graca@iscte.pt; joao.graca@outlook.com
A. Oliveira
Instituto Universita
´rio de Lisboa (ISCTE-IUL), Adetti-IUL, Lisboa, Portugal
123
J Agric Environ Ethics
DOI 10.1007/s10806-014-9488-9

Keywords Meat Animals Environment Public health Moral
disengagement
Introduction
Growing evidence indicates that current and projected meat production and
consumption patterns are important contributors to significant problems, on a global
and local scales, on three domains: (1) nature disruption and environmental
unsustainability; (2) public health degradation; and (3) infliction of death and
suffering to sentient animals. However, evidence suggests that many consumers are
not willing to shift to a more plant-based diet. Our aim is to contribute to a further
understanding of the psychological factors that may hinder or promote personal
disposition to change habits towards less harmful choices. This may be important not
only to inform endeavours that promote such changes, but also as an opportunity to
observe basic psychological processes associated with everyday moral action, and to
provide insight into the strategies people may use to maintain harmful, but cherished,
food habits and other cultural commitments (as put forward by Bastian et al. 2012).
Meat and the Environment
Food systems play a key role in anthropogenic environmental changes (i.e. changes
that are caused or produced by human activities). Growing evidence depict mass
production and consumption of animal-based products as one of the lead contributors
to very significant environmental problems, at a global and local scale, such as climate
change, degradation of arable land, atmospheric pollution, and destruction of water
resources (Steinfeld et al. 2008). For example, the livestock industry is responsible for
the emission of 18–51 % of the annual anthropogenic greenhouse emissions (Steinfeld
et al. 2006; Goodland and Anhang 2009) and causes around 63 % of the annual
anthropogenic reactive nitrogen mobilization, which contributes to global warming,
loss of biodiversity and acid rains, among other factors (Pelletier and Tyedmers 2010).
Also, to produce the same amount of proteins and calories to human consumption,
animal sources entail extremely higher costs in terms of scarce resources such as arable
land, hydric resources, and fossil fuels, than plant-based sources (Pimentel and
Pimentel 2003). Such resources are being used to produce grains and other
components used to feed the animals in the livestock industry which could instead
be channelled to produce plant-based nutritionally equivalent foodstuffs directly to
human consumption, therefore drastically minimizing waste and inefficiency (e.g.,
Dagevos and Voordouw 2013; Pimentel and Pimentel 2003; Steinfeld et al. 2008).
Meat and Public Health
Noncommunicable diseases (NCD) currently cause more deaths worldwide than all
the other causes of death together (WHO 2011a). In Europe, estimates indicate that the
four main NCDs—heart diseases, cancer, diabetes, chronic respiratory diseases—are
responsible for 86 % of all deaths and 77 % of health expenditures (WHO 2011b).
J. Grac¸ a et al.
123

Inadequate nutrition is unanimously pointed out as one of the major risk factors for
developing NCDs, and animal-based diets, particularly when high in meat and dairy
consumption, are increasingly portrayed as inadequate from a nutritional point of view
(Campbell and Campbell 2006; Sabate
´2003). For example, mortality by heart failure
and the incidence of heart diseases have been associated for long with animal-based
diets (Appleby et al. 2002; Craig and Mangels 2009; Fraser 1999,2009). Even after
controlling factors such as social class, smoking, and body mass index, higher risk for
suffering ischemic heart disease persists among individuals with conventional western
diets, comparing with individuals who follow plant-based diets (Appleby et al. 2002;
Fraser 1999). Such associations are also found regarding other health concerns such as
several types of cancer (Demeyer et al. 2008; Norat et al. 2005), high blood pressure
(Appleby et al. 2002; Berkow and Barnard 2008), and overweight (Appleby et al.
2002; Sabate
´and Wien 2010). Conversely, plant-based diets (which may or may not
contain some meat) are increasingly pointed out as conforming more closely to public
health recommendations than conventional western diets, in part because they can
exert a protective role, by providing higher amounts of folate, antioxidants, fibre,
carotenoids and phytochemicals, but also because they typically entail less exposure to
health-hazardous components, such as excessive ingestion of saturated fat, choles-
terol, and animal protein (e.g., Lea and Worsley 2001; Sabate
´2003).
Meat and Animals
During the last century, meat production changed from extensive, small-scale and
subsistence systems to intensive, large-scale and market oriented systems. At present,
around 65,000,000,000 land animals are slaughtered every year in the livestock
industry (United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization 2013). Knowledge on
the negative implications of intensive farming to animals is informed by neurophysi-
ological and behavioural evidence that support the notion that animals, particularly
birds and mammals, have the ability to experience what happens to them (Duncan
2006; Guatteo et al. 2012; Prunier et al. 2013). Having the ability to experience at least
basic emotional states and feelings of pain and pleasure, the subjective experience of
each animal somehow affected by human activities may therefore worsen or improve,
depending on how that activity thwarts or matches its needs, interests, and
preferences. In light of such findings, current patterns of mass production and mass
consumption of animals and animal-based products are thus being increasingly
associated with mass infliction of harm and suffering to sentient animals (Anil et al.
2005; Foer 2010). Conversely, plant-based diets are increasingly observed as means of
meeting human nutritional needs while minimizing or avoiding most of the harm and
suffering that animal-based diets entail (e.g., Ruby 2012; Singer and Mason 2006).
Consumer Readiness to Change Towards Less Harmful Dietary Choices
Although a transition from animal to plant-based diets (which may or may not
contain some meat) is being endorsed as a mean of fostering significant benefits at
the global and local scales in what concerns environmental sustainability (e.g.,
Stehfest et al. 2009), public health (e.g., Sabate
´2003), and animals (e.g., Singer and
Moral Disengagement in Harmful but Cherished
123

Mason 2006), many consumers do not seem to be willing to make such transition
and do not see their food choices as an ethical issue, in spite of the harm they may
entail (e.g., Hoek et al. 2011; Verbeke et al. 2010). Animal-based diets, particularly
high in meat consumption, are still widespread and cherished food practices, mainly
in Western Societies but also increasingly in Asian and South-American countries
that are becoming more affluent (Aldridge 2011; Pelletier and Tyedmers 2010;
Stabler 2011). It may be that most consumers do not care or are not aware of the
harm associated with current patterns of meat production and consumption. Still,
even among consumers that do express concern about harm inflicted in some of
these domains, their behaviour is often not in accordance with their concerns (Holm
and Mohl 2000; Jamieson et al. 2013; Verbeke et al. 2010). Such incongruence may
raise a question of moral self-regulation and moral disengagement, and indeed, in
regard to animals, there is a growing body of evidence pointing to the existence of a
moral conflict about meat eating, due to the fact that many people tend to worry
about animals, but at the same time eat them (Bastian et al. 2012; Bilewicz et al.
2011; Bratanova et al. 2011; Loughnan et al. 2010).
One of the central principles of the theory of moral disengagement is that the
process of moral self-regulation can be selectively deactivated in order to reduce
dissonance when one is called upon to consider the damages associated with his/her
own conduct (Bandura 1999). This allows individuals to adopt and maintain self-
serving harmful behaviours, even if they contradict their moral principles, whereas
at the same time continuing to advocate these principles without feelings of guilt
and self-censure (Bandura 1990). Moral disengagement mechanisms may centre on
the cognitive reconstrual of the conduct itself, so it is not viewed as immoral in spite
of the harm it entails; obscuring personal responsibility in order to minimize one’s
role in causing harm; disregarding the consequences that flow from one’s actions; or
blaming the recipients of one’s detrimental behaviour.
Results from past studies, particularly in the domains of environmental behaviour
and animal-human relationships, suggest that the theory of moral disengagement
may provide an integrative framework from which to observe lack of willingness to
change concerning cherished but harmful self-serving behaviours. For example, in
the environmental domain, a large body of evidence shows that the relationships
between environmental knowledge and awareness, pro-environmental attitudes, and
pro-environmental behaviours, are often weak or non-existent (cf. Carrington et al.
2010; Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002). Following a review, Bandura (2007) proposed
that the process of moral disengagement may indeed play an influential role in
maintaining social practices that degrade the environment. However, to our
knowledge this proposition has never been operationalized.
Much research has also been conducted on attitudes about animals and the use of
animals for human purposes, suggesting that although people tend to show concern for
animal welfare, their concern diminishes as the perceived utility of that suffering for
humans increases (e.g., Braithwaite and Braithwaite 1982; Herzog 2007; Knight and
Barnett 2008; Knight et al. 2003). Results that point towards the existence of moral
disengagement in animal-human relationships are also observed in recent studies
specifically about meat eating and meat avoidance (Bastian et al. 2012; Bilewicz et al.
2011; Bratanova et al. 2011; Loughnan et al. 2010; Ruby 2012). Most of these findings
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123

are framed in the ‘‘meat paradox’’ and in the general scope of cognitive dissonance,
and resonate with many of the proposals of moral disengagement theory. Indeed,
following a review on attitudes towards using animals for human purposes and the
structure of current meat production and distribution systems, Mitchell (2011)
proposed that the process of moral disengagement may play a role in the support for the
animal farming industry. However, to our knowledge, this proposition also awaits for
empirical operationalization.
Following from these evidence and propositions, this study provides an initial
exploration of the hypothesis that some consumers are motivated to resort to moral
disengagement strategies when called upon to consider the impacts of their food habits, thus
minimizing willingness to consider change. Our aim is to contribute to a further
understanding of the psychological factors that may hinder or promote personal disposition
to shift habits for the benefit of the environment, public health, and animal welfare.
Method
Participants
We collected data from six semi-structured focus groups with a sample of 40
participants (37.5 % males and 62.5 % females; aged 18–54, M =31.5, SD =9.8).
Most had a full-time employment (55 %) or were graduate/post-graduate students
(42.5 %), and one was unemployed. After each focus group was finalized all the
participants identified themselves as meat consumers.
Focus Group Interviews
Participants were recruited in university and training centers and told they would be
participating in a study aimed at exploring people’s opinions about how different
lifestyles and behaviours affect the environment, public health, and animals. Two
sessions were focused mainly on nature and the environment, two mainly on public
health, and the other two mainly on animals. Each focus group had five to nine
participants and lasted between 61 and 113 minutes. All participants gave their consent
to record the session and were assured that their identity would not be disclosed when
analysing and reporting the data. In each session we started by asking participants about
their representations and moral duties towards nature and the environment, public
health, or animals, respectively (e.g., ‘‘When you think about animals, what kinds of
feelings or ideas come to your mind?’’; ‘‘To what extent do you think that we havesome
kind of duty orresponsibility about how torelate to them? Why?’’). In the second partof
the discussion we mentioned that in that particular group we would like to hear their
opinions about how different food practices might impact the respective topic in
discussion, and then directed the discussion to meat consumption (e.g., ‘‘How do you
think current meat production and consumption patterns may impact animals?’’; ‘‘How
might we minimize harm?’’). We also asked them how they would perceive the
possibility of changing meat consumption habits in order to minimize harm to the area
in discussion (e.g., ‘‘Would you be willing to change habits to minimize harm? Why?’’).
Moral Disengagement in Harmful but Cherished
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Analytic Approach
The data were analysed using thematic analysis ‘‘as a method for identifying, analysing
and reporting patterns (themes) within data’’ (Braun and Clarke 2006, p. 79). This analytic
approach is endorsed for allowing to engage with theory in a quasi-deductive fashion in
order to add theoretical depth to the data analysis (Boyatzis 1998; Braun and Clarke 2006).
‘‘Theoretical’’ thematic data analysis also provides opportunities to identify key issues,
generate new theory, and develop hypotheses that may afterward be tested in research with
larger sample sizes (as described by Jaspal and Cinnirella 2010). Drawing from previous
findings and given the present study’s aims, data were analysed through the interpretive
lens of Moral Disengagement Theory. Likewise, given our focus on participants’
perceived meanings and experience, this study adopts a realist epistemological approach.
Thus, it acknowledges participants’ accounts as fairly dependable indications of their
perceptions and personal disposition to consider the possibility of change.
Analytic Procedure
The focus groups were transcribed verbatim and then analysed using MAXQDA v.10,
following the steps proposed by Braun and Clarke (2006): (1) familiarizing with the
data—repeated reading and hearing of the data in an active way (i.e. initial search for
meanings and patterns); (2) generating initial codes—relevant semantic features
within the data were coded and apparent contradictions and patterns were noted; (3)
searching for themes—codes were sorted and collated into potential themes to capture
and summarize the essential qualities of participants’ accounts with the lens of moral
disengagement theory; (4) reviewing themes—candidate themes were reviewed and
revised against the data to assure an adequate fit between the thematic map and the
data set; (5) defining and naming themes—the essence of each theme (i.e. the core
meaning and pattern of the data it captured in relation to the research question) was
identified and themes and sub-themes were named and defined in accordance. They
were subsequently cross-checked with the principles of moral disengagement theory
and the final version of the thematic map was achieved. Specific quotations from the
focus groups which were considered vivid and representative were selected to
illustrate each theme/sub-theme. In these excerpts, three dots within square brackets
indicate where material has been excised; other material within square brackets is
clarificatory; and double hyphen indicates an interrupted sentence (e.g., when the
participant started to say something and then switched direction or chose other words).
Results
Moral Duties
Participants widely affirmed nature and the environment, public health, and animals
as entities/systems/beings with moral relevance, and expressed holding moral duties
towards preserving/promoting/safeguarding them from harm.
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Of all the other beings in the whole Universe, no one else can do anything [to
preserve nature]. It’s only up to us. Because we are the only ones who do
wrong, so it’s in our hands to make things right. […] [We have a] unique and
increased responsibility. (Nature and the Environment; Female, 40 years)
Sometimes people don’t have the knowledge [about unhealthy habits], right?
They think they’re doing the right thing, but they’re not, because of simple
unknowing. […]It makes a huge difference if someone draws it to our
attention. (Public Health; Female, 23 years)
Respect [towards animals] should be the same as the one we have towards
humans. For me it’s the same. Respect, in the same way, in the animal
dimension. (Animals; Female, 52 years)
Meat Production and Consumption Patterns: Perceived Impacts and Personal
Disposition To Change
We identified five themes from the participants’ patterns of speech on how they
perceived impacts of current meat production and consumption patterns, and their
personal disposition to change. Four of these themes conceptually fit well with the
principles of moral disengagement theory, namely: ‘‘Yes, but…’’—Reconstrual of
the harmful conduct; ‘‘It’s not up to me’’—Obscuring personal responsibility; ‘‘It’s
not that bad’’—Disregard for the negative consequences; and even active and
explicit dissociation and avoidance, a disengagement mechanism not originally
proposed in the theoretical framework, which we labelled ‘‘Don’t make me think
about it’’. In contrast, the last theme—‘‘We could change’’—refers to a pattern in
which some participants occasionally acknowledged the benefits of changing
towards less harmful dietary patterns, and seemed less resistant to the idea of
considering such possibility. Some themes were expressed/operationalized through
different paths (sub-themes).
‘‘Yes, but…’’ – Reconstrual of the harmful conduct
While discussing the impacts of current meat production and consumption
standards, and the possibility of changing habits to minimize these impacts, the most
recurrent pattern of response was the tendency to justify and legitimize such
standards even while recognizing them as potentially harmful to the main topic in
discussion—‘‘Yes, but…’’. This justification was expressed through three different
paths. The first one was by portraying it as serving a biologically worthy higher
purpose—sustenance—or even an imperative—survival and evolution. This way,
harm associated with meat production and consumption was seen as a kind of pay-
off, a means for serving higher ends to which each person is naturally entitled, so
that all the damage it might eventually convey is almost unconditionally justified
and legitimized. Likewise, some participants also portrayed current meat consump-
tion patterns as a mean of affirming belongingness and a collective identity, in
accordance with cultural roots and gastronomic traditions. We labelled this sub-
theme ‘‘Yes, but…there’s a reason’’. While stating such ideas, participants seemed
to reject a priori any kind of possibility of changing habits, and associated such
Moral Disengagement in Harmful but Cherished
123

possibility with a step backwards into times of economic insufficiency, quoting
historical periods of deprivation and even hunger.
Well, I mean–. Reduce impact–. I mean–. People have to eat to do the rest.
Perhaps what I hear from my grandparents and even from my parents is that
they used to eat less [meat] because they had fewer [financial] possibilities.
[…]There was less money, fewer opportunities to eat the way we eat today.
(Nature and the Environment; Male, 33 years)
Proteins were the great–. From an evolutionist perspective it’s what gave us a
major breakthrough, right? It’s protein consumption. (Public Health; Male,
31 years)
We must think of two different things–. […] [Harm] which is necessary,
everybody needs to eat meat, fish, and they, the animals, also do it […]. I think
it is a matter of survival […], natural survival, a natural act of survival. […]
To fight for one’s survival with the death of others is a basic principle both of
human existence and the existence of life itself. […]The law–. The basic law
of survival is to attack the weakest with the means we have. (Animals; Male,
24 years)
Following this line of thought, current patterns of meat production and
consumption were therefore made not only acceptable, but sometimes even
desirable, in spite of being in direct opposition with the moral duties they previously
expressed towards nature and the environment, public health promotion, and
animals. At the same time, participants often dismissed and even scorned any
potential alternatives to current meat production and consumption standards, which
were depicted as too expensive, too difficult, somewhat strange and exotic, and
overall not really a possibility. We labelled this second sub-theme ‘‘Yes, but…
there’s no alternative’’. Even while acknowledging that their own food habits might
have a detrimental impact in the respective topic in discussion, participants justified
maintaining their habits with the lack of perceived viable alternatives, and this idea
seemed to neutralize any feelings of self-censure that might arise from inflicting
harm. At the same time, some participants also showed a tendency to immediately
frame the discussion as an extreme stance, in the sense that being open to question
the possibility of making changes to their habits would inevitably imply changing
them in a drastic way. And this drastic alternative constituted a scenario about
which many participants reacted quite defensively and did not express a will to even
discuss. Eventual alternatives to current production and consumption patterns were
sometimes even depicted as highly artificial and adulterated foodways, in an almost
dystopian picture.
The only solution would be–. Since the industry is evolving so much, to
develop one of those pills–. Like Dragon Ball’s magic beans. There’s this
small case with a pill with this protein, this carbohydrate–. People eat it, it’s a
pill, and they’re satisfied. (Nature and the Environment; Male, 24 years)
Some people are extremely rational and eat Vitamin A and Vitamin B almost
as if it they were taking a pill. […]I eat what tastes good, so I wouldn’t be
able to eat a meal with a pill and put it into my mouth just because it has the
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vitamins that are good for the brain, or that prevent that disease. (Public
Health; Female, 29 years)
For me it’s about the price. I mean, in order to be able to eat only free-range
animals, for example, with a great life outdoors–. Those animals are far more
expensive. A free-range chicken is far more expensive than a factory farm
chicken who lives in those conditions. (Animals; Female, 30 years)
One last path for participants to apparently justify current meat production and
consumption patterns and their own personal habits was the tendency to compare
harm with problems that were depicted as inflicting even greater harm. We labelled
this third sub-theme ‘‘Yes, but…there are worse things’’. In face of such contrast,
the absence of change seemed to be perceived in a more favourable and acceptable
way, and the resulting harm seen as less serious, or even insignificant, when
compared to other more serious and pressing problems. However, this pattern of
speech was observed only when the discussion was framed in the impact towards
animals and public health, and was not present when discussing the environmental
consequences.
For me the question is really the level–. The severity of the issues that we are
discussing. […] I mean, tobacco is never healthy, there is no minimal quantity
in which it is not harmful […] so we are talking about different levels [of
risk]. (Public Health; Male, 31 years)
I say the same as a comment I read [in a national magazine], which is, we have
less chickens per square meter [in chicken farms] than students in our schools.
Right. It’s very interesting that a student in school needs fewer square meters
than a chicken [in a farm]. […]Students’ education can be intensive, but
[producing] chickens can’t–. (Animals; Female, 30 years)
‘‘It’s not up to me’’ —Obscuring personal responsibility
Another pattern of speech we identified refers to the tendency to obscure and displace
personal responsibility concerning the impacts of current meat production and
consumption patterns, and the possibility of change towards less harmful alterna-
tives—‘‘It’s not up to me’’. This displacement was expressed through two different
paths. The first one was by projecting accountability exclusively to mass production
systems, while minimizing the role of current consumption patterns. This way,
discussion was kept mainly outside the locus of individual habits and choices. We
labelled this sub-theme ‘‘Blame mass production (not mass consumption)’’. Mass
production systems were criticized by some participants but seemed to be mainly
depicted as if existing by themselves, and not to meet demands from current mass
consumption standards. And even when the role of demand was occasionally
mentioned, it was framed as a consequence stemming from factors such as the global
population growth or food waste caused by food safety rules. This pattern was observed
only when the discussion was framed inthe impacts towards natureand the environment.
That’s the thing, if it could be produced–. If it could be produced–. If
everything could be made more smoothly–. But there’s this problem of the
population [growth]. (Nature and the Environment; Male, 24 years)
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A similar pattern was identified when discussing impacts towards animals. In this
case, participants tended to attribute the responsibility of promoting and enforcing
changes mainly towards legal spheres, public/educational entities, production
systems, or professionals from specific areas of expertise, minimizing their role as
individual consumers. We labelled this second sub-theme ‘‘It’s their responsibility’’.
This displacement of responsibility seemed to facilitate a feeling of non-liability for
maintaining one’s eating habits, even after having acknowledged harm potentially
inflicted to animals resulting from these habits.
That [to find ways to minimize harm and suffering] is what biologists and
veterinaries are for. (Animals; Female, 53 years)
‘‘It’s not that bad’’ – Disregard for the negative consequences
Another pattern identified in some discussion groups was the tendency to
downplay the negative impacts associated with current meat production and
consumption standards—‘‘It’s not that bad’’. This disregard for the negative
consequences was expressed through two different paths. The first one was by
disputing a priori possible evidence regarding these consequences, labelling such
evidence as facts that may eventually change over time or as findings that might not
be applicable to different contexts and persons. We observed this pattern mainly
when discussing impacts towards public health, and labelled this sub-theme
‘‘Today’s truths are tomorrow’s lies’’. Some participants contrasted evidence on the
negative impacts with examples of health practices that in the past were seen as
desirable and even recommended by public health authorities, but in time came to
reveal themselves as neutral or even harmful; and vice versa. This way, eventual
information about how current meat production and consumption patterns might
negatively impact public health seemed to be automatically framed as pseudo-
scientific truths or partial facts (e.g., ‘‘half of the story’’) that were not to be taken
seriously. Accordingly, while expressing such ideas these participants did not seem
willing to consider the possibility of changing their personal habits in order to
minimize harm.
I think I once also read a study in which [they found that] red meat was good
for your health–. I don’t remember–. [It was good] To I don’t know what. I
mean, studies always capture only a fragment of reality, one minor detail, and
then there is always a different study that–. […]In which [they find] it’s
actually good to do another thing that the first study didn’t [consider]. (Public
Health; Male, 29 years)
A similar pattern of disregard for the negative consequences was identified when
discussing impacts towards animals. In this case, some participants downplayed
harm inflicted to animals by stating that current production systems have to comply
with welfare recommendations, and that current regulations safeguard animal
wellbeing both in production units and in slaughter houses. We labelled this sub-
theme ‘‘Meat is happy’’. The lives and deaths of animals raised for food were
framed on a process depicted as constantly evolving thanks to progresses in
technology and areas of expertise that allow to minimize and eventually neutralize
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suffering. These ideas, although not shared by all participants, seemed to
unconditionally endorse current production and consumption patterns among those
who subscribed it, since harm to animals was actually not acknowledged.
[There’s] Like an assembly line, with splints to hold them, to apply pressure on
the animals […]. To apply pressure on an animal is almost like when we hug
someone. Hugging diminishes–. Raises pressure in the veins, diminishes blood
stream, […]the person feels calmer, relaxed. So animals feel relaxed when
they’re slaughtered. And then, when the time comes […]it must be the
quickest death, because the animal doesn’t–. (Animals; Male, 24 years)
‘‘Don’t make me think about it’’ —Active avoidance and dissociation
Another pattern we identified referred to the tendency to actively avoid
discussing and having information about the impacts of current meat production and
consumption patterns—‘‘Don’t make me think about it’’; but only when the
discussion was framed on the impacts towards animals. Although this pattern does
resonate with the principles of moral disengagement theory, it is not explicitly
advanced as a mechanism per se in the original theoretical proposition. Concerning
this theme, some participants expressed uneasiness with the lives and deaths of
animals raised for meat. Uneasiness about their lives was mainly expressed when
discussing the conditions animals may endure from birth until they reach the
slaughterhouse, particularly in factory farms. Uneasiness about their deaths seemed
to be framed in the notion that an animal had been slaughtered for the purpose of
meat extraction, particularly if the portion they would feed upon resembled the
image of the living animal, or when blood and other body fluids were evident in the
meal. Some even noted that in certain conditions they were not able to eat specific
meals, or meats, as a result of not being able to dissociate the portion of meat from
the animal from which that portion was taken (e.g., having seen animals alive and
afterwards knowingly eat them). However, in both cases (i.e. uneasiness about their
deaths and about their lives) participants affirmed that in the events such uneasiness
might arise they would try not to think about it and often avoid being exposed to
stimuli and information that could trigger such uneasiness.
Calf meat [veal]–. I came to know about this a short time ago, it affected me,
but there we are, I admit, sometimes we are a little–. Sometimes we prefer not
to have some knowledge, […]the more we know the worse. […]Calves are
completely crammed on each other so they won’t gain muscle, in order for
their meat to be tender, like calf meat is. So they get totally deformed,
crippled. Because that’s how the meat is good. […]I read it, and regret
having read it. (Animals; Female, 34 years)
‘‘We could change’’ – Considering change towards less harmful dietary
patterns
Some participants seldom acknowledged that a change towards less harmful
dietary patterns might be desirable and beneficial for nature and the environment,
public health, or animals—‘‘We could change’’. In these cases personal change was
mainly pictured as a hypothesis for the future and not something to pursue at the
Moral Disengagement in Harmful but Cherished
123

present time. Likewise, these participants also expressed what we framed as moral
disengagement mechanisms in other instances of the discussions, which again
suggests they were experiencing some level of dissonance. Nonetheless, even while
not explicitly expressing willingness to change their own habits, they seemed less
resistant to the idea of considering such possibility. This pattern of speech was
occasionally followed by awareness that one was expressing conflicting ideas about
the topic in discussion, and an effort to conciliate such ideas (i.e. often recurring
again to one or more of the abovementioned disengagement mechanisms).
Meat is cheaper than fish. But vegetables are, on the other hand, often cheaper
than meat and fish. And this [eating more plant-based meals] might be a way to
sustain this production - more organic [ways to raise] animals - if there was a
balance in [our] diets. (Nature and the Environment; Female, 23 years)
I’m a little bit in favour of restricting the amount of meat that is [currently]
eaten, mainly because it’s having consequences for the planet, and this is
more than studied and discussed. For this reason, I think we might adjust
habits a little bit in order to not ruin the planet. [And] Also due to the toxicity
that meat itself [may entail for human health] –. (Public Health; Female, 30
years)
Perhaps I could start eating those [free-range] animals. [But] I would have to
stop having other things, and perhaps I don’t [want to] stop having other
things. So this whole talk looks like a huge hypocrisy from my part. Animal
rights–. In the end, to have money to go on holidays, I don’t buy the animals
that live in the outdoors and buy the ones from cages. (Animals; Female, 30
years)
Discussion
The present study aimed at contributing to a further understanding of the
psychological factors that may hinder or promote personal disposition to change
food habits for the benefit of the environment, public health, and animal welfare.
Drawing from previous evidence and propositions (Bandura 2007; Bastian et al.
2012; Bilewicz et al. 2011; Mitchell 2011), this study provides an initial exploration
of the hypothesis that some consumers are motivated to resort to moral
disengagement strategies when called upon to consider the impacts of their habits,
thus minimizing willingness to consider change.
Results indicate that although participants affirmed personal duties towards
preserving the environment, promoting public health, and safeguarding animals
from harm, they showed patterns that resemble moral disengagement strategies (see
Bandura 1990, Bandura et al. 1996) when discussing impacts associated with
current meat production and consumption patterns, and the possibility of change—
reconstrual of the harmful conduct; obscuring personal responsibility; disregard for
the negative consequences; and active avoidance and dissociation.
Reconstrual of the harmful conduct (‘‘Yes, but…’’) referred to the tendency to
justify and legitimize current meat production and consumption patterns, even while
J. Grac¸ a et al.
123

recognizing them as potentially harmful. This justification was expressed through
three different paths—‘‘Yes, but…there’s a reason’’, portraying meat production
and consumption as serving a worthy higher purpose (e.g., sustenance; tradition) or
even an imperative (e.g., survival; evolution), thus framing harm as a trade-off;
‘‘Yes, but…there’s no alternative’’, dismissing and even scorning potential
alternatives to current meat production and consumption standards, and framing
them as unrealistic, radical, or artificial and adulterated foodways; and ‘‘Yes, but…
there are worse things’’, comparing and relativizing harm entailed by meat
production and consumption with problems that were depicted as more important or
inflicting even greater damage.
Obscuring personal responsibility (‘‘It’s not up to me’’) referred to the tendency
to obscure and displace personal responsibility concerning harm and the possibility
of changing habits. This displacement was expressed through two different paths—
‘‘Blame mass production (not mass consumption)’’, projecting accountability
exclusively to mass production systems, while minimizing the role of one’s own
individual habits; and ‘‘It’s their responsibility’’, attributing the onus of promoting
and enforcing changes mainly towards legal spheres, public/educational entities,
production systems, or professionals from specific areas of expertise, again
disregarding one’s role as individual consumer.
A third disengagement mechanism was the disregard for the negative
consequences (‘‘It’s not that bad’’), which referred to the tendency to downplay
the negative impacts associated with current meat production and consumption
standards. This downplay was expressed through two different paths ‘‘Today’s
truths are tomorrow’s lies’’—labelling evidence concerning harm as facts that may
eventually change over time or as findings that might not be applicable to different
contexts and persons; and ‘‘Meat is happy’’, holding to the notion that production
systems have to comply with welfare recommendations and that current regulations
safeguard animal wellbeing.
Active avoidance and dissociation (‘‘Don’t make me think about it’’) also seemed
to emerge as a moral disengagement mechanism, although such mechanism is not
proposed in the original theoretical framework. This pattern referred to the tendency
to actively avoid discussing and having information about the impacts of current
meat production and consumption patterns, and was expressed by avoiding thinking
of and being exposed to information about the lives and deaths of animals used for
meat.
The expression of these disengagement mechanisms seemed to defuse potential
feelings of guilt and self-censure when discussing harmful but self-serving
behaviours (meat consumption). It also seemed to be associated with the lack of
willingness to consider the possibility of transitioning toward less harmful dietary
choices. Such patterns conceptually fit the core propositions of moral disengage-
ment theory, which states that the process of self-regulation of moral behaviour can
be selectively neutralized in order to reduce potential dissonance when one is called
upon to consider the damages associated with his/her own conduct (Bandura 1990,
1999).
These findings thus reinforce the notion that mere knowledge and exposure to
information may not be sufficient to help people consider how their eating habits
Moral Disengagement in Harmful but Cherished
123

impact nature and the environment, public health, and animals, and promote
changes that are in accordance with their own moral principles and perceived duties
in these domains. If this is the case, discussing the impacts of current meat
production and consumption patterns with people who eat meat may have the
potential to induce a state of cognitive dissonance. Moral disengagement may
therefore be triggered as a self-protection mechanism, turning people resistant to
change even when having knowledge about the negative impacts associated with
their eating behaviours. This may create conditions for current patterns of meat
consumption to endure even among people who affirm the environment, public
health, and animals as entities/domains with moral relevance.
There were occasional expressions of acknowledgment that a change towards
less harmful dietary patterns might be desirable and beneficial considering the moral
duties participants had previously expressed—gathered by the theme ‘‘We could
change’’. This resonates with findings from previous studies indicating a trend
around certain segments of consumers that are developing less favourable attitudes
towards meat, and reducing their levels of consumption (e.g., Holm and Mohl 2000;
Lea and Worsley 2001). But even in these instances participants seemed to hold
ambivalent and contrasting attitudes about the possibility of changing their personal
habits and often resorted to moral disengagement mechanisms, apparently as a
means to reduce dissonance. This also gives strength to the proposition that the
process of moral disengagement may indeed play a role in making people more
resistant to the possibility of pursuing such changes.
Limitations and Future Research
We must note that the present study does not aim at explaining actual eating habits
and behaviours. Our purpose was merely to engage in an initial operationalization
and exploration of how the moral disengagement theory may be a helpful
framework to explain consumers’ perceptions regarding their habits and personal
disposition to change. In order to clarify and strengthen the present findings, future
studies should seek to refine the themes that emerged during our analysis and
explore the extent to which they can indeed predict resistance to change towards
less harmful dietary choices. Following from this it may be worth further exploring
how different disengagement mechanisms might emerge and relate between
themselves, opting for larger samples and different methodologies, and also
introducing additional constructs in order to increase explanatory capacity.
Indeed, it is worth mentioning that in the current study, in most discussion
groups, some participants would take the initiative of expressing what we framed as
moral disengagement strategies about meat eating, and often the remainder
participants would follow the lead showing agreement and reinforcing their
speeches. Although focus groups are typically recommended as particularly useful
in exploratory approaches because of their potential to provide both consonant and
divergent patterns of speech, in the present study such patterns were mainly
consonant. This fails with also providing us some glimpses of themes that might
direct us to a concept of ‘‘moral engagement’’ (e.g., to express willingness to change
J. Grac¸ a et al.
123

towards less harmful dietary choices) on this behalf. In order to capitalize potential
contributions of addressing this subject with the theoretical framework emerging
from this study, it might therefore be useful to assure that future endeavours do
include a wide spectrum of individual meat consumption patterns among the
participants (not only meat consumers but also, for example, meat avoiders,
‘‘flexitarians’’, and vegetarians), while also allowing for answers provided
individually and not only in group settings.
Acknowledgments This work was supported by a grant from the Portuguese Foundation for Science
and Technology (FCT; Reference SFRH/BD/79487/2011), awarded to the first author. The authors
express their gratitude to Joana Nunes Patrı
´cio for her assistance in data collection.
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