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Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology
http://jcc.sagepub.com/content/42/7/1179
The online version of this article can be found at:
DOI: 10.1177/0022022110383424
2011 42: 1179 originally published online 30 November 2010Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology
Andrew O. Behnke, Scott W. Plunkett, Tovah Sands and Mayra Y. Bámaca-Colbert
Neighborhood Risk, and Parenting on Self-Esteem and Depressive Symptoms
The Relationship Between Latino Adolescents' Perceptions of Discrimination,
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Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology
42(7) 1179 –1197
© The Author(s) 2011
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DOI: 10.1177/0022022110383424
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The Relationship Between
Latino Adolescents’
Perceptions of Discrimination,
Neighborhood Risk, and
Parenting on Self-Esteem
and Depressive Symptoms
Andrew O. Behnke1, Scott W. Plunkett2,
Tovah Sands3, and Mayra Y. Bámaca-Colbert4
Abstract
Guided by Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological framework, this study examined the roles of Latino
adolescents’ reports of discrimination, neighborhood risk, parent-child conflict over culture,
and parental support in relation to their self-esteem and depression. Analysis of self-report data
from 383 ninth grade, Latino students from one Los Angeles high school was used to validate
a Multigroup Structural Equation Model of self-esteem and depressive symptoms for boys and
girls. As expected, self-esteem was negatively and significantly related to depressive symptoms,
yet the influence of other factors were less clear. Five paths marked the influence of mothers’
and fathers’ interactions on youths’ outcomes, demonstrating a strong path from fathers’
support to adolescent self-esteem and differing paths from cultural conflict with mother and
father to youth outcomes. Neighborhood risks were significantly related to boys’ and girls’ self-
esteem and depressive symptoms, especially for boys. Societal discrimination was significantly
related to youths’ reports of depressive symptoms yet not significantly related to self-esteem.
Results are discussed in terms of applications for both practice and future research.
Keywords
community/neighborhood, cultural conflict, depression, Latinos, parenting, self-esteem
The costs of depressive-related problems in early adolescence are of growing national concern.
Depression has gained national attention because of its implications for school dropout, peer/
1Department of 4-H, Youth Development, and Family & Consumer Sciences, North Carolina State University,
Raleigh, North Carolina, USA
2Department of Psychology, California State University Northridge, Northridge, California, USA
3Department of Educational Psychology and Counseling, California State University Northridge, Northridge,
California, USA
4Department of Human Development & Family Studies, The Pennsylvania State University, University Park,
Pennsylvania, USA
Corresponding Author:
Andrew O. Behnke, Department of 4-H, Youth Development, and Family & Consumer Sciences, North Carolina State
University, Raleigh, North Carolina, USA
Email: andrew_behnke@ncsu.edu
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1180 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 42(7)
family relationship problems, impaired health and physical development, substance abuse, teen
pregnancy, and suicide risk (Bhatia & Bhatia, 2007; Costello, Erkanli, & Angold, 2006; Glied &
Pine, 2002; Keenan-Miller, Hammen, & Brennan, 2007; Rickert, Wiemann, & Berenson, 2000;
Shain, 2007; Thomberry, Ireland, & Smith, 2001). Latino adolescents are especially at risk for
depression. Studies point to Latino youth, especially girls, as having the highest rates of depres-
sive symptoms of all ethnic groups (47% vs. 33.4%; Eaton et al., 2006; see also Joiner, Perez,
Wagner, Berenson, & Marquina, 2001; Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Adminis-
tration, Office of Applied Studies, 2008; Siegel, Aneshensel, Taub, Cantwell, & Driscoll, 1998).
A study by Roberts, Roberts, and Chen (1997)—one of only a handful of national studies on the
prevalence of major depression in an ethnically diverse sample of adolescents—reported that
depression prevalence was highest among Mexican origin adolescents (12.0%), followed by
African Americans (9.0%), European Americans (6.3%), and Asian Americans (2.9%).
Recently, scholars have begun using Bronfenbrenner’s (1999) bioecological model, formerly
known as the ecological model (Bronfenbrenner, 1979), to guide their understanding of the com-
plex interrelationships between depressive-related problems and factors found at different contex-
tual levels, such as individual, familial, neighborhood, and macrolevel qualities (Abrams, Theberge,
& Karan, 2005; Beam, Gil-Rivas, Greenberger, & Chen, 2002; Gutman & Sameroff, 2004; Prelow,
Weaver, & Swenson, 2006). The inclusion of various factors in different ecological contexts into
one analysis is viewed by many working in this domain as the next important step in understanding
depressive etiology (e.g., Kessler, Avenevoli, & Merikangas, 2001), yet contextual models often
do not include culturally specific variables (García Coll et al., 1996). Understanding Latino adoles-
cent depressive-related problems necessitates the investigation of human interactions and develop-
ment embedded in their cultural context (Bernal, Cumba-Avilés, & Sáez-Santiago, 2006). Hence,
this study investigates depression among Latino adolescents through the bioecological lens and
from a culturally informed perspective (García Coll et al., 1996; Umaña-Taylor & Updegraff,
2007). Specifically, this study will examine how the following culturally specific variables directly
or indirectly (through self-esteem) relate to depressive symptoms: (a) adolescents’ perceptions of
their own experiences with discrimination, (b) neighborhood risks (since many Latino youth live in
high-risk neighborhoods; Suárez-Orozco, Suárez-Orozco, & Todorova, 2008), (c) support by par-
ents (an indicator of close family bonds found in Latino culture), and (d) conflict over cultural
values occurring between youth and their parents (see Figure 1). Because adolescents’ interpreta-
tions of their multiple environments may be more important than their actual contexts (Bronfen-
brenner, 1979), in the current study, youth perceptions are used.
Self-Esteem and Depressive Symptoms
Self-esteem is considered one of the most important features in an adolescent’s development,
playing a key protective process in preventing depression (Dumont & Provost, 1999; Marcotte,
Fortin, Potvin, & Papillon, 2002; Muris, Schmidt, Lambrichs, & Meesters, 2001). From cogni-
tive therapy (Beck, 1967, 1974) to hopelessness theory (Abramson, Metalsky, & Alloy, 1989),
theorists have recognized the role that low self-esteem plays in promoting depression. Dimin-
ished self-esteem can lead to feelings of inadequacy, unworthiness, and deficiency (Rosenberg,
1979), and this deprecating view of self can influence how an adolescent perceives everyday
situations and life events, leading to hopelessness and eventually depression (Abramson et al.,
1989; Beck, 1967, 1974). Conversely, adolescents with high self-esteem may be more optimistic
and perceive life events as manageable and therefore may be less susceptible to feelings of
depression. In a recent national study of nine predictors of depression among adolescents, self-
esteem was found to be much stronger than any of the other predictors (MacPhee & Andrews,
2006). Additionally, research has demonstrated a strong relationship between self-esteem and
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Behnke et al. 1181
adolescent depressive symptomatology in Mexican American adolescents (Phinney, Madden,
& Santos, 1998) and various Latino groups (Portes & Zady, 2002).
If negative perceptions of one’s self relates to depression, then it is also important to identify
the antecedents of self-esteem. Sense of self emerges as an individual processes and assigns
meaning to interactions within his or her social environments (Mead, 1934). Hence, adolescents’
reflected appraisals (i.e., perceptions of reactions by others) from various contexts (e.g., family,
neighborhood, society) form the basis for creating and validating self-concepts, including self-
esteem. In other words, adolescents monitor reactions to them in varying contexts and respond
to these reflected appraisals based on their perceptions resulting in a sense of self (often referred
to as the looking glass self; Cooley, 1902).
Parenting Behaviors, Self-Esteem, and Depressive Symptoms
Given the importance of family and parent-child relationships in Latino culture (Halgunseth,
Ispa, & Rudy, 2006; Smokowski & Bacallao, 2007), the ways adolescents perceive their rela-
tionship with their mothers and fathers may be critical in the development of self-esteem and
depressive symptoms (Jasinskaja-Lahti & Liebkind, 2001). When youth perceive their parents as
reflecting warm and affirming messages (i.e., parental support), they internalize feelings of posi-
tive self-esteem (Felson & Zielinski, 1989; Patten et al., 1997). Studies with Mexican American
youth (Amato & Fowler, 2002; Benjet & Hernandez-Guzman, 2001; Ruiz, Roosa, & Gonzales,
2002) and Latino youth in the United States (Bámaca, Umaña-Taylor, Shin, & Alfaro, 2005;
Plunkett, Williams, Schock, & Sands, 2007) have found that parental support is positively related
to youth self-esteem. Because none of these previous studies have explicitly examined the rela-
tionship between self-esteem and the parenting of both mothers and fathers in the same model,
this current study attempts to fill this gap.
Besides support, it is likely that agreement with parents on family and cultural values can
promote a healthy sense of self by providing the youth with a sense of cultural stability and psy-
chological well-being (Jasinskaja-Lahti & Liebkind, 2001). Conversely, intense arguments with
Mothers’
Support
Fathers’
Support
Cultural Conflict
with Mothers
Cultural Conflict
with Fathers
Self-Esteem Depressive
Symptoms
Neighborhood
Risks
Societal
Discrimination
Familial Qualities
Community Quality
Individual
Quality
Societal Quality
_
+
+
+
+
_
_
_
_
_
+
+
_
Figure 1. Contextual model of antecedents of Latino adolescents’ depressive symptoms.
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1182 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 42(7)
parents over cultural values may diminish psychological adjustment. This may be especially true
for Latino adolescents since youth acculturate faster than immigrant parents and developmental
changes during adolescence may result in more conflict in general, ultimately resulting in con-
flict over culture with their parents (Szapoczni & Kurtines, 1993; Vega, Khoury, Zimmerman,
Gil, & Warheit, 1995). Mechanic and Hansell (1989) found that conflict with parents was more
detrimental to Latino adolescents’ psychological adjustment (including depressive symptoms)
than other youth.
Especially pertinent to family scholars is recent research revealing that self-esteem mediates
the association between parental behaviors and adolescent depressive symptoms (Lau & Kwok,
2000; MacPhee & Andrews, 2006; Plunkett, Henry, Robinson, Behnke, & Falcon, 2007; Way &
Robinson, 2003). For example, Garber, Robinson, and Valentiner (1997) demonstrated that the
relation between adolescent depression and parental acceptance was mediated by self-esteem for
adolescents in general.
Though this study focuses on a mediation hypothesis, whereby self-esteem mediates the
effects of parental behavior on depression, other research has posited that parents’ behaviors may
be directly related to depression among adolescents (Ge, Lorenz, Conger, Elder, & Simons, 1994;
Lau & Kwok, 2000; Liu, 2003). In a national study of depression among adolescents, parental
behaviors were found to be the second most import direct predictor of depression, second only
to self-esteem (MacPhee & Andrews, 2006). Considering the low self-esteem and high levels of
depression common among Latino youth, this study will explore both the direct and indirect (via
self-esteem) effects of perceived parent-child relations on youth depression.
Neighborhood Risk, Self-Esteem, and Depression
Neighborhoods represent another interactional context in which Latino adolescents reside. A dis-
proportionate number of Latino households fall under the federal poverty threshold (Ramirez &
de la Cruz, 2003), resulting in many Latino adolescents living in high-risk neighborhoods char-
acterized by poverty, violence, crime, and unemployment (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2008). Haney
(2007) proposes that residents in high-risk neighborhoods will have lower self-esteem due to
reflected appraisals; specifically, residents will internalize negative self-worth when they per-
ceive their city and neighbors are not invested in their neighborhood. Conversely, those neigh-
borhoods characterized by more social capital and assets will reflect positive images back to
youth. Although the vast majority of neighborhood studies focus on deviant outcomes (Haney,
2007; see review by Sampson, Morenoff, & Gannon-Rowley, 2002), a few studies indicated
neighborhood disadvantage/risks (e.g., poverty) were related to decreased adolescent self-esteem
(Turley, 2002) and increased adolescent depression (Aneshensel & Sucoff, 1996; Eamon, 2002).
In a study of Latino youth, Bámaca et al. (2005) found that perceived neighborhood risk was
negatively related to Latino adolescent boys’ self-esteem, but not girls. The current study is the
first, to our knowledge, to examine whether perceived neighborhood risks are directly related to
depression in Latino youth and indirectly related via self-esteem.
Discrimination, Self-Esteem, and Depression
Latino youth often experience discrimination (i.e., unfair treatment based on race, culture, and/
or ethnicity) from various groups within society (teachers, peers, neighbors, shopkeepers,
adults; Fischer, Wallace, & Fenton, 2000; Katz, 1999; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004). Whether
directed toward a Latino youth personally or toward Latinos as a group, societal discrimination
can reflect hurtful, demeaning, and degrading messages that can result in psychological distress
and diminished self-worth (Szalacha et al., 2003). Not surprisingly, perceptions of discrimination
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Behnke et al. 1183
have been negatively associated with indices of psychological well-being such as depressive
symptoms and self-esteem (Deardorff, Gonzales, & Sandler, 2003; Szalacha et al., 2003). Addi-
tionally, perceived discrimination has been negatively associated with lower levels of overall
self-worth in Latino adolescents (Armenta & Hunt, 2009; Romero & Roberts, 2003) and
positively associated with depressive symptoms in U.S. adolescents of Cuban, Mexican, and
Nicaraguan origin (Portes & Zady, 2002) and Puerto Rican youth (Szalacha et al., 2003). Umaña-
Taylor and Updegraff (2007) found that societal discrimination was both directly and indirectly
(through self-esteem) related to depression in Latino girls and boys from the Midwest. This
study will attempt to replicate this finding with a different sample of Latino adolescents from
Los Angeles.
Adolescent Gender as a Moderator
One recent report by the Center of Disease Control and Prevention (Eaton et al., 2006) showed
Latino girls (Latinas) ages 14 to 18 reported to have experienced more feelings of hopelessness
and sadness than any of their peers. The numbers tell the story best: Latinas (47%) were more
likely than African American (37%) and European American (33%) girls to experience depres-
sion, and Latino boys (26%) were more likely than African American (20%) and European
American (18%) boys. Research has consistently shown that gendered differences emerge dur-
ing the transition into adolescence between the ages of 13 and 15 (Hankin & Abramson, 2001;
Wade, Cairney, & Pevalin, 2002). These gender differences are rather glaring, yet it remains dif-
ficult to understand why adolescent Latinas are more vulnerable to depression than Latino boys.
Some research indicates that some Latino cultures have traditional gender roles that emphasize
more relational roles for females and more independent roles for males (Falicov, 1996; Segura &
Pierce, 1993). A virtual plethora of studies have attempted to explain the emergence of these gen-
dered differences by exploring a number of psychosocial risk factors among European American
and African American populations (e.g., Grant, Lyons, Finkelstein, Conway, & Reynolds, 2004;
Nolen-Hoeksema, 2001; Rudolph, 2002). These studies have shown that the relation between
family relationships and both negative self-perceptions and increased depression is stronger for
adolescent girls than boys (for a meta-analysis, see Kling, Hyde, Shower, & Buswell, 1999),
which may be due to girls’ heightened rates of depression (Crick & Zahn-Waxler, 2003; Eberhart,
Shih, Hammen, & Brennan, 2006; Rose & Rudolph, 2006). This study is novel in that we explore
gender differences in society, neighborhood, and family risk factors in relation to self-esteem
and depressive symptoms in the lives of Latino boys and girls. Specifically, we tested a modera-
tion model that posits that girls are more susceptible to the effects of vulnerability factors com-
pared to boys. As such, the current study tests a multigroup model of depressive symptoms for
adolescent girls and boys (see Figure 1).
Method
Procedures
Data for this study were collected from ninth-grade students at one high school in Los Angeles
Unified School District. The students at the school are 89% Latino, and 87% of the students in the
school are on the free or reduced lunch program. The research team met with teachers to explain
the research. Teachers distributed parental consent forms and letters (in English and Spanish) to
their students to take home to their parents. Students were instructed to return the signed form
back to their teachers. Signed parental consent and adolescent assent forms were required before
students could participate; 78% of the parents signed the Spanish version of the consent form.
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1184 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 42(7)
Trained undergraduate and graduate student research assistants (RAs), most of whom were
Latino and fluent in Spanish and English, collected the self-report data in the students’ health
sciences classes. Given that the language of instruction at the school is English, all surveys were
in English. After distributing the surveys and giving detailed instructions that covered most fre-
quently asked questions (based on pilot test and previous studies), the RAs walked around the
classrooms to assist participants during data collection. Only a few students asked for clarifica-
tion on items while taking the surveys.
Participants’ Characteristics
Data from 383 ninth grade students from one Los Angeles high school were used for this study.
From this sample, ages ranged from 14 to 16 (M = 14.6, SD = .56), and 53% were female. All the
youth in this sample had at least one parent who immigrated from Latin America. Most parents
had immigrated from Mexico (69%) and El Salvador (12%). The majority (84%) of the adoles-
cents were born in the United States (i.e., second generation youth). Spanish was most often
(67%) spoken in the home, and only about 21% of parents spoke English either “very good” or
“fluently.” The majority (70%) of the youth lived in two-parent, intact families, whereas 12% lived
in stepparent families and 16% lived in single-parent families.
Measurement
Depressive symptoms. A 20-item Center for Epidemiologic Study’s Inventory was used to
assess depressive symptoms (CES-D; Radloff, 1977). Youth were asked how often in the past
week they felt a certain way (e.g., “I could not get ‘going,’” and “I cried at times”). Items were
rated on a 4-point Likert-type scale, with end points of 0 = rarely or none of the time (less than
1 day) and 3 = mostly or almost all the time (5 to 7 days). Items were averaged to create a scale
score. Previous studies have found the CES-D is internally consistent for Latino adolescents
(alpha = .91; Umaña-Taylor & Updegraff, 2007) and Mexican-origin adolescents (alpha = .93;
Roberts & Chen, 1995). Yet some have argued that this scale may not be appropriate for diagnos-
ing depression with all Latinos (see Crockett, Randall, Shen, Russell, & Driscoll, 2005). Even so,
Crockett et al. (2005) did find the factor structure of the scale was similar for Mexican and Anglo
adolescents, but some differences appeared with Puerto Rican and Cuban youth. Functional and
scalar equivalence were established for all four groups with self-esteem. Since this sample con-
sisted of Mexican-origin and Central American–origin youth, factor analyses were conducted for
both groups along with correlations with self-esteem. The results were very similar (analyses
available upon request). The total sample had a Cronbach’s alpha of .88.
Global self-esteem. The Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale was used to assess adolescents’ overall
self-esteem score (Rosenberg, 1979). Response choices ranged from 1 = strongly disagree to 4 =
strongly agree. Sample items include (a) “On the whole, I am satisfied with myself” and (b) “I feel
I do not have much to be proud of” (reverse coded). Responses to these items were averaged to
calculate an overall self-esteem score. Although some evidence exists that the Rosenberg Self-
Esteem scale is sometimes better as two separate factors (e.g., Farruggia, Chen, Greenberger,
Dmitrieva, & Macek, 2004; Owens, 1994), factor analyses indicated the one factor solution was
most appropriate for this sample (analyses available upon request). Previous studies have found
that the scale is internally consistent (alphas ranged from .73 to .87) for adolescents in mostly
immigrant Latino families (Bámaca et al., 2005; Plunkett, Williams, Schock, & Sands, 2007). In
the current study, a Cronbach’s alpha of .78 was found.
Parenting. Two aspects of the parent-adolescent relationship were assessed: parenting support
and intensity of culture conflict. The first type of parenting to be assessed was adolescents’ reports
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Behnke et al. 1185
of maternal and paternal support. This was assessed with eight items from an adapted version of
the parental support subscale from the Parent Behavior Measure (PBM; Bush, Peterson, Cobas,
& Supple, 2002). This subscale assesses adolescents’ perceptions of warmth and affection from
their mothers and fathers (e.g., “Tells me how much he/she loves me”). Participants were asked
to respond to each item twice: once for mother figure and once for father figure in their home.
Response choices ranged from 1 = strongly disagree to 4 = strongly agree. Items were averaged
to create subscale scores. For the current data, the Cronbach’s alphas were .78 and .81 for moth-
ers’ and fathers’ support, respectively. The second type of parenting to be assessed was intensity
of culture conflict, which was assessed by using an adapted item from the Parent-Adolescent
Conflict Scale, originally developed by Smetana (1988). This item was adapted to be specific to
Latino families and was asked about mothers and fathers separately to understand their unique-
ness (Updegraff, Delgado, & Wheeler, 2009). Specifically, adolescents were asked to report how
intense the disagreements or differences of opinion with their mothers and fathers were regard-
ing “cultural traditions (like not wanting to follow your parents’ traditions).” Response choices
ranged from 1 = very mild to 5 = very angry.
Neighborhood risk. A 12-item scale was used to assess youth perceptions of 10 risks (e.g., low
education, high unemployment, high crime, and violence) and two protective factors (e.g., safety,
education; reverse coded) in their neighborhoods (Supple, Ghazarian, Frabutt, Plunkett, & Sands,
2006). The response choices ranged from 1 = strongly disagree to 4 = strongly agree. The items
were averaged to create a composite score for this scale, with higher scores reflecting higher
perceptions of neighborhood risk. Previous studies have found that the scale is internally consis-
tent for adolescents in mostly immigrant Latino families (alpha = .86; Bámaca et al., 2005) and
Latino immigrant families (alpha = .85; Henry, Merten, Plunkett, & Sands, 2008). Based on data
from this sample, this scale obtained a Cronbach alpha of .86.
Societal discrimination. Adolescents’ perceptions of societal discrimination were examined using
a 10-item scale asking how often they were affected by discrimination from general public,
authority figures, and teachers (Whitbeck, Hoyt, McMorris, Chen, & Stubben, 2001). Sample
items include the following: “Has someone yelled a racial slur or racial insult at you?” and “Have
adults suspected you of doing something wrong because of your ethnicity?” Response options
are 1 = never, 2 = sometimes, and 3 = always. Umaña-Taylor and Updegraff (2007) found an
alpha of .86 using a sample of Latino adolescents. Using the current sample, the Cronbach’s alpha
for this scale was .79.
Results
Guided by a bioecological perspective of adolescent relationships, we chose to examine the rela-
tionships between each parent and adolescent, by dividing data for boys and girls. Gender differ-
ences were first analyzed using a series of independent t tests. Adolescent boys and girls did not
significantly differ on their reports of fathers’ and mothers’ support, fathers’ and mothers’ cultural
conflict, discrimination, or neighborhood risks. However, this sample exhibited slightly different
reported levels of self-esteem (M girls = 2.80, SD = .50 vs. M boys = 3.01, SD = .51), t(380) =
–4.21.57, p < .001, and adolescent depressive symptoms (M girls = 1.04, SD = .55 vs. M boys = .76,
SD = .46), t(381) = 5.24, p < .001, as are generally shown in this population.
Descriptive statistics and intercorrelations are presented for all study variables in Table 1.
As predicted, a significant negative correlation was found between adolescent self-esteem and
depressive symptoms for both boys and girls. Reports of “cultural conflict” and “support”
were strongly correlated for mothers and fathers, and thus, the error terms between mothers’
and fathers’ cultural conflict and mothers’ and fathers’ support were allowed to covary in our
structural models (below).
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1186 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 42(7)
Our theoretical model was tested using multigroup Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) via
LISREL 8.72 software (Jöreskog & Sörbom, 2004). Multigroup structural equation modeling
analyses allow for testing and estimating of relationships between multiple variables when the
relationships overlap or involve complex interrelationships (Kline, 2005). This study uses a two-
group model to test separately boys’ and girls’ perceptions of individual, familial, neighborhood,
and societal-level factors (see Figure 1). The structural equation models hypothesized parental
support, cultural conflict with parents, neighborhood risk, and societal discrimination as exoge-
nous variables predicting self-esteem. Also, these variables (including self-esteem) were theo-
rized to be directly related to adolescent depressive symptoms. Full information maximum
likelihood (FIML) estimation was used in our SEM models due to the presence of some missing
data (less than 4%). FIML estimation involves the fitting of covariance structure models directly
to the observed raw data from each participant rather than to covariances among manifest vari-
ables. FIML estimation is less biased than more common approaches, such as listwise deletion
of observations (Arbuckle, 1996). Model fit was assessed using the Comparative Fit Index (CFI ≥
.95), Non-Normed Fit Index (NNFI ≥ .95), and the Root Mean Squared Error of Approximation
(RMSEA ≤ .05), as recommended by Hu and Bentler (1999).
The separate boys’ and girls’ models were assessed together in a two-group structural model
to explore gender differences and similarities in the model using the specifications for multi-
group models by Görz, Hildebrandt, and Annacker (2000). The overall structural models fit the
data well (see Lines 3 and 4 of Table 2). Next, the elimination of insignificant paths was con-
ducted via a path-by-path analysis of the model starting with our exogenous variables and remov-
ing one path at a time. We conducted a series of nested χ2 difference tests to determine the change
in χ2 when a path was removed (summary of analyses in Table 2, Lines 5-17). Paths were kept in
the model if they produced a significant change in χ2 (e.g., Lines 6-9, 12, and 14-17). This pro-
duced a just identified model (Line 13) with only significant paths left in the model. Our just
identified structural model (Line 13 in Table 2) revealed a good fit with the data, χ2(27) = 30.99;
GFI = .98; NNFI = .99; CFI = .99; RMSEA = .028. The final just identified model is depicted
graphically in Figure 2.
Since the fit of the data in the unconstrained model (Line 4) was a significant improvement
to the model where paths were forced to be equal across adolescent males and females (Line 3),
Table 1. Zero-Order Correlations Among Variables, Means, and Standard Deviations for
Boys (n = 159) and Girls (n = 169)
Variables 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Girls’ M Girls’ SD
1. Depressive symptoms — -.60* .21* .30* -.22* -.32* .25* .15* .76 .46
2. Global self-esteem -.58* — -.19* -.17* .22* .27* -.26* -.17* 3.01 .51
3. Neighborhood risks .38* -.34* — .14* -.26* -.22* .12 .09 2.15 .56
4. Societal discrimination .24* -.15* .27* — -.15* -.23* .26* .24* 1.32 .32
5. Mothers’ support -.20* .31* -.17* -.16* — .57* -.29* -.22* 3.20 .63
6. Fathers’ support -.30* .42* -.22* -.19* .59* — -.22* -.17* 2.93 .71
7. Cultural conflict with
mothers
.21* .17* .16* .03 -.05 -.07 — .74* 1.53 .91
8. Cultural conflict with
fathers
.27* -.21* .14* .07 -.08 -.09 .86* — 1.53 .91
Boys’ M1.04 2.80 2.17 1.23 3.11 2.86 1.55 1.49 — —
Boys’ SD .55 .50 .52 .27 .70 .79 .97 .92 — —
Intercorrelations for girls are above the diagonal and intercorrelations for boys are below.
*p < .05.
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1187
Table 2. Nested Measurement and Structural Models Demonstrating Gendered Pathway Differences (N = 328)
Models Tested χ²df Δχ²pΔdf GFI CFI NNFI RMSEA
Measurement Models
1 Measurement model with boys’ and girls’ models set equal 79.63 36 .95 .95 .92 .080
2 Measurement model with boys’ and girls’ models free to vary 52.42 32 27.21 *** 9 .97 .98 .96 .058
Structural Models
3 Structural model with boys’ and girls’ paths set to be equal 79.63 36 .95 .95 .92 .080
4 Structural model with boys’ and girls’ models free to vary 28.53 19 51.10 *** 17 .98 .99 .97 .051
Nested Models to Identify Just-Identified Model
5 Eliminate path from mothers’ support to self-esteem 28.89 21 .36 2 .98 .99 .97 .045
6 Eliminate path from fathers’ support to self-esteem 62.12 23 33.23 *** 2 .95 .95 .88 .095
7 Eliminate path from cultural conflict with mothers to self-esteem 35.83 23 6.94 * 2 .98 .99 .97 .054
8 Eliminate path from cultural conflict with fathers to self-esteem 33.60 23 4.71 ~ 2 .98 .99 .96 .049
9 Eliminate path from neighborhood risks to self-esteem 44.60 23 15.71 *** 2 .96 .97 .94 .070
10 Eliminate path from societal discrimination to self-esteem 29.52 23 .63 2 .98 .99 .98 .044
11 Eliminate path from mothers’ support to depressive symptoms 29.79 25 .27 2 .98 .99 .99 .034
12 Eliminate path from fathers’ support to depressive symptoms 35.78 27 5.99 * 2 .98 .99 .98 .041
13 Eliminate path from cultural conflict with mothers to depressive symptoms 30.99 27 1.20 2 .98 .99 .99 .028
14 Eliminate path from cultural conflict with fathers to depressive symptoms 35.31 29 4.32 ~ 2 .98 .99 .98 .034
15 Eliminate path from self-esteem to depressive symptoms 134.95 29 103.96 *** 2 .94 .88 .76 .139
16 Eliminate path from neighborhood risks to depressive symptoms 37.59 29 6.60 * 2 .97 .99 .98 .040
17 Eliminate path from societal discrimination to depressive symptoms 43.54 29 12.55 ** 2 .97 .98 .96 .051
Nested Models to Identify Path Difference by Gender
18 Path from fathers’ support to self-esteem set equal 35.71 28 4.72 * 1 .98 .99 .97 .039
19 Path from cultural conflict with mothers to self-esteem set equal 36.13 28 5.14 * 1 .98 .99 .97 .040
20 Path from cultural conflict with fathers to self-esteem set equal 35.05 28 4.06 * 1 .98 .99 .98 .039
21 Path from neighborhood risks to self-esteem set equal 32.47 28 1.48 1 .98 .99 .99 .032
22 Path from fathers’ support to depressive symptoms set equal 33.65 29 1.18 1 .98 .99 .99 .029
23 Path from cultural conflict with fathers to depressive symptoms set equal 36.07 30 2.42 1 .98 .99 .99 .033
24 Path from self-esteem to depressive symptoms set equal 40.33 31 4.26 * 1 .98 .99 .98 .040
25 Path from neighborhood risks to depressive symptoms set equal 36.85 31 .78 1 .98 .99 .99 .032
26 Path from societal discrimination to depressive symptoms set equal 38.14 32 1.29 1 .98 .99 .99 .032
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001. ~p < .01 for only one gender.
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1188 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 42(7)
path differences were suspected. These path differences were identified using the just identified
model (Line 13) analyzed one path at time to determine which paths differed significantly for
boys and girls. Beginning with our exogenous variables, we conducted a series of nested χ2 dif-
ference tests to determine the change in χ2 when a path was forced to be equal for both gender
groups. Following a stepwise process, we kept both paths in the model if they were significantly
different from one another and forced them to be equal in the model if they were not significantly
different (summary of analyses in Table 2, Lines 18-26). This process led to the discovery of four
differing pathways for boys and girls (Lines 18-20 and 24). Our final model testing gender dif-
ferences (Line 26 in Table 2) revealed a good fit with the data, χ2(32) = 38.14; GFI = .98; NNFI =
.99; CFI = .99; RMSEA = .032. Results showed the path from fathers’ support to self-esteem was
significantly stronger and positive for adolescent boys, whereas the paths cultural conflict with
fathers to self-esteem was significantly more negative for adolescent boys. Two paths, from self-
esteem to depressive symptoms and from cultural conflict with mothers to self-esteem, were sig-
nificantly more negative for girls in our sample.
Fathers’ support yielded a significant indirect relationship with depressive symptoms (via
self-esteem) for boys, whereas indirect effects were not significant for girls (see Table 3). The
combination of indirect and direct effects for fathers’ support produced a significant total effect
for both boys and girls. Neighborhood risks yielded a significant indirect relationship with
depressive symptoms (via self-esteem) for boys, whereas indirect effects were not significant for
girls (see Table 3). Cultural conflict with mothers had a significant indirect effect on depressive
symptoms for girls, whereas cultural conflict with fathers had a significant indirect effect on
depressive symptoms for boys. No other indirect effects were significant in this sample. Total
effects were substantially increased by the inclusion of self-esteem intervening between neigh-
borhood risk and depressive symptoms in both the boys’ and girls’ samples. The independent
variables in this sample explained 28% of the unique variance in adolescent self-esteem for boys
Fathers’
Support
Depressed Mood
Neighborhood
Risks
Societal
Discrimination
e2
Mothers’
Support
Cultural Conflict
with Mothers
Cultural Conflict
with Fathers
Self-Esteem
R
2
= .28 (.13)Depressive Symptoms
R
2
= .37 (.44)
Neighborhood
Risks
Societal
Discrimination
e1 e2
–.42*(–.58*)
–.24* (–.13*)
.10* (.21*)
.15* (.07)
.13* (–.23*)
.39* (.19*)
.13* (–.00)
–.03 (–.13*)
–.27* (.06)
Figure 2. Just-Identified Model Showing All Significant Paths for Latino Adolescent Perceptions of
Parenting Behaviors and Cultural Conflict With Parents, Neighborhood Risk, And Discrimination as
Predictors of Adolescent Self-Esteem and Depressive Symptoms (Girls in Parentheses)
χ2(27) = 30.99; GFI = .98; NNFI = .99; CFI = .99; RMSEA = .028.
*p < .05.
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Behnke et al. 1189
and 13% for girls. However, the independent variables explained 37% of the variance in adoles-
cent depressive symptoms for boys and 44% for girls.
Discussion
The findings of this study suggest that multiple factors of differing ecological levels contribute to
adolescent self-esteem and depression. Consistent with previous research, self-esteem was strongly
associated with adolescent depressive symptoms (MacPhee & Andrews, 2006), a relationship we
found to be even stronger for girls than boys. These results provide further evidence that the link
between self-esteem and depressive symptoms is true for Latino adolescents as has been shown in
other studies (Phinney et al., 1998; Portes & Zady, 2002). Such findings can be interpreted through
the lens of cognitive therapy (Beck, 1967, 1974) or hopelessness theory (Abramson et al., 1989),
both of which indicate that adolescents’ negative evaluations of self may serve as a basis for
depression. Specifically, adolescents who have low self-esteem may feel deficient or inadequate
(Rosenberg, 1979) and interpret life events through feelings of helplessness, inadequacy, and
despair leading to increased risk of depression (Abramson et al., 1989; Beck, 1967, 1974). For
example, youth with low self-esteem may internalize negative events as their own fault, selec-
tively focus on negative aspects of events, and interpret positive events as being caused by exter-
nal factors out of their own control (Evans, Van Velso, & Schumacher, 2002). Conversely,
adolescents with high self-esteem may perceive life events as manageable and be generally less
vulnerable to developing depressive symptoms. Various prevention and intervention approaches
are available to minimize negative thought processes, enhance self-esteem, and hence decrease
risk of adolescent depression, such as cognitive behavioral therapy (for a meta-analysis, see
Butler, Chapman, Forman, & Beck, 2006), psychotherapy (for a meta-analysis, see Weisz, McCarty,
& Valeri, 2006), and school-based approaches (see Evans et al., 2002).
Mixed results were found for the reflected appraisals from parent-adolescent relationship
interactions. Perceived support from fathers was significantly and positively related to self-esteem
for both boys and girls, and support was also significantly related to girls’ depressive symptoms.
Latino youth who view their fathers as high in warmth, praise, encouragement, or affection may
Table 3. Decomposition of Effects for Adolescent Depressive Symptoms in Conceptual
Model With All Paths
Dependent Constructs
Adolescent Depressive Symptoms
Direct Effects Indirect Effects Total Effects
Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls
Global self-esteem –.41* –.57* — — –.41* –.57*
Neighborhood risks .15* .07 .10* .07 .25* .14*
Societal discrimination .10* .20* .00 .04 .10* .24*
Mothers’ support .03 .02 –.02 –.02 .01 .00
Fathers’ support –.05 –.14* –.15* –.09 –.20* –.23*
Cultural conflict with mothers –.08 .07 –.05 .13* –.13* .20*
Cultural conflict with fathers .19* –.05 –.12* –.04 .31* –.09
Indirect effects are calculated by multiplying the coefficients associated with the path of influence from the
independent construct to the dependent construct. For example, neighborhood risks has an indirect effect on boys’
depressive symptoms via its influence on boys’ self-esteem/
(–.24 × –.41 = .10). Dashes indicate no indirect effects. χ2(19) = 28.53; GFI = .98; NNFI = .99; CFI = .97; RMSEA = .051.
*p < .05.
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1190 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 42(7)
also be more likely to perceive themselves as worthy of their fathers’ affection and support
(Garber et al., 1997). Although support from mothers was significantly related to depression and
self-esteem at the bivariate level, it was not significant in the path analyses. It is possible that
mother’s support may be taken for granted, while support by fathers, when present, is more
salient in the lives of Latino youth. An alternative explanation could be that Latino adolescents
may share symbolic meaning that fathers are a dependable source of support, while mothers’
nurturance may seem less reliable and inconsistent due to mother-adolescent conflict. According
to Stanton-Salazar (2001), conflict with mothers kept Latino youth, especially girls, from actively
soliciting support from mothers. In the current study, more intense conflict with mothers over
cultural issues was negatively related to self-esteem for girls and positively related to self-esteem
for boys. It may be the case that boys might feel emboldened through the process of standing up
against their mothers in relation to cultural issues, whereas girls who generally rely more on the
mother/daughter relationship may experience adverse effects on their sense of worth.
Consistent with previous research that found fathers’ involvement has a greater impact on
their son’s behaviors and cognitive processes than their daughter’s (Bronte-Tinkew, Moore, &
Carrano, 2006; Risch, Jodl, & Eccles, 2004), this study of Latino youth demonstrates a uniquely
strong path from fathers’ support to sons’ self-esteem and from conflict with fathers over cultural
issues to boys’ self-esteem and depression. These findings may suggest that adolescent Latino
sons’ sense of positive self-worth is especially dependent on the behaviors of their fathers. This
also might indicate that boys perceive additional symbolic meaning when they see their fathers
as warm and supportive and/or engage in less conflict with fathers over cultural issues. The
results also seem to suggest that Latino girls’ reflected appraisals may not be as dependent on
fathers’ affective behaviors or conflict with fathers as their male peers.
In light of these findings, interventions that help Latino youth identify supportive attempts by
fathers may be especially impactful for improving self-esteem and likewise decreasing depres-
sive symptoms. It is also probable that programs increasing parental supportive behaviors can
also be effective. Since substantial other evidence continues to show that parental support is
central in the prevention of adolescent depression (e.g., Patten et al., 1997; Sheeber, Hops, &
Davis, 2001), greater specification is needed regarding the paths through which perceived sup-
port and “objective” forms of parental support relate to adolescent depressive symptomatology
and, in particular, that of Latino adolescents. Also, programs that can minimize intense conflict
with parents over cultural issues may be effective in enhancing self-esteem and diminishing
depressive symptoms, especially for parent and child same-gender dyads.
Findings also suggest that perceived neighborhood risks influence both adolescent self-esteem
and depressive symptoms. Similar to Bámaca et al. (2005), we found that adolescent Latino
boys’ self-esteem is associated negatively with neighborhood risks more than for girls. These
two studies used the same parenting and self-esteem measures but differed greatly in their con-
texts. Bámaca et al. collected data from Latino adolescents in schools with less than 15% Latinos
from more educated families in nonmetropolitan Midwestern cities (presumably a relatively safe
environment). However, the current study used data from Latinos who attended a low-income,
mostly Latino high school who were from less educated families residing in high-risk, high-
poverty, ethnically homogenous neighborhoods in Los Angeles. So regardless of context, both
studies provide evidence that perceived neighborhood risk relates to self-esteem in Latino youth,
especially male adolescents. Also, increased perceived risks in neighborhoods were associated
with greater risk of depressive symptoms among male adolescents. But the broader question
remains as to when and how neighborhoods matter. Hence, more comparative research in this
area might illuminate the role of neighborhoods in the lives of Latino boys and girls in different
parts of the United States.
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Behnke et al. 1191
Finally, perceptions of societal discrimination were significantly related to depressive symp-
toms for adolescents, especially adolescent girls. It was surprising to us that it was not more
influential for boys and not significantly related to self-esteem for boys or girls in the multigroup
models or the correlations. Our finding differed considerably from the findings of Umaña-Taylor
and Updegraff (2007), who found strong relations between discrimination and both self-esteem
and depression for both boys and girls. One possible explanation is the context (i.e., their data
were from heterogeneous schools in the Midwest and ours was from a mostly Latino school in
Los Angeles). Also, some of the numerical differences may be explained by the fact that Umaña-
Taylor and Updegraff reported unstandardized coefficients whereas standardized coefficients are
used here. A third possible explanation relates to different interactions between variables explored
in the differing models (i.e., ethnic identity measures in Umaña-Taylor and Updegraff and par-
enting and neighborhood variables used in the current study). Future research should examine
parenting, neighborhood, ethnic identity, and discrimination in relation to self-esteem and depres-
sive symptomatology in Latino youth from different geographical locations.
Limitations
When considering the present findings, readers are encouraged to recognize that the proposed
theoretical model begins with perceived parenting variables, neighborhood risk, and discrimina-
tion as they influence adolescents’ qualities. Yet the bioecological framework also supports con-
sidering the possibility that the relationships are reciprocal, such as adolescents with depressive
symptoms developing lower self-esteem (Rosenberg, Schooler, Schoenbach, & Rosenberg, 1995)
or perceiving more discrimination. According to Rosenberg, Schooler, and Schoenbach (1989),
the process is circular: Low self-esteem contributes to depression, which in turn, fuels negative
perceptions about oneself. Additionally, adolescents who are depressed or who have low self-
esteem may influence parents to respond with different levels of supportive or conflictual behav-
ior. Although the relationship could be reciprocal, it is commonly believed that contextual and
macrolevel factors influence adolescents more than the reverse (Rollins & Thomas, 1979). We
suggest that additional longitudinal studies be conducted with Latino adolescents of different
ages, in varied geographic areas, and with greater ethnic diversity in order to possibly elucidate
a causal direction between our study variables.
Another major limitation of this study is the use of self-report questionnaires in cross-sectional
research that only examines what the individual perceives at one given point in time. This makes
causal inferences and directionality of paths difficult to validate and essentially ignores the dynamic
processes and interactions that are ongoing over time. Nevertheless, many of the directions in the
current model were previously established by credible longitudinal studies (e.g., Zimmermann,
Copeland, Shope, & Dielman, 1996). Furthermore, this study is limited in that the Latino adoles-
cents were not examined separately as a function of Latino ancestry or by acculturation because
of the limited variability in this sample from Southern California, and thus, our findings may not
readily generalize to the range of diversity found among Latino adolescents (Umaña-Taylor &
Fine, 2001).
Even with the limitations of the current study, our results indicate that adolescents perceive
various ecological factors to impact their feelings of depression both directly and indirectly (via
self-esteem). Therefore, suggestions for future studies include (a) using a more diverse sample
of adolescents, (b) gathering data over time on these variables, and (c) considering the reciprocal
nature of the interactions between adolescent depressive symptomatology and self-esteem and
the impact on their parents’ perceptions of their parenting behaviors. Even with the limitations,
this article supports the notion that Latino adolescents’ perceptions of (a) paternal support are
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1192 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 42(7)
directly related to adolescent depressive symptoms as well as indirectly related through adoles-
cent self-esteem, (b) conflict with mothers over cultural issues is indirectly related to depressive
symptoms through self-esteem for girls and cultural conflict with fathers is directly related to
depressive symptoms for boys, (c) neighborhood risks are directly and indirectly related to depres-
sive symptoms through self-esteem, and (d) discrimination is related to depressive symptoms.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared that they had no conflicts of interests with respect to their authorship or the publica-
tion of this article.
Financial Disclosure/Funding
The authors declared that they received no financial support for their research and/or authorship of this
article.
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