ArticlePDF AvailableLiterature Review

Gender-Based Violence: A Crucial Challenge for Public Health

Authors:
  • Karnali Academy of Health Sciences

Abstract

This article attempts to summarize the situations of gender-based violence, a major public health issue. Due to the unequal power relations between men and women, women are violated either in family, in the community or in the State. Gender-based violence takes different forms like physical, sexual or psychological/ emotional violence. The causes of gender-based violence are multidimensional including social, economic, cultural, political and religious. The literatures written in relation to the gender-based violence are accessed using electronic databases as PubMed, Medline and Google scholar, Google and other Internet Websites between 1994 and first quarter of 2013 using an internet search from the keywords such as gender-based violence, women violence, domestic violence, wife abuse, violence during pregnancy, women sexual abuse, political gender based violence, cultural gender-based violence, economical gender-based violence, child sexual abuse and special forms of gender-based violence in Nepal. As GBVs remain one of the most rigorous challenges of women's health and well-being, it is one of the indispensable issues of equity and social justice. To create a gender-based violence free environment, a lot works has to be done. Hence, it is suggested to provide assistance to the victims of violence developing the mechanism to support them.
VOL.11 | NO. 2 | ISSUE 42 | APRIL- JUNE 2013
Page 179
Review Arcle
Gender-Based Violence: A Crucial Challenge for Public
Health
Sanjel S
Department of Community Medicine
Kathmandu University School of Medical sciences
Dhulikhel, Kavre
Corresponding Author
Seshananda Sanjel
Department of Community Medicine
Kathmandu University School of Medical sciences
Dhulikhel, Kavre
E-mail: sanjel.sn@gmail.com
Citaon
Sanjel S. Gender-Based Violence: A Crucial
Challenge for Public Health. Kathmandu Univ Med J
2013;42(2):179-184.
ABSTRACT
This arcle aempts to summarize the situaons of gender-based violence, a major
public health issue. Due to the unequal power relaons between men and women,
women are violated either in family, in the community or in the State. Gender-based
violence takes dierent forms like physical, sexual or psychological/ emoonal
violence. The causes of gender-based violence are muldimensional including
social, economic, cultural, polical and religious. The literatures wrien in relaon
to the gender-based violence are accessed using electronic databases as PubMed,
Medline and Google scholar, Google and other Internet Websites between 1994
and rst quarter of 2013. The keywords such as gender-based violence, women
violence, domesc violence, wife abuse, violence during pregnancy, women
sexual abuse, polical gender based violence, cultural gender-based violence,
economical gender-based violence, child sexual abuse and special forms of gender-
based violence in Nepal were used for internet search. As GBVs remain one of
the most rigorous challenges of women’s health and well-being, it is one of the
indispensable issues of equity and social jusce. To create a gender-based violence
free environment, a lot works has to be done. Hence, it is suggested to provide
assistance to the vicms of violence developing the mechanism to support them.
KEYWORDS
Gender-based violence, sexual violence, special forms of gender-based violence in
Nepal, women violence
INTRODUCTION
Gender-based violence (GBV) is a major public health
and human rights concern throughout the world.1,2 GBVs
include any act of verbal or physical force, coercion or
life-threatening deprivaon, directed at an individual
woman or girl that causes physical or psychological harm,
humiliaon, or arbitrary deprivaon of liberty and that
perpetuates female subordinaon.3 GBVs arise from
unequal power relaons between men and women and
connue to be reinforced by the entrenched patriarchal
values system of idenfying women as inferior to men
which prevail illiteracy, poverty, and low status of women
in the society.4,5 The GBVs take dierent forms for example
physical, sexual, and psychological/ emoonal.2,4,6 The
domesc violence remains common in all demographic
groups.6 A history of alcohol abuse, violence in the
abuser’s family of origin, emoonal insecurity, ansocial
features, borderline personality disorders, youthfulness,
low educaonal aainment and low socioeconomic status
all put an individual at risk of becoming abusive for men,
and past witnessing of their father beang their mother,
poor mental health and poor family work status exaggerate
the circumstances of being abused for women.6,7 GBV is a
considerable cause of female morbidity and mortality and
it has only recently begun to be recognized as an issue
for public health.4,6,7 Whereas, Nepal has made strong
normave and legal commitments to ending gender-
based violence and raed internaonal convenons/
treaes, recent events painfully illustrate it is me for
concrete naonal acon with eecve implementaon
and reinforcement of commitments, norms and laws.8
Moreover, gender-based violence is recognized and
addressed as a prime barrier to reproducve health.9
METHODS
This arcle reviews the literature in gender-based violence.
A major public health issue is highlighted, and challenges
and key issues and implicaons were proposed. Electronic
databases such as PubMed, Medline and Google scholar
were searched to get scienc arcles. For specic points,
not accessible in the scienc literature Google and other
Internet Websites were searched to access the arcles
between 1994 and rst quarter of 2013. Documents
published on World Health Organizaon (WHO), United
Naons Populaon Fund (UNFPA), Ministry of Health (MoH)
websites were also accessed to assess relevant reports and
papers. Published and unpublished organizaonal reports,
relevant arcles and some grey literature were also
KATHMANDU UNIVERSITY MEDICAL JOURNAL
Page 180
included in this arcle. The computerized database were
used to search the arcles which were related to gender-
based violence using an internet search from the following
keywords: gender-based violence, women violence,
domesc violence, wife abuse, violence during pregnancy,
women sexual abuse, polical gender based violence,
cultural gender-based violence, economical gender-based
violence, child sexual abuse and special forms of gender-
based violence in Nepal.
Gender Based Violence
GBV is widespread cung across classes, races, ages,
religions and naonal boundaries.10,11 Women are facing
violence at home, work place, market, road, bus, school,
campus, hotel, oce, law, policy, program, health,
business and court and so on.12,13 Persistent patriarchy
and dominance of Hindu religion and culture has treated
women as a second class cizen from the very beginning.
Furthermore, Hindu scripture also suggest that fathers,
husbands and even sons should control women.13
Gender-based violence take many forms: 1) Physical abuse
for example hing, slapping/ bing/ shoving, destroying
her property, using a weapon/ other objects to threaten or
hurt her and denying her access to a health care provider.
Sexual violence usually coincides with the physical violence.
2) Psychological/ emoonal abuse for example threatening
to take the children away from her, the threat could be to
leave with the children or to call child protecon services,
stalking/ harassing her, controlling her me and what she
does, isolang her from family/ friends and threatening to
hurt someone she cares for. 3) Verbal abuse for example
calling her names, other verbal means of aacking her
self-esteem and humiliang her in the presence of others.
4) Sexual abuse for example denying sexual inmacy or
forcing her into unwanted sexual acts, forcing her to get
pregnant or to have an aboron and infecng her with
sexually transmied infecons. 5) Spiritual abuse for
example beliling her spiritual beliefs and not allowing her
to aend the place of worship of her choice. 6) Financial
abuse for example liming access to family nances.14-16
Abuse against women happens because abusers have
learned to be abusive by watching others in the family and
society; abusers have found that it is an eecve way of
establishing or regaining control; societal atudes and
norms support the use of violence to control others; and
powerful gender-based inequalies in society support the
noon that woman abuse is a private maer and permit
people to look the other way when it happens.14,17,18 Hence,
most of the me, women are more oen assaulted by
someone known to the family, correspondingly pregnancy
does not cause abuse but it is clearly a risk period associated
with this.14,19
The violence is commonly experienced by women at
various phases of the life cycle from prenatal period,
infancy, childhood, adolescence, reproducve age
to old age in dierent forms.4,13 The vicms of sexual
abuse, rape and domesc violence are at increased risk
of suicide, depression, drug and alcohol abuse, STDs,
HIV/ AIDS, hypertension, chronic pelvic pain, irritable
bowel syndrome, asthma, gynecological problems, and
a variety of psychiatric disorders.4,12,20-22 In addion, the
raped women are rejected by their families and their
communies, among them those who had a child from
rape, widowhood, husband abandonment and gang rape
have more risk of rejecon.23 Besides, rape results not
only in physical and psychological trauma, but can destroy
family and community structures.23,24
Gender-based Violence in the Family level
Gender-based Violence in the Family is also known as the
domesc violence, in which social, economic, and gender
issues are increasingly recognized as signicant factors.11
In domesc violence, women are vulnerable to infancide,
genital mulaon, a child’s marriage without her consent,
dowry-related violence, baering and sexual abuse.15,16
There are other addional causes of GBV in the family
for example Inter-caste marriage, husband listen to other
family members, sexual dissasfacon, unemployment,
polygamy, extramarital relaon of husband, suspicious
atude, gambling, dowry and widowhood resulng in
psychological abuse, physical violence and, sexual abuse
and harassment. Surprisingly, the main perpetrator is
the inmate partner and the family members.25 The
husband is the most common perpetrator and the sexual
domesc violence is increased with increased age,
employed for cash and marital relaonship (divorced,
separated, or widowed) with the next most common is a
former husband, somemes a stranger and occasionally a
relave.16,26 Women’s risk of physical and sexual violence is
related to tradional gender norms for example husbands’
age, educaon level, women’s economic independence,
husbands’ being unfaithful, husbands’ using alcohol,
husbands’ ghng with other men, husbands’ having
witnessed domesc violence as a child and living in rural
areas.26-29 The women experience dierent types of health
problem due to domesc violence for example chronic
condions like irritable bowel syndrome and chronic pain
syndrome; mental health problem, reproducve health
problem, physical health problem due to severe beang,
backache, problem in vision and poor subjecve health and
the women even iniate negave health behavior like start
to smoke and take alcohol.20,30
Violence during Pregnancy
Studies revealed that GBV oen gets worse during
pregnancy occurring more frequently than placenta praevia
or gestaonal diabetes.14 Women who are pregnant may
be abused by their current or ex-husbands, partners, lovers
or boyfriends, or by their caregivers, parents, siblings,
children or other relaves for example the in-laws.14,29 The
contribung factors for the violence during pregnancy are
women’s educaon, husband’s educaon/ occupaon,
parity, birth order/ interval, unintended pregnancy, age of
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Review Arcle
women at marriage/ pregnancy, ethnicity/ caste/ religion,
family size/ structure, women’s status in the household,
and women’s knowledge/ atude/ belief/ culture.31,32
Experts and abuse survivors have suggested a wide
variety of explanaons for examples the abuser is jealous
towards the fetus considering the fetus an interloper in
the relaonship, feels loss of power and control over a
woman, dislike a woman’s increased aenon from family
and health care providers during pregnancy. Moreover,
the abuse during pregnancy is caused by stress related to
an unwanted/ unplanned pregnancy, marriage because
of the pregnancy, pregnancy perceived as a nancial and
emoonal burden, conict about the pregnancy between
the woman and her husband, anger at his partner’s
decreased energy and ability to care for the abuse,
ambivalent about the pregnancy, resentment because
of increased responsibilies associated with a child/
another child, angry because the pregnancy makes her less
aracve to him, frustrated because the pregnancy may
change her sexual behavior toward him, anger about her
need to reduce her workload or take maternity leave.13,14,33
The proporon of women experiencing violence during
pregnancy is higher in women having three or more
children, illiteracy, poverty, residing rural and Terai areas of
Nepal.16,33,34 The violence during pregnancy threatens the
goal of safe Motherhood for all women and consequently
experience high maternal morbidity and mortality.4,15,33
On the other hand, man’s violent behavior may worsen
when his partner is pregnant and they have to do with the
dominant image some men have of themselves which is
challenged by the realizaon that women have capacies
men cannot share and that society depends on women
for its own survival through childbearing. In addion,
pregnancy oen limits sexual intercourse and may cause
sexual frustraon in the man.15,33 Spectacularly, an issue
that has not as yet been resolved is whether pregnancy
actually enhances the risk of domesc violence, or simply
increases the chances to idenfy it through aendance
at antenatal care.15,36 Abuse start during pregnancy and
connue or change the paern. Abuse are in dierent form
like; control, limit, delay or deny her access to prenatal
care; use her pregnancy as a weapon in emoonal abuse
by refusing sex on the grounds that her pregnant body
appears unaracve to him, denying that the child is not
his, refusing to support her during the pregnancy, refusing
to support her during the childbirth; nancially abuse by
refusing her access to money to buy food and supplies;
restrict her access to food; and force her to work beyond
her endurance during pregnancy.6,14,15,34
Violence during pregnancy escalates during a women’s
gestaon with serious consequences not only for the
women but also for the fetus and ulmately for the child
raising both the maternal and fetus adverse eects for
example fetal death, low birth weight neonate, preterm
delivery and small size for gestaonal age in fetus, and
maternal mortality, mental health problems, kidney
infecons, less gain of weight during pregnancy and
more likely to undergo operave delivery in pregnant
women.6,15,36,36 The GBV during pregnancy is associated with
the empowerment of women and has been highlighted as
a signicant problem that needs to be addressed by health
care professionals.16,33
Gender-based Violence in the Community level
In the community, women can be subjected to sexual
harassment at work, prostuon, pornography and
tracking. Addionally, migrant women are especially
vulnerable given their minority and oen illegal status.15,37
Female vicms of sexual violence are considered as having
lost their honor in the community.15,24 A girl’s honor is
perceived as a delicate asset that must be preserved,
even at high cost, and if a girl fails to protect herself or
gets vicmized, not only she loses respect but also the
family and even the enre village feel a sense of shame.
As a consequence, there are cases where women have
been doubly vicmized for having reported violence they
suered and sgmazed within their own communies.16,24
Also, boys sleep with many girls and they remain
presgious but girls become (regarded as) prostute.13,33,38
Furthermore, widow women face much more problems
than the women who are staying with her husband.4,13,33,38
Physical, sexual and psychological violence occur within the
general community include baery, rape, sexual assault,
sexual harassment and inmidaon in school, in work, in
transportaon and in treatments. The exploitaon and
commercializaon of women’s bodies which is related
to increased poverty, is mainly a result of unrestrained
economic liberalism.
Gender-based Violence in the State level
Women are vulnerable to violence even by the State,
whether in prisons or in situaons of armed conict,
when rape is used as an instrument of war.17,40 One of
the main obstacles for women seeking jusce is limited,
and in some places non-existent support structures for
vicms of sexual violence.38,40 Furthermore, the exisng
legal framework for addressing sexual violence has been
cricized by human rights and other organizaons as
inadequate. Firstly, the denion of rape is narrow and
focuses on issues of ‘consent’ rather than ‘invasion of
body’. Secondly, rape includes only penetraon by sexual
organ, and does not allow for other forms of penetraon,
such as oral sex or penetraon by objects. Thirdly, the 35-
day statute of limitaons is too short, especially where a
vicm is oen too traumazed and frightened to come
forward within such a short period of me. In cases where
women do try to press charges, they oen face pressure
by the perpetrators and in some cases their communies
to withdraw the charges in the name of social harmony.
In some instances the police refuse to le a case because
there is no medical report, while the doctor refuses to do a
forensic examinaon in the absence of a First Informaon
Report.24,41 The existence of complicated and expensive legal
processes, where condenality is lacking, prevent women
KATHMANDU UNIVERSITY MEDICAL JOURNAL
Page 182
from seeking jusce.42 Addionally, chauvinist atudes
that downplay the seriousness of violence against women
also appear to inuence decisions to arrest, prosecute and
convict perpetrators. The apparent failure of the police and
judicial system to support invesgaon and prosecuon of
cases of sexual violence reinforces the culture of impunity
on which sexual violence thrives. Today, Nepal sll lacks an
integrated support model for vicms of sexual violence,
encompassing access to healthcare, psychosocial support
and legal aid.37,43 Besides, physical, sexual and psychological
violence are too oen perpetrated or tolerated by states
extremely disturbing as regards women’s right to their
economic autonomy and their freedom of choice. Women
are considered second class beings, of lesser value, hence,
deprived of their fundamental rights.
The Government of Nepal has made signicant
improvements in the formulaons of laws, policies and plan
of acons aer the end of historical Rana rule incorporang
the gender-based violence issue in the rst Civil Code 1964
and subsequent formulaon and endorsement of laws,
acts, acon plans, policies and strategies. The eorts are
Human Tracking Control Act 1986; the Constuon of
Nepal 1990; the Naonal Plan of Acon against Tracking
in Children and Their Commercial Sexual Exploitaon 2001;
the Naonal Plan of Acon against Tracking in Children
for Sexual and Labor Exploitaon 2001; the Naonal Plan
of Acon for Gender Equity and Women’s Empowerment
(Beijing Conference 1995). In addion, other endeavor are
Naonal Expert Commiee’s Recommendaons on the
implementaon of CEDAW 2004; Women’s Commission
Act 2006; Interim Constuon of Nepal 2007; Human
Tracking (Control) Act 2007 (the restructuring of Human
Tracking Control Act 1986); the Naonal Women’s
Commission ve-year Strategic Plan 2009-2014; and the
Domesc Violence (Oence and Penales) Act 2009. But
the implementaon of those supporng enes is poor as
a result there is high magnitude of gender-based violence
in Nepal.44
Gender-based Violence in the Conict Situaons
At some point in armed-conict situaons, the right to life,
the right to liberty and security of the person, the right
to freedom from torture or cruel/ inhuman/ degrading
punishment/ treatment, the right to be free from sexual
violence, the right to peaceful assembly, and the right of
children to special protecon in armed conict, including a
prohibion on their recruitment into the armed forces are
violated.10,11,42,43,45 In addion, the violence commied by
the state and the rebels increase including displacement,
unlawful killing, torture, enforced disappearance, sexual
violence and long-term arbitrary arrest from both the state
and the rebel sides.24,43,46 During the conict situaon the
sexual violence of girls and women increase immensely from
both state security personnel and the rebels devastang
their day to day works.40,49 Besides, internally displaced
women, and women near army barracks, even tracked
or coerced for forced sex workers which goes up as a result
of lack of economic security and support system.39,48 In
the conict situaon the sexual violence is commied by
non-family members including pares to the conict and
the neighbors due to lack of or limited security systems
at the community, absence of male members at home
and increased authority of insurgents and armed forces,
making them prime target of sexual and gender based
violence.24,43,47,48 As a result, there exists ‘conict wives’
phenomenon where such ‘wives’ were considered impure
and immoral in the community once their ‘protectors’ le,
resulng in ostracizaon and sgmazaon for them and
any children from the relaonship.39 During the conict,
there is not only conict-related sexual violence, but also
non-sexual violence such as domesc violence for example
captures of women and the girls by both the state security
force and the rebel forces, hence, the needs and demands
of the survivors should be looked at.37,48,49
Special forms of Gender-based Violence in Nepal
An unequal gender relaon pervasive in the Nepalese
society, has been a key in legimizing violence against
women.35,39 Besides, taboos surrounding sexual violence
in Nepalese society and the general culture of silence are
the biggest challenge to assess problem and endeavor
accordingly making it dicult to document sexual violence
without risk of causing harm to the vicms.12,37,39 Studies
in Nepal indicate that a strong patriarchal element lies
at the heart of Nepalese society being reportedly at the
root of social and gender discriminaon.12,20,48 In addion,
ndings suggest that patriarchal atudes and deep-rooted
stereotypes that discriminate against women remain
entrenched in the social, cultural, religious, economic/
polical instuons, structures of Nepalese society, and
in the media, thereby, legimang the same.41,50 Violence
against women is socially accepted as ‘normal’ and remains
high in Nepal.12,20,42 Furthermore, women from Muslim
community are not culturally allowed to parcipate
in a range of social acvies.12,50 Some of the socially
ill pracces have insgated to the vulnerable status of
women and children such as child marriage; dowry system:
oering cash or kind during wedding; Deuki: an ancient
custom pracced in the far western regions of Nepal in
which a young girl is oered to the local Hindu temple
to gain religious merit; Jhuma: a tradion of oering the
second daughter to the monastery in the Himalaya region
of Nepal; Chaupadi: tenng women in a segregated and
unhygienic huts during menstrual period in mid-western
and far-western region of Nepal, Badi: a low sub-castes
tradionally praccing prostuon; Kumari: the girl who is
worshipped is not allowed to go out of the temple where
she is worshipped unl puberty aer that they are replaced
by another Kumari but she should not marry for lifelong;
and Kamlari: sending girl bonded-labour are sll prevalent
in Nepalese sociees.20,41,42,50 Among them, Deuki, Jhuma,
Chhaupadi and Kamlari experience all types of violence
frequently and consequently encounter more physical and
mental health problems.20,42,51
VOL.11 | NO. 2 | ISSUE 42 | APRIL- JUNE 2013
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Review Arcle
IMPERATIVE IMPLICATION
At the moment, it is me to set strategies as to provide help
to the vicms of violence developing the mechanism to
idenfy them, enhance social support, conduct screening
and referral of vicms, implement behavioral intervenons,
implement improve legal provisions and the research
so that gender-based violence is totally eliminated with
collaboraon between the government and civil society
including the community.4,8,13,15,16,45 This iniave should
be to ensure the safety and autonomy of the violence
survivors’ assuring the relevance and appropriateness to
the local seng.2,23,33 Constuon of Nepal guarantees
the right to constuonal remedy for those whose
fundamental rights have been violated as has explicitly
prohibited all forms of discriminaon on the ground of
gender declaring GBV a crime and has commitment to
eliminate all forms of GBVs and ensure gender equality
by rafying the UN Convenon on the Eliminaon of All
Forms of Discriminaon Against Women (CEDAW) and
several other related internaonal instruments but due to
the absence of strict implementaon of these instruments
GBVs recurrently happen. Although Nepal raed the
CEDAW and formulated Domesc Violence Act and a 5-year
naonal strategy and acon plan for ending gender-based
violence, and put the GBV in place the strong normave
and legal commitments to ending gender-based violence
and legal binding itself to put the CEDAW provisions into
pracce, sll there are setbacks in the implementaon of
these commitments. The latest NDHS 2011 incorporated
GBV as an issue of assessment. Furthermore, there are
only a few researches conducted on GBVs and no research
covering all geographical areas and ecological regions is
being held yet.52-54 Thus, more researches in this area are
ancipated.
CONCLUSION
GBVs remain one of the most serious social, legal and
health challenges for the 21st century. It is a major public
health problem and has a serious impact on women’s
health and well-being. It is one of the indispensable issues
of equity and social jusce. It happens in all the sengs like
family, community and state hence, has to be dealt with
involving all the sectors. Much work remains to be done
to create an environment free of gender-based violence.
Raising awareness level of all the sengs involving all the
mechanisms of society have to be encouraged. Concerning
to the current vicms, a mechanism has to be developed
for idenfying, enhancing social support, screening and
referral and legal provisions.
REFERENCES
1. UNIFEM. UNIFEM’s Partnerships with Regional Organizaons to
Advance Gender Equality; 2009.
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... The association between health effects and sociodemographic characteristics of GBV victims revealed that victims who were older, had more children, and had no formal education were more likely to experience health effects. This may be due to the fact that older victims may have been exposed to GBV for a longer period of time, while victims with more children may have more responsibilities and less time to take care of their health [39][40][41][42]. ...
... In Nepal, several cultural practices that continue to undermine women's decision-making power and status, and increase the vulnerability of children's and young women to violence are banned by law. These practices include child marriage, deuki (where daughters are offered to the temple for good fortune), kamlari (a bonded labor system where girls must work at their landowner's house) [3] and dowry, which is still common in the southern part of Nepal [4]. However, most cases of dowry-related violence go unreported and are resolved outside of the court. ...
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Background Violence against women (VAW) is a significant public health problem. With the emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic, the frequency and severity of VAW has escalated globally. Approximately one in four women in Nepal have been exposed to either physical, psychological, and/or sexual violence in their lifetime, with husbands or male partners being the perpetrators in most cases. VAW prevention has been under-researched in low- and middle-income countries, including Nepal. This study aims to explore the perspectives of local stakeholders, including healthcare providers and survivors of violence in Madhesh Province. The overarching goal is to provide insights for designing prevention and support programs that are acceptable to communities and cater to the needs of survivors. Methods An explorative qualitative study was conducted in Madhesh Province, southern Nepal. A total of 21 interviews, including 15 in-depth interviews (IDIs) with health care providers, three IDIs with women seeking general or maternal and child health services at health care centres, three key informant interviews with the local stakeholders working in the field of VAW, and one focus group discussion with violence survivors, were conducted in Nepali by trained field interviewers. Interviews were recorded, transcribed, translated into English, and analysed using content analysis. Results VAW, particularly physical violence, was a common experience in the study area. Sociocultural traditions such as dowry, child marriages and son preference were identifiable triggers for VAW, causing significant physical injuries and mental health problems, including suicide. Health care providers reported that violence survivors often hide their experiences of violence and do not seek any kind of help. Women feared that violence would increase in frequency and intensity if their perpetrators found out that they had disclosed their experiences of violence to health care providers. Local stakeholders emphasized the importance of engaging community leaders and garnering support from both women and men in interventions designed to reduce VAW and its impacts on mental health. Conclusions Participants reported that verbal and physical violence is often perceived as a normal part of women’s lives. Women should be made aware of available support services and empowered and supported to increase access and uptake of these services. Additionally, more individual-based counselling sessions that encourage women to escape violence and its mental health consequences while maintaining privacy and confidentiality are recommended.
... The association between health effects and socio-demographic characteristics of GBV victims revealed that victims who were older, had more children, and had no formal education were more likely to experience health effects. This may be due to the fact that older victims may have been exposed to GBV for a longer period of time, while victims with more children may have more responsibilities and less time to take care of their health [42][43][44][45]. ...
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Introduction: Gender-based violence (GBV) is a major public health problem that disproportionately affects women. In Cameroon, as well as other countries worldwide, GBV has immediate effects on women's health, with one in three women experiencing physical or sexual violence from an intimate partner, affecting their physical and reproductive health. The objective of this study was to determine the health risks associated with GBV among women in Yaoundé. Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted in Yaoundé (Cameroon), from August to October 2022. Tests of associations were used to establish relationships between qualitative variables. Associations were further quantified using crude odds ratio (OR) for univariate analysis and adjusted odds ratio (aOR) for multivariate analysis with 95% confidence interval (CI). Variables with p-value˂0.05 were considered statistically significant. Results: A total of 404 women aged 17 to 67 years were interviewed. Emotional violence was the most commonly reported violence (78.8%), followed by economic violence (56.9%), physical violence (45.8%) and sexual violence (33.7%). The main reasons for violence were jealousy (25.7%), insolence (19.3%) and the refusal to have sexual intercourse (16.3%). The most prevalent adverse health outcome was mental disorders (70,5%), followed by chronic physical trauma (45.8%), acute physical trauma (45.1%), gynaecological trauma (38.4%), and behavioral disorders (29.7%). Most victims reported adverse health outcomes (80.2%). Women who were victims of any kind of violence had a higher likelihood of experiencing health problems: physical violence [OR=34.9, CI(10.8-112.9), p<0.001]; sexual violence [OR=1.5, CI(0.9-2.7), p=0.11]; economic violence [OR=2.4, CI(1.4-3.9), p=0.001]; and emotional violence [OR=2.9, CI(1.7-4.9), p<0.001]. Using multiple binary logistic regression, only physical violence [aOR=15.4, CI(6.7-22.5), p=0.001] remained highly associated with an increased likelihood of having adverse health outcomes. Conclusion: This study underscores the urgent need for comprehensive interventions to address GBV, including improved reporting and documentation of cases, increased awareness among healthcare providers, the establishment of support networks for victims, primary and secondary prevention of GBV. It is essential that the Government of Cameroon, through the Ministries in charge of Health and Women's Empowerment, minimizes the health effects of GBV through early identification, monitoring, and treatment of GBV survivors by providing them with high-quality health care services.
... Since the Nepal government passed the Domestic Violence Act in 2008, cases of DV are now discussed on a daily basis in local newspapers, courts, and public domains, highlighting a growing and serious public and legal issue (Pun et al., 2019;Sanjel, 2013). There is significant growth of primary studies on DV against women in Nepal. ...
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A systematic review was conducted to examine the factors that put women at risk of domestic violence in Nepal. Using the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA), PubMed, Cochrane, MEDLINE, CINAHL, and PsycINFO were searched supplemented by searching of the reference list manually. Of the 143 studies identified 24 were included in the final review. Search strategy was developed, and studies were included if they considered female participants (age 15–49 years) in heterosexual relationship, with exposure of different factors and whose outcomes were the magnitude of any form of violence (physical, sexual, and emotional/psychological). The Mixed Methods Appraisal Tool was used to assess the quality of the studies included. The findings are categorized based on the four levels of the ecological framework. At the individual level, the alcohol consumption level of husband, education level of both women and men, women’s age at the time of marriage and childhood exposure to violence were found to be highly prevalent risk factors. At the relationship level, most prevalent risk factors were controlling husband and decision-making capacity of women. At the community level, belonging to underprivileged community or low caste system and living in Terai region were the risk factors. At the societal level, patriarchal belief and norms supporting violence were the risk factors. The complex nature of violence against women in Nepal requires culturally sensitive interventions along with organized efforts from the local and intra government to improve the status of Nepalese women at all levels of the ecological framework.
... as a public health issue, thus it is necessary to understand the impact of GBV on the health and well-being of women and children (https:// www.who.int/news/item/25-11-2021-gender-based-violence-is-apublic-health-issue-using-a-health-systems-approach). 4 Hence, our letter addresses the crucial issue of GBV worldwide and proposes implementations that can aid in curtailing the same. ...
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Background Climate change poses a significant threat to communities across the globe. Whereas low and middle income countries contribute the least to this problem, they are often most affected by the consequences. In addition, women are often disproportionately affected by climate change-related occurrences. To address these issues, Women Climate Centers International (WCCI) Uganda initiated a project to empower women through the promotion of climate change solution enterprises in Uganda. The purpose of this research was to establish the impact of this approach on women social and economic empowerment and quality of life. Methods The study employed a cross-sectional approach, collecting both quantitative and qualitative data among 96 women purposively selected for their involvement in WCCI climate-smart enterprises in Uganda. A digitized structured questionnaire was used to gather quantitative data while a structured focus group discussion (FGD) guide were used to aid qualitative data collection. The quantitative data was analyzed statistically using Stata version 15 to provide descriptive and statistics while Atlas ti9 was used to thematically analyze the qualitative data after transcribing of audios recorded during the interviews. Results About 38% (36/96) of the women make briquettes, 51% (49/96) make soap and 95.8% (92/96) are generating income from the enterprises. More than half 59.4% (57/96) of the women are confident in running their businesses sustainably while 38.5% (37/96) had trained 4–5 community women each, with the knowledge obtained from the satellites. Over 62% (59/96) of women strongly agreed to an improved sense of belonging within their community, 94.8%% (91/96) noticed an improvement in their community engagement and collaboration while 63.5% (61/96) strongly agreed to better treatment from family and neighborhood. Conversely, 22.9% (22/96) of the women had ever experienced intimate or gender-based violence in their life, half of these had experienced it in the previous six months, but only 18.2% (2/11) would attribute their recent experience to engaging in entrepreneurship under WCCI. Economically, 57.3% (55/96) of the women saw a significant increase in their income, and 56.3% (54/96) in their household income. About 76% (73/96) had acquired some personal or household assets using income from the enterprises, and 65% (62/96) had joined a women's group, Savings and Credit Cooperative Organization (SACCO), or local governing bodies since their training with WCCI. Furthermore, 82.3% mentioned that there was a positive difference in the way their husbands treated them ever since they attained financial independence. Lastly, the majority of the women, 63.6% (61/96) strongly agreed, and 29.2% (28/96) agreed that their quality of life and well-being had improved since becoming part of the climate change solution satellites. The qualitative findings strongly corroborated the quantitative. Conclusions Overall, participation in these entrepreneurial initiatives has brought about tangible improvements in social cohesion, economic empowerment, and the perceived quality of life and well-being for a significant majority of women involved, demonstrating the positive impact of the WCCI climate change solution satellites on their lives and communities.
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Background Conflicts exacerbate dynamics of power and inequalities through violence normalization, which acts as a facilitator for conflict-related sexual violence. Literature addressing its negative outcomes on survivors is scant. The aim of this systematic review was to analyze the qualitative evidence reported in scientific literature and focusing on the negative consequences of conflict-related sexual violence on victims’ physical, psychological, and social dimensions of health in a gender-inclusive and disaggregated form. Methods A literature search was conducted on January 13, 2023 on Pubmed, Scopus, and PsychArticles. The search strings combined two blocks of terms related to sexual violence and conflict. A time filter was applied, limiting the search to studies published in the last ten years. Information regarding the main characteristics and design of the study, survivors and their experience, and about conflict-related sexual violence was collected. The negative consequences of conflict-related sexual violence on the physical, psychological, and social dimension of victims were extracted according to the Biopsychosocial model of health. The review followed the Joanna Briggs Institute methodology for systematic reviews and relied on the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic reviews and Meta-Analyses. Results After full text review, 23 articles met the inclusion criteria, with 18 of them reporting negative repercussions on physical health, all of them highlighting adverse psychological outcomes, and 21 disclosing unfavorable social consequences. The negative outcomes described in multiple studies were sexual and reproductive health issues, the most mentioned being pregnancy, manifestations of symptoms attributable to post-traumatic stress disorder, and stigma. A number of barriers to access to care were presented as emerging findings. Conclusions This review provided an analysis of the negative consequences of conflict-related sexual violence on survivors, thus highlighting the importance of qualitative evidence in understanding these outcomes and addressing barriers to access to care. Conflict-related sexual violence is a sexual and reproductive health issue. Sexuality education is needed at individual, community, and provider level, challenging gender norms and roles and encompassing gender-based violence. Gender-inclusive protocols and services need to be implemented to address the specific needs of all victims. Governments should advocate for SRHRs and translate health policies into services targeting survivors of CRSV.
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Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) associated with pregnancy remains a challenge globally and in the Ugandan context. However, literature on IPV experiences, support seeking and coping strategies during pregnancy remains limited in Uganda. This study explored the pregnant women’s IPV experiences, support seeking and coping strategies in Southwestern Uganda. Pregnant women with IPV experience during the index pregnancy were purposively approached for in-depth interviews and saturation of data was reached at 25 respondents. Data was analyzed inductively using thematic analysis. Women voiced experiences of IPV that included partners: spending nights away from home without any communication, refusal of accompaniment for antenatal care contacts, uncomfortable sexual intercourse positions, forced sexual intercourse, being slapped, punched, and kicked, failure to pay bills like rent, children’s school fees, transport money to seek medical care and food. Women preferred sharing IPV experiences with their biological mothers to midwives or any other person and some kept it to themselves. The main support given by their support systems was encouraging the victims to try and maintain their marriage and keeping quiet when the partner starts quarreling. Women coped by confiding in their relatives, keeping silent, self-consolation, tolerance of the perpetrator since they financially depended on them, distracting bad thoughts through thinking about good things like friends, self-blame and praying to God. Pregnant women did not understand the role of midwives in IPV nor did the midwives’ inquire about the IPV experience during Antenatal care contacts. The findings of this study point to the need for the Health system to incorporate a user friendly IPV screening tool onto the ANC card to enhance routine IPV screening by midwives and recruit counselors and peer supporters to assist midwives in providing individualized psychological support.
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In 1996, the World Health Assembly declared violence a major public health issue. To follow up on this resolution, on October 3 this year, WHO released the first World Report on Violence and Health. The report analyses different types of violence including child abuse and neglect, youth violence, intimate partner violence, sexual violence, elder abuse, self-directed violence, and collective violence. For all these types of violence, the report explores the magnitude of the health and social effects, the risk and protective factors, and the types of prevention efforts that have been initiated. The launch of the report will be followed by a 1-year Global Campaign on Violence Prevention, focusing on implementation of the recommendations. This article summarises some of the main points of the world report.
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This document summarises the literature published between 1982 and 2011 on violence (GBV) in Sri Lanka. In our attempt to collate the scientific information on GBV in Sri Lanka, the selection of research was based on pre-determined criteria, viz. to include research and exclude case studies that describe individual experiences. A great majority of the research was on GBV on women. The evidence were classified based on its focus and was included under different themes i.e., Research on GBV at different stages of life of a woman, GBV in different environment settings, clinical manifestation of affected groups and response of organizations towards GBV. The literature review showed that there was a paucity of research evidence on locally relevant interventions to minimize GBV. The impact of domestic violence on members of the household, morbidity and mortality patterns of affected families, long term psychological and physical development of affected children and the long term effects on the victims were other notable areas where no evidence was found. Despite certain limitations the committee was able to collate a considerable amount of data that will convince any reader that GBV is indeed a significant social and public health problem of considerable magnitude in Sri Lanka. While GBV includes violence against men and women, in the majority of cases the victims are women. The pattern of GBV in Sri Lanka encompasses physical, sexual, psychological and emotional violence and parallels current worldwide trends. The cumulative impact of violence experienced by girls and women is immense, especially in terms of its impact on their physical and mental health and its consequences, both immediate and long term. It is evident that GBV is currently not addressed adequately by the health care and other relevant sectors in Sri Lanka.
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The aim of this chapter is to present a general overview of the trafficking of women and girls (W/G) from Nepal to India for prostitution, including what is known about its history, nurturing factors and health effects as well as the ongoing activities against W/G trafficking in Nepal. By trafficking we mean “the transportation, selling or buying of women and children for (forced) prostitution within and outside a country for monetary or other considerations with or without the consent of the person subjected to trafficking” (SAARC, 2002).Trafficking and prostitution are two distinct but linked phenomena. The main objective behind the trafficking of W/G is to involve them in forced prostitution. The majority of trafficked W/G are enticed away from their homes with false promises, or unwillingly and unknowingly abducted, lured, drugged or otherwise dragged away. By law, forced prostitution is a criminal activity in Nepal. Sometimes the W/G are taken with the consent of their family and relatives. Because of poverty, illiteracy and myths of prosperity abroad, parents are motivated to consent to the migration of their daughters. No existing policy or legislative documents speak about such “voluntary” prostitution. The trafficking of W/G for the purpose of sexual exploitation occurring around the world is a deliberate and medieval human rights violation. The United Nations (UN) has stated that human trafficking is the world’s third largest criminal activity and the second most lucrative business. It is considered to be a demonstration and outcome of sexual power relations: relations in which men are dominant and women dominated (Shrestha, 1997). According to the UN, approximately four million W/G are victims of international trafficking every year for different purposes, such as labour or prostitution (, Recently, the UN Office on Drugs and Crime denounced the fact that, although the victims of sexual exploitation are predominantly W/G, in 30 percent of the countries that provided information on the gender of traffickers, women make up the largest proportion (UN Repor,t 2009).
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Gender-based violence is recognized as a major issue on international human rights agenda. Domestic violence and abuse can happen to anyone, yet the problem is often overlooked, excused, or denied. This is especially true when abuse is psychological, rather than physical. A community-based cross-sectional study of 6 months duration was undertaken with the objective of studying the proportion and different forms of domestic violence, factors influencing it, and to study treatment-seeking behavior of these women. The study participants were married women in the age group 18-45 years residing in an urban slum area of Malwani, Mumbai. Using stratified random sampling, 274 subjects were selected. House to house visits were paid and they were interviewed face to face using a pretested semi-structured questionnaire after obtaining their informed consent. Rapport was established with the help of a Medical Social Worker. The questionnaire included information pertaining to the sociodemographic parameters and experience of domestic violence in the last 1 year and their treatment-seeking behavior for the same. Utmost care was taken to maintain privacy and confidentiality. Analysis was done using SPSS version 17. The proportion of domestic violence was 36.9%. The most common form of violence was verbal in 87 (86.1%) followed by physical in 64 (63.4%). A significant association was found between domestic violence and age, education, spousal alcoholism, and duration of marriage.
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Pakistan ranks 125th out of 169 countries on the Gender Development Index and has high prevalence rates of Violence against Women (VAW). Contributing factors toward gender based violence at the micro, meso and macro levels include the acceptability of violence amongst both men and women, internalization of deservability, economic disempowerment, lack of formal education, joint family systems, entrenched patriarchal norms and values, and a lack of awareness of legal and other support systems. These factors have a long-lasting impact on the health of women and children. The gender disparities in the experience of women seeking health care in Pakistan are well-recognized and documented. In the past, common government policy responses to these disparities have included developing the role of community health workers (CHWs) and lady health visitors (LHVs). Despite being commendable initiatives, these too have been unsuccessful in addressing these multi-faceted disparities. Within this complex scenario, new interventions to address VAW and its impact on health in Pakistan include Group Counselling, Economic Skills Building, Health-Based Microfinance, and Family-Based models that increase male involvement, especially at the primary health care level. The purpose of this article is to outline key contributing factors to VAW, explore tested and new interventions, and highlight the opportunities that exist in implementing them.
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