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Journal of Rural Social Sciences, 28(1), 2013, pp. 1–25.
Copyright © by the Southern Rural Sociological Association
THE TWILIGHT OF FORKS?: THE EFFECT OF SOCIAL
INFRASTURCTURE ON FILM TOURISM AND COMMUNITY
DEVELOPMENT IN FORKS, WA
*
JESSICA CROWE
SOUTHERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY
ABSTRACT
In the midst of economic decline caused by a drop in forest-related jobs, Forks, WA was ready to redefine
itself by the early 2000s. With the help of Stephenie Meyer’s successful Twilight series, which was set in Forks,
community leaders embraced the opportunity for economic development by enhancing film tourism to the
town. The purpose of the present study has been to evaluate how a community’s social infrastructure affects
film tourism success and how film tourism affects community development. It accomplishes this by examining
secondary data, survey data, and semi-structured interview data of residents and leaders of Forks, WA, setting
of the Twilight series, before and after the films. Findings suggest that the marketing activities that Forks
implemented were successful in bringing in Twilight fans and that film tourism had a positive impact on the
local economy. However, while film tourism has benefitted local government and some local businesses, it has
not financially benefitted everyone in Forks, particularly the large Latino community and Native Americans.
Economic development is an important issue for rural communities as many
communities that were once dependent on natural resources and manufacturing
have had to look elsewhere for jobs. This is because structural changes and
technological advances in these sectors, along with advances in shipping and “free
trade” policies, have led many of these jobs to move to less developed countries, thus
posing a threat to the survival of rural communities as homes and places of work
(Flora and Flora 2008; Sharp et al. 2002). This has led many communities to seek
new forms of economic development. While some communities attempt to recruit
outside business and industry to locate to their areas, other communities generate
and encourage local businesses and other entrepreneurial activities from within the
community. One economic development activity that can encourage local business
growth is to increase tourism to the location. A more specific form of tourism that
some communities have used to increase the local economy is film tourism, defined
as tourism to a particular place or attraction because of the destination being
portrayed in a television series or movie (Hudson and Ritchie 2006).
In seeking to understand the relationship between film tourism and the
particular places visited, analysts and policymakers have studied a variety of factors
*
Direct all correspondence to Dr. Jessica Crowe, Department of Sociology, Faner Hall - MC 4524
Southern Illinois University, 1000 Faner Dr. Carbondale, IL 62901 (Email: jessica.crowe@siu.edu)
1
2 JOURNAL OF RURAL SOCIAL SCIENCES
that increase film tourism as well as consequences of film tourism on local people.
Characteristics shown to influence film tourism include destination marketing
activities before the release of the film, such as inviting travel media to film the
location and producing a “making of the film” feature (Hudson and Ritchie 2006);
and destination marketing activities after the film’s release, such as selling film
memorabilia and developing a dedicated website for potential tourists (Hudson and
Ritchie 2006). Film tourism may lead to economic, environmental, and social
consequences.
While researchers see the need for examining the characteristics that lead to
effective film tourism (e.g., Hudson and Ritchie 2006), most research has focused on
what the producers, public relations personnel, local chamber of commerce, and
other specialized positions or agencies can do to promote film tourism. Very few
studies have examined how community characteristics can lead to effective film
tourism. Furthermore, although several studies have examined the influence of film
tourism on the economy and local residents (Busby, Brunt, and Lund 2003; Croy
and Walker 2003; Gundle 2002; Kim and Richardson 2003; Schofield 1996; Tooke
and Baker 1996), they focus more on visitation numbers and carrying capacity to
cope with large increases in visitors. Other more direct measures of economic
development and the economy, such as job creation and poverty figures, need to be
examined. Moreover, such direct economic figures need to be researched and
compared across different groups of local residents. Serious questions remain
regarding how social characteristics of a community can lead to an increase in film
tourism and how much economic benefit is produced. The purpose of this study has
been to evaluate how a community’s social infrastructure affects film tourism
success and how film tourism affects the local economy. This was done by
examining secondary data and semi-structured interview data of residents and
leaders of Forks, WA, setting of the Twilight series, before the films and after the
films. In addition, the study addresses the issue of who benefits the most from film
tourism. Such a study is important to show practitioners and other leaders in the
community how social characteristics of a community can increase film tourism and
which characteristics to try to improve. It is also needed to inform practitioners
regarding who benefits from film tourism and who does not. This can lead to future
economic strategies designed to focus on those who do not directly benefit from film
tourism.
FILM TOURISM AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT 3
Local Economic Development and Entrepreneurial Social Infrastructure
Community-level economic development involves direct or indirect actions that
result in the creation of local jobs and a rise in the real incomes of residents (Shaffer
and Summers 1989). Historically, federal and state governments have been
responsible for the role of economic development. In the past, federal and state
governments boosted local economies by providing subsidies for home ownership
and revitalization of neighborhoods and investing in physical infrastructure
projects, such as highways, utilities, libraries, bridges, dams, and recreation
facilities; which subsequently employed those who were out of work (Green and
Haines 2008). While the recent recession has led to similar types of stimulus
packages designed to retain and create jobs, state governments have adopted a
variety of other methods for stimulating economic development, ranging from
enterprise zones and right-to-work laws to technology parks and public venture
capital firms (Leicht and Jenkins 1994). While state governments continue to
actively promote economic development for their constituents, economic
development is increasingly seen as a local responsibility. After the recession of the
1980s, many local government officials took action to pursue new sources of
revenue to retain residents and preserve the community atmosphere (Green 2003),
and continue to pursue new options with the most recent recession.
Researchers have distinguished between different types of economic
development strategies that towns employ (Flora et al. 1992; Sharp et al. 2002). One
type of activity, industrial recruitment, involves efforts to attract outside firms and
industries to locate to the town (Crowe 2006, 2008; Sharp et al. 2002). One
attractive feature of industrial recruitment is its ability to generate many jobs in a
relatively short time. In contrast to industrial recruitment, a second type of activity,
self-development, fosters local businesses and other entrepreneurial activities along
with relying on local resources to aid in development from within the town (Flora
et al. 1992). Examples of self-development activities include revitalizing downtown
businesses, promoting local tourism, and retaining or expanding locally owned
businesses.
Several studies have shown a link between high levels of social infrastructure
and economic development. Flora et al. (1997) showed a positive association
between the implementation of economic development projects and the presence of
an entrepreneurial social infrastructure. In particular, communities that accept
controversy in the community and depersonalize politics (what Flora et al. call
“legitimacy of alternatives”), have financial institutions that contribute resources to
local development projects, and possess horizontal and vertical linkages to other
4 JOURNAL OF RURAL SOCIAL SCIENCES
communities and governments have higher levels of economic development. By
comparing two nearby communities, Salamon (2003) concluded that the inclusion
of newcomers in projects and decision-making, widespread support of local
businesses, and successful resolution of conflict contribute to higher levels of
effective community action.
Regarding the two forms of economic development, Sharp et al. (2002) have
argued that a community’s social infrastructure is more positively associated with
self-development than with industrial recruitment. This is because self-development
relies greatly on local resources and diverse leadership, while industrial recruitment
relies more on government policy and funding. Crowe (2006, 2008) also provided
evidence that high levels of social infrastructure are positively correlated with self-
development.
Film Tourism and Development
While research on the influence of a community’s social infrastructure exists for
many types of economic development, it is lacking with respect to development
based on the exchange of commoditized cultural resources. Tourism driven by the
desire to visit places and key venues depicted in films is one form of cultural
commodity. Kim and Richardson (2003) provided empirical evidence that popular
films influence one’s perceptions about the film’s setting. In a short time, popular
culture portrayed in films and other outlets can change a destination’s image.
Favorable destination images because of popular motion pictures can lead to an
increase in tourism. This is called film-induced tourism. As the entertainment
industry, cinema admissions, and international travel have grown, film tourism has
increased worldwide (Croy and Walker 2003; Frost 2006; Hudson and Ritchie
2006). Hudson and Ritchie (2006) claimed that film tourism benefits a local
economy in many ways. First, film and television can increase tourist visits to a
particular place or attraction portrayed in the film or television series. Wallace
Monument, Scotland saw a 300-percent increase in visitors the year after the movie
Braveheart featured it. Likewise, various locations in the United Kingdom featured
in the Harry Potter series all witnessed an increase in visitors of 50 percent or more
(Hudson and Ritchie 2006). Second, viewing film locations can often occur year-
round in all types of weather, thus easing problems of seasonality (Beeton 2004).
Third, film tourism can be enduring with a film or TV show drawing tourists to a
place years after the film was released or the TV series canceled. Southfork Ranch,
portrayed in the Dallas TV series that ran from 1978 to 1991, receives more than
500,000 visitors per year (Hudson and Ritchie 2006). In a study of 12 films, Riley
FILM TOURISM AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT 5
et al. (1998) found a 54-percent increase in visitation to places portrayed in the films
even after five years had passed since the release. This increase, stability, and
endurance in film-induced tourism lead to the creation of additional businesses and
services in a community to accommodate visitors and strengthen the visitor season
(Beeton 2004; Hudson and Ritchie 2006).
Hudson and Ritchie (2006) suggested that a location’s economic success from
film tourism depends on a destination’s marketing activities, the destination’s
attributes, film-specific factors, film commission and government efforts, and
location feasibility. While a community trying to increase economic development
from film tourism cannot control film-specific factors, such as exposure or length
of time on the screen or the success of the film, and has little control over a
destination’s attributes and location feasibility, it can control marketing activities
that occur before and after a movie’s release. Hudson and Ritchie (2006) presented
a theoretical model of the key factors that influence film tourism. In their model,
they provided a list of 17 marketing activities in which a destination can engage
after the release of a film to increase film tourism. These include actively promoting
the destination to film studios, being actively involved in location scouting, inviting
travel media to the film location, selling film memorabilia, replicating film
icons/sites/scenes/sets to maintain authenticity, promoting places used in films,
and providing guided tours, among other activities.
Development and Ethnicity
O’Connor, Flanagan, and Gilbert (2010) have suggested that if communities are
to successfully capitalize on their own film-induced popularity, all of the
stakeholders’ interests should find a “middle ground” in setting appropriate goals
that take advantage of the benefits and reduce the costs of tourism. Stakeholders
include tourists, local community members, and others that have an interest or
stake in the activity. While film tourism has the potential to lead to economic
development in a community, some residents may be more likely to benefit
economically over other residents. According to Polanyi (1957), the economic
system consists of three forms of economic integration—market exchange,
reciprocity, and redistribution. In a capitalist society, the market exchange
relationship is the primary form of economic integration in a market economy. The
market exchange relationship includes the capital one has to start a business and
whether one borrows from a bank for startup capital. Valdez (2002) found that,
among small business owners, those with larger amounts of startup capital (more
than $25,000) were more likely to be successful (i.e., have higher personal incomes
6 JOURNAL OF RURAL SOCIAL SCIENCES
and business longevity). She further asserted that Mexicans are much less likely to
have large amounts of startup capital than whites. Furthermore, in contrast to
whites—who have greater access to financial capital from banks, personal savings,
or other market exchange institutions (Sanders and Nee 1996)—Mexicans are
rarely characterized as using relationships of market exchange, such as borrowing
from a bank (Logan, Alba, and McNulty 1994; Portes and Bach 1985). Thus, racial
and ethnic minorities who have high rates of poverty may not benefit from film
tourism because they will not have the same access to market-exchange capital
shown to positively influence entrepreneurial success.
Research Questions and Expectations
The current study answers several research questions. First, does a
community’s social infrastructure influence film tourism? Furthermore, what is the
impact of film tourism on a community’s local economy? Are some residents more
likely to benefit either economically or through increased services over other
residents? What factors contribute to the variable distribution of these goods
among groups of residents? Since evidence suggests that a community’s social
infrastructure positively influences self-development (Crowe 2006, 2008; Sharp et
al. 2002), it was expected that a high level of social infrastructure in place in Forks
before Twilight would aid in the success of film tourism. It was also expected that
the large number of marketing activities employed in Forks would be related to an
increase in the number of tourists to the town and thus benefit the local economy.
Finally, because Latino and Native American residents of Forks are much more
likely to be in poverty than white residents, and do not have the same access to
market-exchange capital shown to positively influence entrepreneurial success, it
was expected that they would not benefit from the increase in film tourism.
Twilight and Forks, Washington
The case study of Forks, Washington is useful in addressing the study’s
research questions. Forks is a small rural town located amid the temperate
rainforest of the Olympic Peninsula in the northwest corner of the state. Forks was
settled in the late nineteenth century with farming and dairying as the main
occupations. By the early twentieth century, logging and forestry were important
industries in Forks. The town grew slowly and was incorporated in 1945 (Van Pelt
2007). By 1950, the town’s population was 1,120 which held steady until the 1970s.
With the rural turnaround of the 1970s, coupled with the rise in outdoor recreation
and tourism, the population doubled to more than 3,000; with tourism and logging
FILM TOURISM AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT 7
providing a livable wage for the residents of Forks (Mitchell 2010). During the
1980s and 1990s, timber harvests fell in the Pacific Northwest by 80 percent due
to a combination of bans on logging in federal old-growth forests where the
endangered Northern Spotted Owl nested and changes that emerged from an
increasing global economy. Forks witnessed a decline in forest-related jobs of
almost 25 percent after 1990 (Brunell 2009). By 1999 the poverty rate of Forks was
double that of the state of Washington, with 14.6 percent of families living in
poverty (USBC 2000a). With the realization that the timber industry would not
reemerge to its prior levels, by the early 2000s Forks was attempting to redefine
itself as a tourist destination for outdoor enthusiasts and between 1995 and 2005,
two new motels and nine bed-and-breakfasts opened (Van Pelt 2007).
By 2000, Forks was beginning to align economic development activities with
its identity as an outdoor recreation destination. However, this redefinition came
full force later in the decade with the rise of film tourism caused by Stephenie
Meyer’s Twilight series, which was published in the mid to late 2000s and later
developed into films. The origin of the four-part Twilight series came from a dream
Meyer had in June 2003 about an average girl and a “fantastically beautiful, sparkly”
vampire (Meyer n.d.). The vampire character led her to seek a rainy setting that she
found via a Google search. Coupled with being a small, secluded town surrounded
by forest, Meyer believed Forks to be the perfect setting for her new book. After
visiting the town in 2004, Meyer found Forks to be “eerily similar” to her imagined
setting and decided to choose Forks as the location (Meyer n.d.). Such serendipitous
circumstances leading up to Meyer choosing Forks as the setting of the stories,
coupled with the overwhelming success of the books and films, have resulted in
thousands of Twilight fans visiting Forks, WA since 2007.
1
METHODS
Data for this analysis were drawn from key informant interviews and surveys
conducted in Forks, Washington in the summer of 2003 and follow-up interviews
conducted in the summer of 2011; along with secondary data from the U.S. Bureau
of the Census, Forks’ websites, films about Forks since Twilight, and book chapters
written about Forks since Twilight. To evaluate Forks’ entrepreneurial social
1
Most of the Twilight series movies were not actually filmed in Forks. However, that has not
deterred fans of the books and films from visiting Forks as key scenes were filmed in Forks and the
surrounding area. Also, the town has recreated many aspects of the films that were not filmed in Forks
(i.e., Bella’s house).
8 JOURNAL OF RURAL SOCIAL SCIENCES
infrastructure and economic development before the arrival of film tourism in the
town, key informant interview and survey data from 20 local leaders and citizens
of Forks collected in 2003 were analyzed. Informants were selected to represent one
of 20 categories of individuals that characterized the community and therefore
needed to be represented. Major categories included representatives of the local
chamber of commerce and economic development council, local government
officials, major employers, representatives of local civic groups, schools, and
churches, and representatives of the Latino community in Forks. A local community
coordinator
2
from Forks, who lived in the town and knew most of the residents,
helped identify and recruit the participants. Extensive field notes were taken during
each interview and were typed as soon as possible after each interview. Interviews
were then coded for relevant themes. Data coding happened in two steps. First the
detailed notes were sorted into large themes (e.g., social infrastructure, economic
development) and then that material was re-coded into more focused themes within
the general themes (e.g., network diversity, self-development).
To measure Forks’ entrepreneurial social infrastructure (ESI), interviews and
surveys included questions about the community’s legitimacy of alternatives,
mobilization of resources, and networks within and outside the community. Three
variables measured the legitimacy of alternatives found in Forks. The first variable
measured the bias in local media outlets. A forum variable measured the quality of
forums in the community that allow different views to be expressed in an open
environment. A third variable measured the open discussion of issues in other
settings in the community.
3
For the first category of ESI, higher scores represent
2
The community coordinator was hired as part of a grant from the Bill and Melinda Gates
Foundation. Forks was one of six communities chosen to receive money to reform their high school
into a High Tech High (reference). One function of the new high school was to connect the school and
students with community members. The community coordinator aided in this endeavor.
3
To measure bias in local media outlets, respondents were asked whether each outlet was biased
or unbiased when it covered local news: local newspapers, regional newspapers, local radio station,
and the Internet. The number of unbiased outlets was recorded and used for the first category under
legitimacy of alternatives. Quality of forums were measured using a four-point scale ranging from a
particular media outlet providing excellent forums (coded as four) to air different views on community
issues to the particular media outlet providing no forum (coded as one). An additive index of the four
types of media outlets was created and used for the second category under legitimacy of alternatives.
The third variable consisted of nine statements about how issues were discussed in the community
(e.g., “The issue was discussed at community meetings.” and “Existing civic groups were actively
engaged in the issue.”). After each statement, the respondent marked whether the statement had
FILM TOURISM AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT 9
higher levels of legitimacy of alternatives. Two categories provided the data for the
second measure of ESI: resource mobilization. The first category of questions asked
about different financial contributions toward community projects made by financial
institutions and local business owners. Respondents answered “yes,” “no,” or “don’t
know” to eight questions about local financial institutional contributions including
whether the top two largest financial institutions: contribute toward local
development projects; provide low-interest loans to community projects; offer
grants, donations, or in-kind contributions to community projects; and/or provide
marketing or technical assistance to local businesses; and whether personnel serve
on local boards and committees. They also ranked two statements about business
owners/managers’ contributions toward local development projects on a five-point
scale from strongly disagree (coded as one) to strongly agree (coded as five). An
additive index was created with higher scores representing greater contributions
made by financial institutions and business managers. The second category of
questions asked respondents to list bond issues passed, fund drives implemented,
and foundations or trusts made available to the community in the past three years.
The number of passed bonds, community fund drives, and foundations that the
respondent listed was recorded and used for the second category under resource
mobilization. Three variables measured network diversity. The first variable
measured the activity of community organizations (from a list of twelve) in
economic development activities. A diverse leadership variable measured the extent
to which different groups in Forks work together on community improvement
projects. The third variable measured Forks’ links to other communities and to
state and national organizations.
4
For the third category of ESI, higher scores
occurred (yes), had not occurred (no), or if s/he did not know. The number of favorable answers was
recorded and used for the third category under legitimacy of alternatives.
4
Organizations included economic development; chamber of commerce; service and fraternal
organizations; public or private housing development entities; professional, environmental, commodity
or general farm entities women’s societies; civic groups; city government; historical or heritage
societies; and church groups. Response categories ranged from very active (coded as five) to no such
group exists (coded as one). An additive index was created by summing the responses to the twelve
items with higher values corresponding with higher levels of community involvement from
community organizations. The second variable was an additive index of how often different groups
of individuals in the community took leadership roles for a community project and how often different
groups of individuals worked together on a community project. Groups included women, racial and
ethnic minorities, newcomers, businesspeople, and youth, among others. An additive index was
created by summing the responses to the five items with higher values corresponding with a higher
10 JOURNAL OF RURAL SOCIAL SCIENCES
represent higher levels of network diversity. Past questionnaires and surveys used
by Flora et al. (1997) and Sharp (2001) in their analyses of entrepreneurial social
infrastructure served as the basis for both the interview questionnaire and the
survey.
Hudson and Ritchie (2006) presented a theoretical model of the key factors that
influence film tourism. In their model, they provided a list of 17 marketing activities
in which a destination can engage after the release of a film to increase film tourism.
To ascertain how many of these 17 marketing activities Forks employed after the
release of the Twilight series, secondary data sources such as Forks’ websites, films
about Forks since Twilight, and book chapters written about Forks since Twilight
were consulted, along with correspondence with Forks’ mayor and other leaders of
Forks in 2012.
Secondary data sources such as Forks’ websites and the USBC, along with book
chapters on Forks, provide statistics on the number of tourists to visit Forks,
overall sales tax revenue, sales tax revenue from hotels and motels, annual payroll,
payroll per employee, median family income, percentage of families living in
poverty, and unemployment rate. Statistics provided by the USBC, along with
correspondence with Forks’ mayor and other leaders of Forks in 2012, provide
information on whether or not some residents were more likely to benefit, either
economically or through increased services, over other residents and if so, which
residents.
RESULTS
Forks’ Entrepreneurial Social Infrastructure before Twilight
Right before Twilight was written and the movies produced, Forks, overall, had
a high level of social infrastructure. With respect to legitimacy of alternatives,
Forks ranked in the middle of the scale for each indicator. As Table 1 shows, mean
scores for unbiased media outlets, forums provided to air different points of view,
and openly discussing local issues were 2.23, 9.00, and 3.23, respectfully. It is
important for a community facing change (as Forks had in the past and would in the
future) to rank high on this variable so as to discuss all sides of a contentious issue
and to make the best decisions for residents. As for mobilization of resources, Forks
number of diverse groups taking leadership positions and working together. The third variable was
the number of issues regarding which the community joined with another community to address,
combined with the number of state and national organizations to which a community belongs.
Organizations included planning agencies, tourism or marketing groups, environmental groups,
economic development, groups for special events, among others.
FILM TOURISM AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT 11
TABLE 1. ENTREPRENEURIAL SOCIAL INFRASTRUCTURE AND MARKETING
ACTIVITIES IN FORKS, WA
MEAN SCALE
YES
OR NO
Legitimacy of Alternatives
Unbiased Media.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.23 0-4
Forum Provided. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.00 0-16
Discussion of Local Issues. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.23 0-9
Resource Mobilization
Financial Institutions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.54 0-18
Bonds, Funds, Referenda. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.62 >0
Network Diversity
Diverse Leadership. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23.00 0-30
Civic Organizations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36.00 0-60
Community Linkages. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.23 0-19
Destination Marketing Activities after Film Release
Outreach Activities
Invite travel media to special release of the film.. . . . . . . . . . . . Yes
Develop a dedicated website for potential tourists. . . . . . . . . . . Yes
Post links on website to film tours run by local tour operators. Yes
Create electronic links to the destination on the film website. No
Engage in joint promotional activity with inbound tour
operators. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No
Work collectively with other public organizations and tourist
authorities to promote film locations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Yes
Engage in joint promotional activity with film companies. . . . No
Attract continuous media attention to the location at each
release window (DVD, etc.).. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Yes
Promote hotels and guest houses that were used in films. . . . . Yes
Enrichment Activities
Post signage and interpretation at the location. . . . . . . . . . . . . Yes
Sell film memorabilia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Yes
Replicate or maintain film icons/sites/scenes/sets to maintain
authenticity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Yes
Host events that continue the pull of the film beyond its
natural audience peak.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . NA
a
Package additional attractions to lengthen tourist stay. . . . . . Yes
Have guided tours and/or film walks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Yes
Produce film and site maps for tourists. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Yes
Create exhibitions or displays of memorabilia from the film. . Yes
NOTE:
a
Not all films have been released and therefore have not yet peaked.
12 JOURNAL OF RURAL SOCIAL SCIENCES
ranked in the middle of the scales for having financial institutions contribute toward
local development and for the number of bonds passed, fund drives implemented,
and foundations created. Mean scores for the two variables were 10.54 and 2.62,
respectfully. While these variables are important for stimulating other forms of
development, resource mobilization is not as necessary for successful film tourism.
Finally, for network diversity, Forks ranked high on the scale for having diverse
leadership and in the middle of the scales for active civic organizations and extra-
community linkages. Mean scores for the three variables were 23.00, 36.00, and
9.23, respectfully. Taken together, Forks appeared to be in good standing to receive
future change caused by Twilight and to capitalize on film tourism. This is
illustrated by a quotation from an executive of the economic development council:
I see the tribe as a very strong point in drawing people to the area (from an
economic standpoint). The Quileutes in La Push is better known than Forks
is to outsiders. Right now I am planning a convention center and eventually
want to bring Europeans on one week tours of native culture and life. I see
the tribe as a big drawing point on tourism. Forks is going through a
transition from a logging community to a tourist community—whether
they like it or not. (Forks, Summer of 2003).
While the executive did not foresee the books and movies from the Twilight series
being a pull for tourism to the town, he did acknowledge and openly embrace that
change needed to occur for Forks to have economic development. While the people
of Forks had no control over it being chosen as the setting for the Twilight books,
by having a fairly high level of entrepreneurial social infrastructure, it had strategic
readiness to respond when the opportunity presented itself.
Film Tourism and Economic Development
Film-induced tourism. The Twilight films have brought tourists into Forks by the
droves. According to the Forks Visitors Center, 75 visitors signed the visitor’s book
in January 2005 (before the release of the first book in the Twilight series). In
December of that same year the number was 74. However, by 2007, Twilight fans
began making the trek to Forks to experience the setting of the books and movies.
By 2008, thousands of Twilight fans were visiting Forks (Cook 2008). In January
of 2008, 2,003 visitors signed in to the Forks Visitors Center. In August of 2008,
4,186 visitors signed in, which until then was the monthly high. In November of
2008, the first Twilight movie was released as a major motion film. By July of 2009,
FILM TOURISM AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT 13
the number of visitors to sign in to the Visitors Center for that month soared to
16,186. December of 2009 saw 2,540 visitors sign in to the center, a 3,400-percent
increase from December 2005. Visitors who signed the guest book were from all
parts of the United States as well as from other countries, including Germany,
England, Australia, and Japan.
To take advantage of the Twilight phenomenon and the fans that visited Forks,
the town began to reinvent itself to cater to those fans (and their money). Of the 17
destination marketing activities that a community can implement after the release
of a film (identified by Hudson and Ritchie (2006)), Forks had carried out 13 of them
(see Table 1). They employed both outreach and enrichment activities. Outreach
activities are efforts that marketed Forks to Twilight fans with the goal of bringing
film tourists and their money into the community. Enrichment activities are actions
that the community employed to make Forks more appealing and tourist-friendly
with the goal of tourists extending their stays, returning to Forks, and/or relating
their positive experiences to others.
Examples of outreach activities that Forks implemented include having multiple
web sites that have pages dedicated to Twilight information. For instance, the Forks
Chamber of Commerce website has a page on it that details all of the Twilight
events in the community, such as Stephenie Meyer Day--an annual event that
occurs in September. It also has a link to an online store where one can buy Twilight
and Forks merchandise. Other websites include Dazzled by Twilight, which is a
tour-operating company in Forks; and Twilight in Forks, which is a Twilight travel
guide to Forks. In addition, Stephenie Meyer’s website has a link to Forks, which
links to the chamber of commerce webpage. Forks also has a presence on social
media websites like Facebook. Forks’ city page and Discover Forks, WA are two
Facebook pages that promote Twilight-themed events like Stephenie Meyer Day
and Bella’s Birthday Weekend. They also link to Twilight Tours on Forks Facebook
page.
Examples of enrichment activities that Forks has implemented include
restaurants having Twilight named dishes
5
, residences being designated for the
Swans and the Cullens
6
, film memorabilia being sold in stores, tours being operated,
festivals celebrating Twilight, and town signs being moved to safer locations. The
5
Some examples of Twilight-themed dishes include Big Bad Wolf Burger and Volturi Salad.
6
The main character, Bella Swan, is a teenage girl who falls in love with Edward Cullen, a teenage
vampire. The Swans live in a modest home in Forks, WA; while the Cullen family lives in a large
lodge-like home hidden in the forest outside of Forks.
14 JOURNAL OF RURAL SOCIAL SCIENCES
previously mentioned convention center that was being planned in 2003 by one of
Forks’ leaders was converted into a guest lodge and was opened in time for the
onset of Twilight tourists. The owners have kept to the original plan of taking
visitors on tours of native culture and life. They offer a fishing guide and nature
guides of the surrounding forest and beaches. While many who stay there visit
Forks for the environmental recreation, guests at the lodge also include Twilight
fans. While many guests initially hear about Forks because of the film and some
visit solely because of Twilight, they also partake in the other recreational activities
that town leaders promote. Examining guest reviews of the lodge on
tripadvisor.com makes clear that guests have traveled from all around the United
States and the world, including Sweden, Israel, and France. Some visited specifically
to visit sites portrayed in Twilight or Twilight cultural events like Stephenie Meyer
Day. However, most reviews spoke of enjoying outdoor recreational activities and
venturing around the peninsula, including reviews written by Twilight fans
(Tripadvisor 2012). Most reviewers spoke highly of the lodge and its owners, and
many also spoke highly of the local residents, claiming them to be friendly and
accommodating. This is one example of how Forks’ high levels of entrepreneurial
social infrastructure allowed for the community to be strategically ready to
implement several marketing activities to take advantage of the increase in film
tourists.
Hotel-motel taxes and total sales tax. The taxes from staying at hotels or motels
in Forks have steadily increased since 2003 (see Table 2). However, the increase
from 2006-2009 (after the Twilight books and first films were released) was 10 times
the increase from 2003-2006 (before the films were released). Similarly, total sales
tax for the town of Forks has steadily increased since 1995. However, the increase
between 2006 and 2009 almost equaled the increase between 1995 and 2006
(Mitchell 2010).
TABLE 2. HOTEL-MOTEL AND SALES TAX BY YEAR FOR FORKS, WA
Year Hotel-Motel Tax Year Sales Tax
2003. . . . . . . . . . . . $84,000 1995. . . . . . . . . . . . $295,000
2006. . . . . . . . . . . . $88,471 2000. . . . . . . . . . . . $321,067
2008. . . . . . . . . . . . $105,879 2006. . . . . . . . . . . . $353,837
2009. . . . . . . . . . . . $133,585 2009. . . . . . . . . . . . $405,195
Local businesses and payroll. While it appears that film tourism has led to a sharp
increase in hotel-motel and sales taxes collected by the town, the effect on local
businesses and payroll is not so clear. While the town experienced an 11.7-percent
FILM TOURISM AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT 15
increase in total population between 2000 and 2010 (USBC 2000a, 2010a),
according to the U.S. Census Business Patterns (USBC 2012), the total numbers of
establishments, retail establishments, accommodation and food service
establishments, and paid employees all fell between 1998 and 2009 (see Table 3).
This is in contrast with the state of Washington, which experienced consistent
increases in the total number of establishments and paid employees between 1998
and 2008 (although it also saw a decrease between 2008 and 2009). While Forks
experienced some recovery between 2003 and 2008 in the number of paid
employees, 2009 saw a decline. Similarly, while the annual payroll grew by almost
nine million dollars between 2003 and 2008, it fell in 2009. However, while fewer
people are employed in Forks, the average income per employee has risen. This is
consistent with the average income per employee for the state of Washington.
While wages in Forks has grown since 2003, employee wages still fall below the
average for the state ($18,090 below the state average in 2009).
Unemployment and poverty. The 5-year average (2005-2010) unemployment rate
in Forks was lower than in 2000 (7.0 and 8.9 percent respectively). While
unemployment for the nation was higher in 2011 than in 2003 (8.5 percent in
December of 2011 and 5.7 percent in December of 2003), because of the recession
that began in December 2007, unemployment figures for Forks were lower than the
national average by 2010 (Bureau of Labor Statistics 2012). As Table 4 shows, the
percent of individuals in Forks that fell below the poverty line stayed about the
same between 2000 and 2010, from 20.5 to 20.4 percent (USBC 2000a, 2010a). The
poverty rate in Forks was higher than the national average for both years (11.3
percent in 2000 and 14.3 percent in 2009). These statistics in combination with the
statistics on average income per employee suggest that tourism caused by Twilight
may have had a positive economic effect for the local government and for some
individuals in the town of Forks. However, it may not have benefitted everyone in
Forks.
Distribution of Economic Development since Twilight
Local businesses. Local businesses that cater to tourists and their needs seem to
benefit from film tourism caused by Twilight. Hotels, motels, and bed and breakfasts
have seen their occupancy go up since 2008. Retail stores have also seen business
increase. A variety store that would take between $500-$800 on a typical pre-
Twilight summer day took between $5000-$6000 a day in the summer of 2009
(Mitchell 2010). Local business owners include established residents and newcomers
to Forks. One newcomer who has capitalized on the growing Twilight tourism in
TABLE 3. BUSINESS INDICATORS FOR FORKS, WA AND WASHINGTON STATE, 1998, 2003, 2008, 2009
a
1998 2003 2008 2009
Forks, WA
# of establishments. . . . 195 185 162 154
# of establishments
(accommodations
and food services). . 28 30 23 23
# of establishments
(retail trade). . . . . . . 25 22 24 23
# of paid employees.. . . 1,570 1,275 1,317 1,272
Annual payroll. . . . . . . . $30,026,000 $27,915,000 $36,693,000 $35,857,000
Payroll per employee.. . $19,124 $21,894 $27,861 $28,189
Washington State
# of establishments. . . . 161,473 167,272 182,207 177,276
# of paid employees.. . . 2,134,598 2,293,222 2,536,645 2,385,282
Annual payroll. . . . . . . . $73,268,188,000 $90,586,818,000 $115,284,564,000 $110,389,623,000
Payroll per employee.. . $34,324 $39,501 $45,447 $46,279
NOTE:
a
Data provided by U.S. Census Business Patterns
FILM TOURISM AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT 17
TABLE 4. TOTAL POPULATION, POVERTY, AND UNEMPLOYMENT IN FORKS, WA
BY ETHNICITY, FOR 2000 AND 2010
2000 2010
Total population. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,120 3,532
Percent white. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81.5 67.7
Percent Latino. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15.5 26.0
Percent Native American. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.0 6.6
Percent of all residents below poverty.. . . . . . . . . . . . 20.5 20.4
a
Percent of white residents below poverty. . . . . . . . . . 17.5 6.8
a
Percent of Latino residents below poverty.. . . . . . . . . 49.0 56.5
a
Percent of Native American residents below poverty. 41.4 31.4
a
Percent of all residents unemployed. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.9 7.0
a
Percent of white residents unemployed. . . . . . . . . . . . 8.6 5.4
a
Percent of Latino residents unemployed. . . . . . . . . . . 12.6 12.9
a
Percent of Native American residents unemployed. 7.5 10.0
a
NOTE:
a
Data comes from 2006-2010 American Community Survey 5-year estimates.
Forks is the owner of Dazzled by Twilight, a shop devoted to all things Twilight,
and offers three tours daily (four in the summer). Dazzled by Twilight is owned and
operated by a family who moved to Forks from Vancouver, WA after Twilight was
released (Dazzled by Twilight n.d.).
White residents. While poverty has remained the same since 2000, it has been cut
in half for white, non-Hispanic residents (see Table 4). In 2010, the poverty rate for
white non-Hispanic residents of Forks was 6.8 percent, which is lower than the
national average. The unemployment rate for white non-Hispanic residents had also
decreased since 2000 to 5.4 percent. Likewise, the owners of stores, restaurants,
hotels, and other businesses that financially benefit from tourists are mostly white.
Latino and Native American residents. While the USBC (2000a) documents the
number of Latinos living in Forks at 484 in 2000 and growing to 1155 in 2010,
some residents of Forks claim that the number is much higher. During an interview
in 2003, one resident who worked with the Latino population claimed that there
were between 1500 and 2000 Latinos in the community (many part-time residents).
According to that source, the Latino community was very isolated from the white
population although the wall was slowly being broken. Five trailer parks housed
most of the Hispanic population, with two of them kept up and good looking and
three that were run down. The number of Native Americans living in Forks is much
smaller, with 156 living in the town in 2000 and 233 living in the town in 2010.
Most of the Native Americans in the area live on the nearby Quileute, Makah, and
Hoh reservations.
18 JOURNAL OF RURAL SOCIAL SCIENCES
While poverty rates have been greatly reduced for the white residents of Forks,
poverty rates have grown significantly for the Latino residents of Forks, while the
disparity in poverty rates between whites and Native Americans has risen (see
Table 4). The percent of Latino residents below poverty rose from 49 percent in
2000 to 56.5 percent in 2010, while the percent of Native American residents below
poverty in Forks decreased from 41.4 percent in 2000 to 31.4 percent in 2010. In
2010, Latino residents had poverty rates eight times those of white residents living
in Forks while Native American residents had poverty rates five times those of
white residents. This is a significant increase from 2000, when poverty rates of
Latino residents were just less than three times those of white residents living in
Forks, while Native American poverty rates were twice that of white residents.
Similarly, while unemployment rates declined for the white residents of Forks,
unemployment rates rose for the Latino and Native American residents of Forks.
Unemployment increased to 12.9 percent for Latinos (up from 12.6 percent in 2000)
and 10 percent for Native Americans (up from 7.5 percent in 2000).
Whereas many businesses have seen growth from film tourism, according to one
longtime resident of Forks, Latino and Native Americans are not owners of these
businesses. A few Latino businesses exist in Forks, such as Tienda Latina, which
was the first Latino business in Forks opening in 1992 (Van Pelt 2007). However,
these businesses mainly cater to the Latino population, which is currently under
threat by Washington State Border Patrol on the peninsula
7
(Yardley 2012). Most
employees of local businesses, both those who deal directly with people (e.g., clerks)
and those who work in the background (e.g., custodial), are white. In 2000, very few
Native Americans and even fewer Latinos held occupations as officials, managers,
professionals, administrative support, or service workers in Clallum County, which
includes Forks and the larger town of Port Townsend. Instead, the largest percent
were unemployed or worked as laborers or helpers (USBC 2000b).
Most of the Latinos who live in Forks are employed in the wintertime picking
salal, a wild shrub that keeps well and whose branches are used in floral
arrangements around the world, and selling it to greenhouses (Yardley 2012). The
picking work is seasonal and the pay is low. Salal picking starts in late summer and
slows around May. The pickers then switch to moss and other groundcover during
7
While Forks is not near the Canadian border, it is 60 miles from Port Angeles, which is the
nearest port of entry to Canada. Port Angeles provides a ferry from the Olympic Peninsula to Victoria,
Canada. The Border Patrol claims jurisdiction over all land within 100 miles of any border (Shapiro
2011).
FILM TOURISM AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT 19
the summertime (Shapiro 2011). The conditions can be strenuous and sometimes
hazardous (Van Pelt 2007).
8
Many are immigrants to the area and are transient.
Most come from Mexico and Guatemala (Welch 2006). According to the U.S.
Census’s (2010b) American Community Survey, 165 claimed to have moved there
in the past year from a different state and 24 claimed to have moved there in the
past year from abroad. Furthermore, almost half the Latino population in Forks is
under the age of 17. Almost one-third (31.2 percent) of children age 0-17 in Forks
are of Hispanic origin
9
(Quillayute Valley School District 2012). Given the low pay
of salal pickers and the large proportion of Latinos who are children, many Latino
children are in poverty. Given that most Latinos and Native Americans are
employed in low wage jobs that are not connected to the tourist industry, and that
high levels of poverty and unemployment exist for both groups, it appears that film
tourism caused by Twilight has not had the financial benefit for many Latinos and
Native Americans that is has had for some white Forks residents.
CONCLUSION
This study addresses how a community’s social infrastructure influences film
tourism success and how film tourism influences the local economy. Furthermore,
it examines who benefits the most from film tourism. Overall, the findings suggest
that a community’s social infrastructure can put a community in a position to
successfully implement film tourism as an economic activity. By seeing other
alternative solutions to problems as legitimate, being able to mobilize resources,
and having diverse networks, the community of Forks was ready in 2003 to accept
and embrace economic change. This is illustrated by one businessman’s perspective
on the change Twilight has brought to Forks:
Every action has the possibility to bring change to any community…Over
the years we have seen opportunities come and go…As we adapt and
8
With advances in transportation and communication technologies and an increasingly global
economy, the harvest of salal and other groundcover has become a booming business. Since the 1980s,
the brush-picking business has grown as much as 10percent a year (Welch 2006). Salal pickers are
self-employed and work up to 16 hours a day. They sell to businesses that then distribute it around the
United States and to Europe. Greenery picked in the forests near Forks is sold at Wal-Mart and Costco
stores as well as other large retailers and small floral stores (Shapiro 2011).
9
In 2011, 17.2 percent of students in the Quillayute Valley School District were Latino, 2.8
percent were in transitional bilingual programs, and 1.5 percent were in migrant programs (Office of
Superintendent of Public Instruction 2012).
20 JOURNAL OF RURAL SOCIAL SCIENCES
welcome new gifts, such as Twilight,we are reminded to look at all changes
as new opportunities and make the best of them no matter how long the
impact (Mitchell 2010).
They were then able to implement many marketing activities directed at bringing
in Twilight fans and, once they were there, having them stay and spend money in
the town.
Future research is needed to test whether a high level of entrepreneurial social
infrastructure and implementation of marketing activities lead to an improved local
economy in other places with film tourism. Is the huge success of the Twilight series
driving the improved local economy in Forks? Would such local marketing efforts
paid off if a less successful film were set in the town? Furthermore, would such
marketing activities lead to an improved local economy in places without other
recreational activities to keep tourists busy and wanting to return? Forks is located
in a temperate rain forest where ample outdoor recreational opportunities exist.
Future research should test whether or not such economic success from film
tourism is witnessed in places with fewer available recreational activities.
The findings also suggest that the marketing activities that Forks implemented
were successful in bringing in Twilight fans and that film tourism had a positive
impact on the local economy. The number of visitors to Forks continued to increase
year round after the first movie was released. While the success of the film itself was
enough to bring many tourists to Forks, the townspeople found ways to market the
location around Twilight to draw in even more tourists and to keep them around,
spending money, and coming back. One such story on the chamber of commerce’s
website tells of how a German travel agent visited the town to find more
information about the area for her company and to discover why her customers
should visit the area. Because the woman did not know English and the tour guide
did not know German, there was much gesturing, pointing at things, and silence
on the tour. However, the tour guide emailed the agent using Google translator and
received a reply from her, claiming how friendly everyone was and how although
she was alone she was not lonely or bored on the trip. She wanted to return with
her family in the future (Andros 2012). This is an example of how the townspeople
have been successful at keeping tourists in the town and making them want to
return (implementing enrichment marketing activities). Forks’ economy has
improved since the onset of Twilight fans visiting the town. Hotel-motel and sales
taxes have significantly increased, bringing in increased revenue to the town.
Annual payroll and average income per employee has also increased.
FILM TOURISM AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT 21
However, findings suggest that, while Twilight has benefited some in the town
of Forks, it has not financially benefited everyone. Local businesses, which have
mostly white owners that can market themselves around Twilight, often benefited
from tourism surrounding Twilight. However, Native American and Latino
residents did not witness the same benefits caused by the increase in film tourism.
Unlike their white counterparts, Latinos witnessed a significant increase in poverty
rates and unemployment and Native Americans witnessed a significant increase in
unemployment. By 2010 poverty rates were eight (Latinos) and five (Native
Americans) times those of white residents. Likewise, very few were employed in
jobs that directly benefitted from tourist dollars.
The case study of Forks illustrates the importance of community leaders,
researchers, and policy makers considering not just how film tourism can benefit a
place’s overall economy, but how it affects different subpopulations residing in the
town. Clearly, the benefits of film tourism are reaching white residents of Forks
more than Latino and Native American residents. As Forks becomes more diverse,
community development workers will need to reconceive development as a
multicultural process. Checkoway foresees such reconceived development as “a
process that represents diverse groups and increases communication and
collaboration among them” (2011:10). Community leaders will need to find ways to
lower unemployment and poverty rates for all ethnic groups to avoid becoming
further segregated. This can be accomplished by employing more Latino and Native
Americans in jobs benefitting from film tourism or by focusing on giving more jobs
livable wages that are not associated with film tourism to these residents.
A possible implication of these arguments is that places marketing film tourism
may want to try to promote the town in a way that economically benefits all
residents. Perhaps by showcasing the cultural capital of all ethnic and racial groups
in places with film tourism, tourism that originates with a particular film may lead
tourists to seek non-film related experiences in the community. Such actions may
financially better the lives of all community members, despite race or ethnicity, as
well as lead to a more enhanced tourist experience.
AUTHOR BIOGRAPHY
Dr. Jessica Crowe is assistant professor of Sociology at Southern Illinois
University Carbondale. Her research interests include community development,
social networks, sustainable development, and food security. She has recently
published in Ethnic and Racial Studies, Society and Natural Resources, and the Journal
of Community Psychology.
22 JOURNAL OF RURAL SOCIAL SCIENCES
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