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The creation of a Ministry of Culture: towards the definition and
implementation of a comprehensive cultural policy in Peru
Pierre Losson*
Latin American and Caribbean Center, Modesto A. Maidique Campus, Florida International
University, Deuxieme Maison, 353, 11200 SW 8th Street, Miami, FL 33199, USA
In June 2010, a Ministry of Culture was created in Peru, raising many questions
regarding the ability of this new administrative structure to effectively imple-
ment a comprehensive cultural policy, which has been lacking so far, for the
Peruvian State has based its previous policies almost exclusively on the preser-
vation of cultural heritage. The Ministry inherits the flaws of the National
Institute of Culture, and must address various challenges: the improvement of
heritage management; the inclusion of indigenous populations in a never
established national identity; a renewed scheme of promotion of the arts and
incentives to cultural industries. The article discusses possible policy options for
the new ministry, evidences the needs for a renovation of bureaucratic culture
within the ministry, for clarification in the objectives set to the Ministry and for
more comprehensive data about cultural practices in Peru.
Keywords: Peru; cultural policy; public bureaucracy; arts management
In June 2010, after years of a debate that started within the civil society, found an
echo within the bureaucracy in charge of cultural policy, was supported by the
international cooperation (especially Spanish) and finally reached the political
sphere, a new Ministry of Culture was created in Peru. This event raises many
questions regarding the ability of this new administrative structure to effectively
implement a comprehensive cultural policy.
Latin American and Caribbean countries have provided culture with greater
autonomy from education at the Ministry level.
1
However, the administrative level
of the highest bureaucratic unit dedicated to culture seems to matter only in political
terms; the extent and content of national cultural policies, and national debates over
the place of culture and arts in the society depend more on internal and national
political contexts than on the administrative rank of the bureaucratic structure in
charge of the field.
The definition of cultural policies responds to different approaches. The first one
emphasizes conservation as its main objective. The opposite vision supports the
production and creation of new artistic and aesthetic values and expressions. A third
line follows the idea of ‘hybridization’, which seeks a synergy among cultures and
favours the expression of cultural diversity (Greffe and Pflieger 2009). UNESCO
provides several guidelines for the implementation of cultural policies. The
*Email: plosson@hotmail.com
International Journal of Cultural Policy
Vol. 19, No. 1, January 2013, 20–39
ISSN 1028-6632 print/ISSN 1477-2833 online
Ó2013 Taylor & Francis
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10286632.2011.625417
http://www.tandfonline.com
Intergovernmental Conference on Cultural Policies for Development (1998) defined
objectives to be pursued by the States: linking culture and development; providing
access to cultural experiences and practices to all citizens, without discrimination;
fostering social inclusion within the community and (local or national) identities;
pursuing international cultural cooperation.
2
Though UNESCO has been otherwise
criticized for putting too great an emphasis on heritage preservation, this article
shall demonstrate how pertinent the above-mentioned topics are for cultural policies
in Peru.
The debates and initiatives over cultural policies in Peru are not new. The
Ministry is the last avatar of several previous institutions. The Direction of Artistic
Education and Cultural Extension was created in 1941 as an extension of the Minis-
try of Education, then replaced by the Casa de la Cultura in 1962, until General
Velasco’s military government created, in 1971, the National Institute of Culture
(INC) as a public organism decentralized from the Ministry of Education (INC
2002). So far, the governments of the young Peruvian republic had seen moderniza-
tion as a process of copying models and values from foreign countries, mainly Euro-
pean, excluding more traditional (indigenous) ways of life (Lumbreras 2006). In the
first part of the twentieth century, indigenista
3
elites led by intellectuals such as Luis
E. Valcárcel sought a greater inclusion of indigenous (mainly, Andean) populations
in the national community. Nevertheless, indigenista efforts did not succeed in offer-
ing alternatives to social inclusion for indigenous people other than the abandonment
of cultural markers and the adoption of more western-oriented standards of living.
The Casa de la Cultura represented an interesting moment in the history of cul-
tural policies in the country. According to José Maria Arguedas, a mestizo
4
intellec-
tual who directed the Casa de la Cultura, not only would indigenous people from
the Andean highlands (sierra) and the Amazonian forest (selva) be hispanicized
(much along the lines defended by indigenista intellectuals, indigenous people would
learn to speak, read and write in Spanish and would get access to the most represen-
tative pieces of Spanish-Peruvian art), but criollos
5
from the coast would also get to
learn more about (and identify with) traditional artistic and cultural expressions from
other parts in the country. Arguedas’ambitions failed and he quickly resigned. The
cultural gap among the Peruvian population could not be filled so easily, which led
Arguedas to state that ‘Peru does not exist and is a fiction for official discourses’
(Fell 1986). Velasco’s military government later took steps in favour of the recogni-
tion of Quechua as an official language
6
(1969), while at the same time pushing
towards the abolition of ‘indigenous’as a social category in favour of the more
class-oriented term of ‘peasants’during the implementation of land reform (Yashar
2005). However, the revolutionary military government did not introduce a real revo-
lution in the Peruvian cultural policy (Tello Rozas and Urbano 2008). The same
problem surrounding national identity is still very much an actuality, and explains
the configuration of the new institution and the challenges it will face.
The creation of a ministry: how to build an effective bureaucracy on deficient
structures?
One more level of inefficient bureaucracy?
On 24 June 2010, the Congress adopted the project of creation of a Ministry of
Culture, which had been first presented by President Alan García Pérez in 2008
International Journal of Cultural Policy 21
(El Comercio 2010). This creation is the result of a long debate that has existed in
the Peruvian civil society and among cultural managers, and a logical conclusion to
the belief, largely shared by the latter two, that it was the role of the State to take
charge of the formulation and implementation of a cultural policy (Cortés 2008).
The proper INC (2002), until then the main administrative structure in charge of
culture and arts in the country, recognized the necessity of a new structure. The
debate was later carried out by the Spanish Agency of International Cooperation
and Development (AECID), which led a national consultation in partnership with
the INC during the years 2007–2009, in order to ensure that the civil society would
participate in the definition of the needs to be addressed by a new administrative
structure, clearly meant to be a Ministry (AECID 2009). This process has been
extremely important in order to avoid the creation of another top-down bureaucracy
imposed on the field of cultural and artistic activities. The participative consultation
of all actors of the sector is in itself a novelty, and a positive sign towards improved
democracy in the relations between the State and the civil society in general.
One of the main questions the new Ministry will be facing is its ability to sur-
vive the weaknesses of the current existing administrative structures on which it is
built. Indeed, the Ministry is not intended to be a heavy structure, but rather a lim-
ited bureau in charge of coordinating the actions of 12 pre-existing agencies
7
(Min-
isterio de cultura 2010). The debates over the creation of the Ministry, both in the
Congress and in the media, highlighted the instinctive fears that the creation of new
administrative structures immediately awakes in Peru. In other words, will a
Ministry be really more efficient than the INC (Alvarez Rodrich 2010)?
Morón and Sanborn (2006) described the dual nature of the Peruvian bureau-
cracy, split between a few highly competent agencies and old-fashioned bureaucratic
structures, widely inefficient and often corrupted. The INC, which is actually
intended to be the main base for the action of the new ministry (El Peruano 2010),
would fall within the second category. Created at the beginning of the 1970s by a
military reformist regime (INC 2002), the INC is famous, among the public opinion
in Peru, as well as among foreign scholars (Castillo Butters and Holmquist Pachas
2006, Silverman 2006) for being, at best, inefficient; it has been accused of corrup-
tion, and tends to be more-than-necessary quibbling when dealing with private or
foreign cultural actors. In the very words of the National Council in charge of
reforming the management of culture by the State,
The INC has lost all prestige, is seen as mainly bureaucratic and unable to face the
challenges that are of its competency. This is a bankrupted institution, with flaws on
all administrative levels (...). It designs a conservative policy, which has no priority
and does not define strategies able to influence our current levels of well-being.
8
(INC
2002, p. 9)
The overall action of the INC reflects an inner administrative culture of obstruc-
tion and no-cooperation to all projects or initiatives that appear to be threatening
the established lines of control on cultural development in the country. It is then
very unlikely that any kind of change will actually occur through the implementa-
tion of a weak new structure that would not profoundly affect the current patterns
of the INC. Appointed in September 2010, Juan Ossio, the first Minister of Culture,
who conducted the cultural policy of the country until Susana Baca was in turn
appointed in July 2011, after Ollanta Humala’s successful presidential race, seemed
22 P. Losson
aware of this situation and proclaimed publicly his intention to create a very light
bureaucracy that would encompass the existing structures (Pajares Cruzado 2010).
Mrs Baca’s inexperience of bureaucratic culture may undermine her ability to
control a young Ministry that still faces high challenges of governability.
The inconsistencies of policy-making in Peru
The odds for the adoption of a more comprehensive understanding of cultural poli-
cies are not favourable. ‘Generally speaking, public policies in Peru have been made
arbitrarily, have often been volatile, and tend to be easily reversed. They also tend to
be of low quality and are poorly enforced’(Morón and Sanborn 2006, p. 22). As a
matter of fact, the principles enunciated by the military government for a reform of
cultural policy in the country (INC 1977) have not been efficiently implemented;
they remain the core of this article, as promising and interesting perspectives.
Clearly, so far, Peru’s cultural policies have mainly focused on conserving its her-
itage (European Commission 2007). The development of cultural management and
the definition of cultural policies in Peru must be understood within the framework
of the process of development of the country. In order to gain consistent and perma-
nent political support from the parties represented in the Congress and among the
population, any intent to implement a public policy in the fields of arts and culture
must prove its ability to establish connections with other aspects of national develop-
ment; it cannot afford to focus on the sole interests of the small national artistic com-
munity (Lores 2010). Too great an emphasis on the Lima scene would lead to the
rejection of any attempt to dedicate higher budgets and means to performing, con-
temporary and fine arts, as they would be considered within the population as
favouring the Lima elites, who enjoy considerable social, economic, political and
cultural advantages, prestige and power. A similar defiance was already stated during
the first years of existence of the INC (1977). The debates around the creation of a
Museum of Contemporary Arts in Lima illustrate perfectly the difficulties of aligning
the interests of several stakeholders: the divided artistic community, the private ini-
tiative, public authorities and the general public (Borea Labarthe 2006).
Peru’s example provides an interesting case study for George Yúdice’s argument
about the ‘expediency of culture’(Yúdice 2003). Cultural policy in Peru is neces-
sarily linked to other public policies such as economic development, including tour-
ism, which is why, all through the year 2009, a debate appeared in Peruvian media
about the idea of creating a Ministry of Culture and Tourism. Fortunately, this idea
was finally abandoned, for it would have much restricted the scope and meaning of
culture. Cortés (2008) insists on the importance of building a cultural policy not
only as a tool of economic development but also as a complementary purpose to
other challenges of development.
The decentralization of cultural policy: reaching out to departments and
municipalities?
The regional offices of the INC in Peru follow a pattern of deconcentration proper
to a centralized State. The extremely low levels of budgets allocated to these offices
do not allow them to play an important role, unless they are provided with special
grants for specific archaeological projects. Occasionally, more dynamic regional
directors (as it has been the case in Iquitos or Chiclayo-Lambayeque in the years
International Journal of Cultural Policy 23
2008–2010), who are young administrators (not necessarily civil servants) dedicated
to the promotion of the arts and culture in their regions and have been trained in
arts and culture management, are capable of mobilizing local talents, energies and
sponsorships to improve the records of their regional office. Unfortunately, these
cases are still too exceptional to indicate a new trend in local public cultural man-
agement.
At the level of the municipalities, no sustained policy in favour of the arts has
been observed in the long run. The ups and downs of arts and culture in each con-
stituency follow the vicissitudes of the local political life. For instance, Lima’s
mayor Alberto Andrade led an active cultural policy in the 1990s, which was unfor-
tunately not followed by his successor. Thus valuable efforts, such as the perform-
ing arts festival, have not been sustained after Andrade left the City Hall. The
newly elected mayor (October 2010), Susana Villarán, declared her interest to invig-
orate the municipal cultural policy (Planas 2010). Early actions, such as the pro-
grammes ‘Vamos al museo’(visits to museums organized by public schools),
‘Cultura viva para la nueva Lima’(cultural or artistic interventions in five districts
of the capital, aimed at integrating a widely fragmented city) or ‘Lima camina’
(downtown streets closed to traffic to favour the re-encounter of pedestrians with
their city), as well as the municipal participation in a plan based on the Brazilian
experience of ‘puntos de cultura’, in coordination with the Ministry, are encourag-
ing. However, it is too early to draw any conclusion at this stage. Only the sustain-
ability of such initiatives in the long run will reverse a trend that has not been
favourable to municipal cultural policies so far.
Overall, this situation is a mirror of the structural deficiencies of local govern-
ments and bureaucracies. The European Commission (2007) points out to the lack
of local capacities in the public administration. The inconsistencies in the imple-
mentation of initiatives to favour the development of arts and culture at the munici-
pal level make any attempt to describe the characteristics of municipal cultural
policies difficult. The same conclusion can be drawn for the other levels of local
governments (Morrón and Sanborn 2006). Two conditions are thus necessary for
the development of sustained cultural policies at the local level: the definition of a
national cultural policy, and a reform of the State that will foster the capacities of
local governments to implement the national policies or to develop their own
policies.
The necessary improvement in the management of cultural heritage
Legislating over tangible heritage
Protecting tangible cultural heritage is not a new idea in Peru. As early as 1822,
laws have been passed to protect national heritage; decrees and laws from 1836,
1837, 1841, 1893, 1911, 1929, 1971 have intended, with very relative success, to
protect monuments, prevent looting and illegal exportation of cultural goods or rule
the archaeological excavations (Silva 2010). The current problems in tangible heri-
tage conservation in Peru do not relate so much to the law itself: the tendency
towards exaggerated legalism can hardly hide the flaws in the enforcement of the
law and the low budgets that are assigned to the tasks of conservation.
Lumbreras (2006) distinguishes several phases in the policy sustained by the
INC since its creation: first, in the 1970s, an attempt to protect a whole set of
monuments (from the pre-Columbian and colonial periods); then, the ruin of the
24 P. Losson
country in the 1980s and the neoliberal policies implemented by Alberto Fujimori
in the 1990s led to the abandonment of these efforts, which were only revived at
the end of the 1990s. Policies aimed at preserving and promoting material (archaeo-
logical, colonial and, to a lesser extent, republican and modern) heritage can serve
both goals of fostering a stronger sense of identity among Peruvians and sustaining
the development of a tourism industry (Silva 2010), and consequently the general
purpose of economic development. In return, only an improved sense of national
belonging, and the consciousness that conserving heritage is necessary in order to
maintain constant flows of tourists, will ensure greater compliance with the laws
that already protect, theoretically, the Peruvian tangible national heritage.
Linking heritage and economic development: the bittersweet fruits of cultural
tourism
The work of UNESCO has established a close link between culture and develop-
ment (understood in its political, economic, modernizing, social aspects), giving to
culture a strong grasp on the realities and needs of the developing countries (Cortés
2006). In Peru, tourism has always been linked to cultural heritage (INC 2002).
Tourism started to expand in the 1950s but collapsed during the 1980s because of
the terrorist activities of the Shining Path. Tourists only started to come back mas-
sively after 1992. More than 2.1 million international tourists visited Peru in 2009;
9
many of them were interested in visiting archaeological sites and historical monu-
ments. Tourism is a clear example of an economic sector where different bureaucra-
cies dedicated to distinctive fields (culture, economy and development, external
trade and tourism) must cooperate. The structural deficiencies of the Peruvian (local
or national) governments are obstacles to further developments of tourism outside
the already established touristic roads.
The necessity of developing tourism is generally unquestioned in Peru, though
many NGOs and academics have raised concerns about possible negative aspects
and destabilization of communities through their insertion in touristic circuits. They
also question the reality of the economic development induced by tourism (Baud
and Ypeij 2009).
The exploitation of archaeological sites and the creation of new museum sites
can help the development of new routes for international and national tourists. In
the case of foreign tourism, the levels of exigency by international tourists, who
expect to be well treated and attended (in restaurants, hotels, museums), are not
always met. Locals also expect a lot from international tourists and might be disap-
pointed when the latter only spend a few hours (and a few dollars) in their village
(Onuki 2006). A general improvement in accommodation and services is thus
needed in order to attract more tourists and encourage them to stay longer. Better
infrastructure is needed for any policy of tourism development to be achieved.
Local communities must get conscious of the importance of their own cultural
heritage, for their own empowerment as well as for the preservation of the site itself
(Onuki 2006). Economic development can be achieved only if a programme is
implemented with the participation of local communities in the process of rescue
and opening of the site; inhabitants can be employed as excavation workers, guides,
restaurant employees, arts and crafts sellers, etc. This is also a key solution to the
problems of looting: low incomes and unemployment are likely incentives to the
plunder of cultural material heritage.
International Journal of Cultural Policy 25
A strong problem caused by the linkage between heritage protection and tourism
is the over-investment (and over-interest) in some symbolic monuments, according
to the idea that only impressive monuments must be preserved, which has led to
the virtual abandonment of many ‘minor’sites or monuments. These are officially
protected through their inscription in the register of National Cultural Heritage, but
in reality, are not granted any kind of effective support (Silva 2010). There is also a
risk of over exploitation of certain archaeological sites: this is particularly the case
of Macchu Picchu, which is regularly examined by international scholars on behalf
of UNESCO. The site has a limited daily capacity to welcome visitors; though entry
to the area has indeed been reduced over the years, the number of tourists allowed
on the site is still considered too high by many specialists in order to ensure the
sustainability of the archaeological area in the long run (Regalado-Pezúa and Arias-
Valencia 2006). Part of the solution lays in the development of alternative sites of
interests for foreign tourists, such as the pre-Colombian cities of Kuelap and
Choquequirao.
Palliating internal bureaucratic weaknesses: the necessary cooperation with
foreign countries and international institutions
The INC regulates all archaeological sites but does not enjoy the financial means
necessary for exploration and exploitation (Jennings 2006). With a meagre annual
budget of approximately US$20 million, a third of which is provided by the State
(Lumbreras 2006), the institution has sought the support of international organiza-
tions to finance its efforts in favour of conservation of cultural heritage.
Peru has obtained the inscription of several monumental ensembles, archaeologi-
cal sites and natural areas on the UNESCO World Heritage List.
10
Countries usually
look to have their heritage sites registered by UNESCO in order to obtain greater
international recognition, to improve the protection of these heritage sites and obtain
international support in doing so, to foster economic and social improvement and to
promote tourism in the country (Leask 2006). Thus it comes as no surprise that
inscription of new sites on the List is actively promoted by Peru with success
(Caral-Supe, one of the oldest cities of the American continent, was inscribed in
2009), and highly publicized at the national level, in order to promote national tour-
ism and reinforce nationalist consciousness. Again, it is important to recall that the
action of UNESCO, as the main cultural international policy-maker, has also been
criticized for the lack of involvement of the mass of the population in the process
of inscription (Baud and Ypeij 2009). The whole process seems more appealing to
foreign or national tourists than to the people who actually live in the places con-
sidered for their special meaning in the history of mankind. Little room is left for
the locals to engage in extra-tourism activities, such as agriculture, and development
policies of archaeological sites (especially in Macchu Picchu) create greater exclu-
sion of local population than they generate improvement in their everyday life
(Maxwell and Ypeij 2009).
Another focus of Peruvian international cooperation is bilateral. Many foreign
governments implement programmes of cultural cooperation with Peru, especially
in the field of heritage conservation. Among the most active countries are the USA,
Japan, Spain, France, Germany and Italy. International archaeological missions are
entrusted with a specific archaeological area, under the strict control of the INC,
which is not without producing occasional tensions between foreign academics,
26 P. Losson
archaeologists and local bureaucrats (Castillo Butters and Holmquist Pachas 2006,
Jennings 2006, Onuki 2006, Silverman 2006).
Peru has also used the system of debt swap, through which part of the foreign
debt is forgiven, in exchange for an involvement in co-development projects (Thapa
2010). This is how an agreement between France and Peru allowed more than 10
million Euros to be invested in the conservation of archaeological sites such as
Choquequirao, Huaca de la Luna or Cerro Ventarrón.
11
Peru has signed comparable
agreements with other countries like Finland and Japan.
Finally, Peru has been very proactive in pursuing the restitution of cultural
goods illegally exported out of the country. Peru has ratified and tried to make use
of international legislative tools such as the 1970 UNESCO Convention on the
Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Own-
ership of Cultural Property and the UNIDROIT Convention on Stolen or Illegally
Exported Cultural Objects. Recently, Peru obtained the restitution by Yale Univer-
sity of highly symbolic archaeological material, a case that clearly falls out of reach
of the international conventions. These artefacts had been taken away by Hiram
Bingham, the American archaeologist credited with the rediscovery of Macchu Pic-
chu in 1911. More than their scientific value, the Peruvian insistence on recuperat-
ing these objects can be explained by the necessity of officially displaying,
nationally and internationally, greater concern for heritage and culture. Besides,
Macchu Picchu is one of the main reasons why millions of tourists visit the country
every year. The campaign for the restitution is also an operation of worldwide pub-
lic relations. This undeniable success has been obtained by intensive lobbying from
the Peruvian government, including President Alan García (Sánchez 2010). On the
long run, more cases similar to this one are likely to appear, and will fall under the
competency of the Ministry.
The progressive inclusion of cultural diversity or the pursuit of national
identity
The new Ministry is bound to foster a greater sense of national identity in a country
that has restlessly debated over this concept. If the Vice-Ministry of Cultural Heri-
tage and Industries has an obvious role to play in this policy, an even greater chal-
lenge is proposed to the new Vice-Ministry of Interculturality, which will have to
deal more specifically with the social and cultural integration of indigenous people
in the national community (Vallejo 2010).
Fostering a Peruvian national identity through heritage
Through the twentieth century, the Peruvian State has intended to foster a national
identity along indigenista lines, intending, without much success, to connect the
Inca past to a modern national identity (Mendoza 2009). Velasco’s military govern-
ment also put a strong emphasis on this topic, adding a strong nationalist flavour to
the concept of identity (INC 1977), but did not prove more successful in closing
the debate, which remains a permanent feature of Peruvian public life. Political dis-
courses, media, NGOs still deal with the topic of identity on an everyday basis,
thus showing that the mestizo model of nation is being questioned. It is then not
surprising that the INC, institution in charge of culture, has had as a main objective
to promote the self-identification of the Peruvian people (INC 2002).
International Journal of Cultural Policy 27
The heritage policy has been aimed at fostering a greater consciousness and
sense of pride among the whole population about their historical (indigenous or
Spanish) roots, as well as the necessity and interest the people have in preserving
this heritage. Creation of on-site museums, programmes of involvement of local
populations in the work of archaeological excavations and conservation, and educa-
tion about national history, have been the main efforts sustained to help building
this renewed and proud Peruvian identity (Silverman 2006). Attention has also
slowly shifted, within the country, towards the valorization of immaterial heritage
through the dedication of special days in the calendar to the celebration of
Afro-Peruvian culture (4 June), criolla song (31 October), Afro-Peruvian music
(1 November) and, even more recently, of pisco sour (5 February) or national
cuisine and gastronomy (10 December).
The promotion of internal tourism can link the objectives of economic develop-
ment, national identity building and integration, as it can provide Peruvians with a
better self-image and reduce inner prejudices about pre-Colombian cultures and
people (Elera and Shimada 2006). Tourism, as a ‘discursive machine’(Vich 2006,
p. 54), plays a major role in the self-definition of the way Peruvians feature them-
selves to the world.
However, together with the institutionalization of very living practices such as
traditional dances or music, now embedded in official celebration days, tourism
bears the risk to folklorize the national identity around a series of representations
that fit better the expectations of foreign visitors (representations that are largely
spread by the official organism in charge of the promotion of international tourism,
PromPerú) than the reality of living cultures, i.e. constantly evolving (Mendoza
2009). The risk is high that the State, in its tourism-oriented policies, broadcast the
image of a fossilized (and necessarily detached of all reality) Peruvian identity, in
strong opposition to the movement of construction and inclusion it pretends to lead
within its borders (Maxwell and Ypeij 2009). Vich (2006, p. 64) sees in the possi-
ble implementation of a new cultural policy a chance to ‘deconstruct nationalism in
its antagonistic and contradictory dimensions’. While Lumbreras (2006, p. 109)
argues that policies led by the INC have failed and ‘provoked a progressive deterio-
ration in [the Peruvian] identity’, will a new Ministry be able to build a more inclu-
sive cultural policy that will foster a new Peruvian identity? Beyond official
discourses, which have promoted mestizaje as a way of cultural inclusion, could the
tools of intercultural policies be of any use?
The National Institute for the Development of Andean, Amazonian and Afro
Peruvian People (INDEPA) and the Vice-Ministry of Interculturality: new steps
towards interculturality?
The efforts by UNESCO to convey the ideas of cultural diversity are slowly taking
roots in Peru; multiculturalism has progressively been integrated into official
discourses (European Commission 2002). This approach focused on diversity as the
main source of cultural wealth for the country. The first step was the official
recognition of this diversity: ‘Peru is a pluricultural, multiethnic and multilingual
country’(INC 2002, p. 23).
However, such recognition of cultural diversity is not new per se. Following
indigenista proposals and the actions undertaken by North American NGOs and
churches, programmes of bilingual education have been implemented in the
28 P. Losson
Amazon as well as in the Andes since the 1950s, with only mixed results. These
policies have sometimes been rejected by communities, which argued that they pre-
ferred their children to be taught in Spanish, a language that would provide their
kids with better opportunities for the future (García 2003). Beyond any official rec-
ognition of diversity, which has been stated for decades (INC 1977), what is really
at stake is the capacity of any public policy to provoke the societal changes that
would provide indigenous people with equal opportunities to the most favoured eth-
nic and social classes. The embodiment of interculturality in a vice-ministry (which
virtually absorbs INDEPA) acknowledges that various cultures can inhabit the same
territory and interact. Implicitly, the processes of cultural assimilation or of passive
multiculturalism are outweighed; interculturality, seen as a more proactive policy by
activists in the field of intercultural education, would mark a new step in the
relations between the State and indigenous populations, as well as between these
communities and the rest of the population (García 2003). In this context, the nomi-
nation of Susana Baca, who is the first Afro-Peruvian Minister in the history of the
country, represents, beyond President Humala’s obvious political coup directed at
those who accused him of radicalism, a strong signal that social and racial inclusion
is a priority of the new government.
Taking into account the centrality of this question in Peru is essential in order to
understand why interculturalism is embodied in a new vice-ministry (Vallejo 2010).
Beyond the cultural question lays the structure of the country as a whole. If the
Ministry really follows the principles of interculturalism, it could deeply impact on
the Peruvian society and would mean a definitive rupture with indigenismo in terms
of national identification and integration, through a valorization of diversity instead
of a never-ending pursuit of unity through assimilation. It would reject folkloriza-
tion as a means of construction of a frozen identity, thus largely questioning the
marketization of the country for touristic purposes. It would also open new gate-
ways between indigenous concerns and culture, on the one hand, and criolla and
contemporary artistic creations, on the other (Cortés 2008). The real effects of offi-
cial celebration (such as the dedicated days mentioned above) as factors of social
integration will have to be analysed. Also, the opportunity of an involvement of the
State (and, specifically, of the Ministry of Culture) in traditional cultural expressions
(such as dances performed during local fiestas, the very organization of religious
celebrations or the production of artefacts –the latter being under the supervision
of the Ministry of Foreign Trade and Tourism) will have to be questioned: these
expressions have flourished for centuries without any intervention of the State.
Should they now be the objects of specific policies, in the broader context of the
development of public support to the arts? The role and the scope of actions of the
Ministry are not yet clear.
These questions are all the more relevant in a country where social and political
mobilization on ethnic indigenous grounds has been weak until now. The indige-
nous question has been mainly considered from an economic perspective (land
reform) and indigenous people have been categorized as peasants; closed political
spaces have not allowed the development of strong ethnic-based political parties
(Yashar 2005). A strong distinction of treatment by and relations with the State has
been established between populations from the Andean highlands and the Amazo-
nian lowlands (Remy 1994).
Finally, for public administration scholars, the Peruvian case is particularly
relevant in a comparative perspective of cultural policies. Indeed, indigenous
International Journal of Cultural Policy 29
concerns are quite particular (but not specific) to Peru, and the Peruvian cultural
policy shall not be examined through western frameworks on cultural policies. The
political meaning of the incorporation of INDEPA in the new ministry must be
questioned: indigenous affairs include wide and complex issues that cannot be lim-
ited to arts and culture. They regard social inclusion, economic development, land
reform, hydrocarbon and mining exploitation, etc. An excellent example of this
ambiguity is provided by the Ley de Consulta Previa (Law of Previous Consulta-
tion), first voted in 2010 but not signed by President Garcia, then passed again in
August 2011, this time with the support of President Humala. The Vice-Ministry of
Interculturality is clearly mentioned as the State entity in charge of indigenous
affairs:
12
therefore, the Ministry of Culture will be directly involved in projects of
economic development (mining and hydrocarbons, mainly) that will take place on
traditional indigenous lands.
In the indigenous matters more than in any other topic, the new Ministry of Cul-
ture will have to deal with other ministerial units in order to address the specific
needs of indigenous populations, thus extending the scope of a more narrow-based
concept of a Ministry of Culture.
Towards a comprehensive cultural policy: expanding the actions of the new
Ministry
The last section of this paper explores various aspects of cultural policies that ought
to be included in the agenda of the new Ministry in order to complete the range of
actions of the new administrative unit and give it back part of the legitimacy that
the INC has lost over the years.
The State as a promoter of the arts
The arts have been, so to speak, abandoned by the State. As described below, the
creative arts have been left to the initiative of the private sector, which has excluded
most of the population from newer forms of artistic activities, limiting many people
(especially in the Andes and in the Amazon Basin) to the practice and attendance
of traditional art forms, often seen as folkloric expressions. Located essentially in
Lima and, within the capital, in a few neighbourhoods only, the non-traditional
artistic life of the country is dominated by the upper-middle classes. Many artists
would not survive without support from their families or without secondary jobs,
and most of the public live in the neighbourhoods where galleries and theatres are
concentrated. Public bureaucracy and politicians are slowly integrating the idea of a
cultural policy that would also deal with the arts, as a complementary meaning to
the concept of ‘development’for the country.
Fine arts
The main museums of arts in Peru are private. The Lima Museum of Arts (MALI)
has been closed from August 2008 to April 2010 for renovation. The cost has been
assumed by the Museum and its private sponsors, with support only from MINCE-
TUR, the Peruvian Ministry of Tourism (Trivelli 2010), which again illustrates the
strong link established between culture and tourism in the highest levels of political
decision in Peru. The INC has not brought financial support to the project. Lima,
30 P. Losson
though a city of nearly nine million inhabitants, does not have a Museum of Con-
temporary Arts: a project, started 30 years ago, should finally come to a conclusion
at the beginning of 2011 but, again, as a private initiative. In Trujillo, one (private)
museum of art displays the collection of the owner, painter Gerardo Chávez. The
Arequipa Museum of Contemporary Arts is also privately held. Only the Municipal-
ity of Cusco runs a small Museum of Contemporary Arts. The (mostly unimportant)
museums of fine arts managed by the INC (such as the Museo de Arte Italiano in
Lima) have very scarce financial means, which hardly allow them to remain open
to the public.
The situation of art schools is not better. The National School of Fine Arts
(recently included in the new Ministry) features an old and unpractical building,
even though it has educated the most famous generations of Peruvian painters and
sculptors. Private schools (in particular, the Art School of the Catholic University)
are now favoured by the students who can afford to pay the tuition fees.
The most positive note in the field of visual arts comes from the apparition of
new private galleries, which have boosted the local scene. Benefiting from one dec-
ade of strong economic growth and the increased economic welfare of the upper-
middle classes in Lima, these galleries play an important role in the discovery and
the promotion of new artists, and are the main prescribers on the local market. They
reinforce the action of institutional cultural centres, whose galleries are among the
most important in the capital and remained open through the most difficult times in
the 1980s.
Performing arts
The performing arts have suffered from the same flaws of the visual arts: all pro-
duction outside the direct sphere of control of the INC (National Ballet and
National Orchestra, mainly) has been abandoned to the private initiative. The medi-
ocre quality of the productions proposed by the national companies (the Municipal-
ity of Lima also sponsors the Municipal Ballet, with somewhat better results) has
mainly acted as a foil to private production.
Creators (writers, directors, choreographers) have essentially relied on cultural
institutions, such as universities (Catholic University, San Marcos National Univer-
sity) and foreign cultural centres (Centro Cultural de España, Peruano-Británico,
Peruano-Nortemamericano, Alianza Francesa, Instituto Goethe, etc.) for both the
financing and the presentation of their works: these centres are indeed the main pro-
ducers and venues in Lima. A few private producers (for theatre, circus, dance,
classical music and opera) also propose more commercial products, with growing
success. A few small private companies have started to settle and open their own
cultural spaces, offering major diversity in the artistic life of the capital.
The recurrent lack of adequate infrastructures is slowly being addressed by the
State and the Municipality of Lima, which have restored the Municipal Theatre
(accidentally burnt in 1998 and finally re-inaugurated in October 2010), and are
building a new National Theatre that is meant to become the main venue for
performing arts in the city.
But in the matter of performing arts, everything is still to be done in Peru. The
new Ministry may take example from other Latin American countries, which have
implemented systems of subsidies through fellowships for investigation and
creation, special funds for new productions (distributed through open contests),
International Journal of Cultural Policy 31
financial support for international travel (either for presentations in festivals or
museums, or for participation in workshops or master-classes) and a modernization
of artistic education at all levels (from primary to specialized schools). International
cooperation is also developing with Latin American and Iberian countries through
the IBERESCENA programme, which co-produces several projects every year.
The artistic scene in Peru is composed of a variety of actors for whom the crea-
tion of a Ministry creates high stakes and expectations. The State must play a role
in reversing the geographical imbalances within the country and within the capital
Lima; it must also lighten the bureaucratic and financial burdens that unnerve and
unnecessarily complicate both the production and the diffusion of the performing
and visual arts in the country.
Promoting the democratization of the arts? Taking the arts to the provinces and to
less-favoured areas
A programme of improved infrastructure and decentralization is necessary, even
within the capital Lima. Indeed, as public transportation is often inefficient in Peru-
vian cities, it is extremely difficult and expensive for people living in outlying sub-
urbs to travel to the central neighbourhoods where cultural facilities are located.
Most cultural centres are concentrated in a few neighbourhoods of Lima; there is
no adequate infrastructure for the presentation of art exhibitions or performing
shows outside these venues. ‘Cultura viva’, as mentioned above, is a first publicly
coordinated effort aimed at decentralizing the cultural life within the city. However,
occasional events shall not make up for the lack of permanent infrastructure.
Decentralization also means the necessity to build infrastructures and offer
access to artistic creations to the inhabitants of the provinces. Even in the most
important cities such as Arequipa, Cusco or Trujillo, the artistic scenes are poorly
developed; adequate venues are dramatically lacking in artistic presentations. This
is in part due to an obvious lack of financial means (with little or no help from the
municipalities or the regions), but also to the poor artistic education provided in art
schools and conservatories. The circulation of artists among cities is still limited; it
may be difficult for artists from provincial cities to draw on their local successes to
obtain national recognition.
A limited but essential access to culture for lower social classes is ensured by
NGOs which work in shantytowns and peripheral districts of the capital and the
main provincial cities: they organize festivals (e.g. FITECA,
13
in the Northern Lima
district of Comas), and link democratization of culture to education and social
development in their everyday actions (for instance, Arena y Esteras
14
in Villa El
Salvador). According to their approach, culture and arts are ways to create links
among local communities, often constituted by the most destitute or emerging
segments of the population, emigrated to the capital from remote regions of the
country, and were cut off from their familiar and cultural grassroots. Access to the
arts is seen as a fundamental part of education, self-esteem and identity-building
processes, especially for children.
The lack of interest from the State and the municipalities for the tasks per-
formed by these NGOs is striking. The latter had to build their own capacities of
fund-raising and still stand on precarious financial grounds. Bureaucracies have to
learn to deal with these new actors and value their contribution to the society, while
the latter seem to avoid contacts (when possible) with the authorities, which have
32 P. Losson
never been supportive of their work. The replication of the ‘Puntos de cultura’pro-
gramme, implemented with success in Brazil since 2004, has been initiated; a first
project was concluded in the outskirt district of Carabayllo in June, 2011. Promot-
ing performing and visual arts, literature and music in marginalized sectors of the
capital (and hopefully, in other areas of the country in the near future), this pro-
gramme is aimed at promoting culture as a vector of social transformation. Through
this programme, understanding and interaction between authorities and local cultural
agents may improve.
The cultural industries: arts and economic development
Various recent phenomena have raised a sudden interest among Peruvian politicians
and businessmen in cultural industries:
The impressive success of massive concerts given by foreign artists in Lima.
Discarded from most international tours after the economic decline and the
political turmoil of the 1980–1990s, Peru has again welcomed, in the last few
years, worldwide acclaimed artists. The concerts have generated tax incomes
of more than US$ 15 million in 2009 for the Peruvian State (Peru21 2009),
and suddenly awoke a consciousness that culture and arts can also be linked
to big and interesting business.
Various recent Peruvian feature films have gained important awards in interna-
tional film festivals.
15
Though the economy of Peruvian cinema remains under-
developed and linked to foreign co-productions (especially with Spain, through
the program IBERMEDIA), a sudden interest rose among the population for an
industry that had been largely abandoned in previous decades. The inclusion of
Conacine in the Ministry is a sign of renewed interest from the State in an
industry that can support the efforts of the country for its promotion abroad.
Book fairs (in Lima but also in other cities like Arequipa) have met with
increasing success in recent years. The prices of books are still high in a
country with few bookstores; the publishing industry has remained confined
to small companies or to the universities’presses. An increased demand may
change this situation, if the State manages to control the growing market of
pirated editions.
These three examples have evidenced that it was possible to build economically
sustainable activities in the field of the arts. The topic of cultural industries is par-
ticularly important because it has developed without the support of the State. The
cases cited above are only but a few examples of developments in the field; popular
music industry in the Andes (and in the outskirts of Lima, where migrants relo-
cated) or digital video productions have developed dramatically without State incen-
tives and encompass parallel markets that also generate substantial incomes (Alfaro
2006); this phenomenon is also interesting for its social meaning, as it developed as
a popular (lower-middle class) and provincial response to the more elitist artistic
forms presented in Lima’s theatres and museums.
The State must size the cultural industries up, in order to foster their develop-
ment and suppress useless bureaucratic burdens that jeopardize their consolidation.
If the sectors of music production, cinema and publishing are added to new
technologies, radio and television, the whole field of cultural industries is so
International Journal of Cultural Policy 33
intimately linked to the everyday life of the whole population that it cannot be
ignored by the State (Quiroz 2006).
The economic impact of cultural industries can be studied in terms of employ-
ment, share of GDP, exports, copyright or even production of counterfeit copies of
cultural products. A major limitation to the evaluation of the importance of arts and
culture for the country is the recurrent lack of reliable data. A study published by
the University San Martin de Porres (Instituto de investigación 2005) tried to evalu-
ate the cultural GDP of the country. This effort is worth mentioning for its ambition
to take into account the broad vision of the creative economy (including advertise-
ment and the media in the studies). Unfortunately, the attempt falls short of its good
intentions. In the case of performing arts, it only evaluates the impact (number of
spectators, income obtained) of presentations by ensembles belonging to the INC,
which are far from being representative of the performing arts scene in Lima (not
to mention the rest of the country). The same conclusion can be drawn from the
chapter about museums: examining only museums (including archaeological sites)
managed by the State, the study does not take into account some of the main insti-
tutions in Lima, especially in the category of art museums. The study does not even
mention art galleries or more traditional forms of artistic expressions.
Much is needed in the field research to get a clearer view of cultural and artistic
practices in Peru (attendance to events, involvement in arts as amateur or as profes-
sional, etc.) and the real extent of this sector within the Peruvian economy. Better
and more comprehensive data on cultural and artistic practices in Peru could then
help the State play a double role:
Sustain the momentum in the Peruvian economic development. The creation
of the Ministry has been accompanied by a Law of cultural patronage, which
issues new rules of fiscal exemptions for sponsorship of cultural and artistic
projects by private companies (Maldonado 2010). This long-awaited tax
incentive reform will hopefully drive major private funding towards cultural
and artistic projects, though the impact of the law will only be measurable
within a few months.
Support the diversity of artistic expression forms, which ranges from the most
traditional (indigenous, criollas, Afro-Peruvian) music, celebrations and arts,
to newer and innovative expressions (from contemporary dance in Lima to
huyano-pop in the Andes).
The window of opportunity is economic as well as social and can help reinforce
inclusion through the acceptance of new artistic forms, no matter the social classes
where they were born.
Professionalizing cultural management
One key factor for the success of the new Ministry will also lay in its ability to
develop the professionalization of cultural management in Peru. Many administra-
tors in the institutions newly embedded in the Ministry are either civil servants
without any special knowledge of the specificities of the sector or specialists of a
focus area (archivists, anthropologists, historians) who lack comprehensive knowl-
edge in management or administration. The situation is similar in private institutions
of the Peruvian artistic world: many persons in charge of cultural centres are
34 P. Losson
actually artists empirically converted to cultural managers. An important step to take
for the Ministry may then be the implementation of training sessions dedicated to
create a new generation of cultural managers, with a comprehensive view of the
artistic, cultural and administrative challenges posed by cultural management. To
our knowledge, only three universities in Lima (the Catholic University, which cre-
ated a diploma in cultural management in 2009, the Universidad del Pacífico and
the Universidad San Martin de Porres, which typically offer courses integrated in
other curricula, related to tourism or social and corporate responsibility) currently
propose specific classes on these matters to their students.
Clearly, a greater specialization will help in the future design and implementa-
tion of consistent and efficient public policies (Cortés and Vich 2006), as well as in
the elaboration and recollection of more accurate data. The professionalization of
cultural management is also necessary among the ranks of the bureaucracy that pre-
tends to deal with the field. The lack of knowledge of the sector and its specificities
will only lead to renewed schemes of inefficient or inexistent policies designed and
implemented by bureaucrats without the vision and the understanding of what is at
stake when dealing with cultural policy. On the other hand, the ‘cultural managers’
who, on a daily basis, do the ‘cultural job’, have the responsibility to take part in
the process of democratic renovation: they physically and metaphorically open and
run new spaces of expression (Vich 2006). Part of the training task has been carried
away by foreign institutions: the AECID has for instance organized various sessions
not only in Lima, but also in cities such as Ayacucho, Iquitos or Trujillo. In this
sense, cultural management training follows the example of capacity-building pro-
grammes implemented since the 1950s by NGOs in indigenous communities: these
programmes had dramatic results in improving the organizational capacities of these
communities, which have been able to articulate and coordinate their demands to
the State, and are now recognized (though not sufficiently taken into account) actors
on the political, local and national, scene.
Conclusions
The future of cultural policies in Peru depends primarily on the political will at the
State, provincial and municipal levels. Heritage and interculturalism are likely to be
the priorities of the new Ministry, as they relate more immediately to highly sensitive
debates in Peruvian politics: economic development (as far as heritage can help
promote tourism) and identity building (a permanent debate in the Peruvian society).
The pertinence of the structural framework of the new Ministry, divided into
two vice-ministries (one dedicated to cultural heritage and industries, the other to
interculturality), can be questioned. The former will deal with traditional attributions
of a Ministry of Culture, while the latter will extend the concept of culture to topics
of educational, social and political inclusion of indigenous people. It is not clear
whether this division can bring successful results, for the assumptions on which it
has been decided have already been evidenced decades ago, without further conse-
quence. Besides, both vice-ministries may overlap in their actions or, on the con-
trary, ignore themselves.
The creation of a comprehensive cultural policy in the forthcoming months will
be a difficult task. Fundamental topics for the future of the country, such as
democratization, social inclusion and economic development, are at stake. These
questions have been central in the history of the country in the second half of the
International Journal of Cultural Policy 35
twentieth century, and cannot be ignored in a post-violence era, when the question
of memory is of primary importance for the future (Reátegui 2006). Cultural policy
is not a luxury device; it is a tool of renovation of the State and of its relations with
its citizens. How effective this renovation will be will constitute an interesting topic
for further investigation, even more so after the election of the new President,
Ollanta Humala, in June 2011. The highly symbolic designation of the Afro-Peru-
vian singer Susana Baca as the new Minister opens new perspectives: in particular,
further reflexion on the inclusion of the Afro-Peruvian community into the national
identity is expected; on the other hand, the resistance of a highly complex bureau-
cratic structure and its outdated administrative culture towards a politically inexperi-
enced Minister raises questions over the likeliness of effective changes. Hopefully,
Mrs Baca’s high-profile personality shall provide the Ministry with a new impulse
to definitely mark a shift in the course of cultural policy in Peru.
Notes
1. See: http://www.lacult.org.
2. The Action Plan issued at the end of the Conference is available on: http://portal.unesco.
org/culture/en/files/35220/12290888881stockholm_actionplan_rec_en.pdf/stockholm_
actionplan_rec_en.pdf.
3. ‘Indigenismo was created at a meeting of Latin American governments in Pátzcuaro,
Mexico, in 1940. Drawing on the ideas of Mexican intellectual José Vasconselos, these
governments agreed to construct a mestizo national-social identity through indigenista
policies based on an integrationist, assimilationist discourse. (...) Peru’s José Carlos
Mariátegui [was] among the leading thinkers of the indigenista movement’(Cárdenas
2007, p. 4).
4. Mestizo: Peru’s complex definition of ethnic self-identification, the mestizo category
encompasses all people of mixed Spanish and indigenous ascendance.
5. Criollos are Spanish descendants born in the colonies.
6. The article 48 of the 1993 Constitution states that Spanish is the official language and
that Quechua, Aymara and other indigenous languages also are official in the areas
where they prevail. See: http://www.congreso.gob.pe/comisiones/1996/constitucion/
cons_t2.htm
7. These institutions are: the INC, the National Institute for the Development of Andean,
Amazonian and Afro-Peruvian Peoples (Indepa), the Archeological Projects Chan Chan
and Naylamp-Lambayeque, the National Conservatory of Music, the National School of
Folklore José María Arguedas, the National Superior School of Dramatic Art and Ballet,
the Unidad Ejecutora Marca Huamachuco, the National Council for the Democratization
of Book and Lecture (Promolibro), the National Council for Cinema (Conacine), the
National Library, the Peruvian Institute of Radio and Television, the Academy of
Quechua Language and the National Archives.
8. All translations from articles originally published in Spanish or French are the responsi-
bility of the author of this paper.
9. Source: MINCETUR (http://www.mincetur.gob.pe).
10. See: http://whc.unesco.org/en/statesparties/pe/.
11. For more details on the Fondo de contra-valor Francia-Perú: http://www.ambafrance-pe.
org/spip.php?rubrique486.
12. See the text of the law: http://es.scribd.com/doc/62953577/Ley-de-Consulta-Aprobada-
23-08-2011.
13. http://www.fitecaperu.com.
14. http://www.arenayesteras.org or http://teatroarenayesteras.blogspot.com.
15. Besides movies such as ‘Octubre’(directed by Daniel y Diego Vega) and ‘Contracorri-
ente’(directed by Javier Fuentes-León), which both have won several awards, it is the
feature film ‘La teta asustada’, directed by Claudia Llosa, that has impacted the country:
the movie won the Golden Bear at the Berlin Film Festival in 2009 and was nominated
to the Oscar in the category of Best foreign-language film.
36 P. Losson
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