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How President's State of Union Talk Influenced News Media Agendas
... Due to the independent nature of the press, it should come as no surprise that the president appears to struggle in attempts to heighten media attention to issues (Gilberg et al., 1980;Wanta et al., 1989). B. Dan Wood and Jeffrey Peake's (1998) study of U.S.-Soviet, Arab-Israeli, and Bosnian conflicts indicates that, once exogenous events and issue inertia are controlled for, the executive branch does not guide media coverage in these areas. ...
... While prior work (e.g. Gillberg et al., 1980;Wanta et al., 1989;Wood & Peake, 1998) has made clear that the president struggles to guide the issue agenda of Englishlanguage media, there is much unknown about presidential relations with Spanish-language news media outlets. If presidential leadership in the executive branch is the power to persuade others (Neustadt, 1990), the leadership abilities of the president are not clearly demonstrated here with the Spanish-language news media source studied. ...
... Despite the rapid growth in Spanish-language news media serving many within the Latino population of the United States, efforts to examine whether the president can shape the issue attention of this particular type of press outlet has surprisingly not been examined in depth. In the systematic analysis performed here, it appears that the president struggles to raise issue attention in a prominent Spanish-language news media source, a finding similar to past studies evaluating the president's interactions with English-language media sources (Gilberg et al., 1980;Wanta et al., 1989;Wood & Peake, 1998). ...
Despite an increase in the dissemination and consumption of Spanish-language media within the United States, scholarly research has not evaluated in a systematic way interactions between the President of the United States and Spanish-language media. A clear example of this is the lack of analysis as to whether an increase in presidential rhetorical attention to an issue increases the level of attention to that issue in Spanish-language media outlets. As an initial attempt to remedy this gap in the literature, this project analyzes monthly time series information about presidential attention, as well as Spanish-language and English-language news outlet attention to several issues (crime, education, and immigration). The findings indicate that the president struggles to guide and heighten attention to issues in a prominent Spanish-language news media outlet, La Opinión.
... The current study examines two of the three actors: sources and the media. This is similar to the approach taken in a series of studies examining the influence of the president on the media agenda (see Wanta et al. 1989). ...
... McCombs, Gilberg, and Eyal (1982) explored the same issue for President Richard Nixon. Wanta et al. (1989) explored media coverage of four presidential State of the Union Addresses. They studied media coverage before and after the speeches of Presidents Richard Nixon, Jimmy Carter, and Ronald Reagan. ...
Using agenda-setting theory and content analysis, this study examines the coverage of Argentina’s 2009 emblematic Audiovisual Communication Services Law (ACSL). The law, which sparked a legal battle between the government and that nation’s most powerful media corporation, aimed to democratize the airwaves and to increase plurality and inclusion. To explore the sources used in the stories covering the law, data were collected from three national newspapers’ online publications (Clarín, La Nación, and Página/12), between 1 March 2009, and 29 October 2013. Each newspaper’s online database was employed to identify articles about the ACSL. Results from the analysis suggest that the quantity of sources varied significantly across the three papers. Further analysis revealed that at the beginning of the controversy all newspapers used similar sources, but as the discussion progressed, Página/12 (liberal, more supportive of the law) tended to use more government officials while La Nación and Clarín (conservative, opposed to the law) tended to use oppositional leaders, unnamed sources, and media organizations associated with the conglomerates.
... However, unlike agenda-setting research, where the path of influence is fairly clear cut (generally flowing from the media to the public), the path of influence in agenda-building research between sources and the media seems to shift depending on the issue or issues, the setting, time period, and the actors involved (Gilberg, Eyal, McCombs, & Nicholas, 1980;Johnson, Wanta, & Byrd, 1995;Wanta & Foote, 1994;Wanta, Stephenson, Turk, & McCombs, 1989). The series of studies by Wanta and colleagues regarding the influence of the presidential State of the Union addresses perhaps best illustrate the fluid relationship between news sources and media coverage. ...
... For example, Johnson et al. (1995) found somewhat surprisingly that Franklin Roosevelt's addresses reacted to previous media coverage more than they influenced subsequent coverage. A related study revealed that addresses by Carter and Reagan were also influenced by the media agenda, while a Nixon address shaped coverage (Wanta et al., 1989). A subsequent investigation by Wanta and Foote (1994), using the Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents, found that on some issues Bush led the media, while on other issues Bush reacted to the media. ...
The H1N1 flu pandemic was one of the most closely followed stories of 2009. This study revealed evidence of second-level agenda-building and agenda-setting correlations among US government communication efforts and news media coverage, and media coverage and online discussion, respectively, regarding a set of macro-attributes used to frame the H1N1 issue. Cross-lagged analyses suggest that government-controlled information shaped the H1N1 macro-attributes emphasized in media coverage at the start of the outbreak, only to see this path of influence reverse as this public health issue matured. On the other hand, influence in the exchange of H1N1 attribute priorities among media coverage and online discussion appeared fairly balanced. The news media seemingly did not dominate how this issue was framed in online discussion. The theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.
... Phase 4 introduced a new question into the agenda-setting arena by asking: "Who sets the press' agenda?" These studies-for example, Wanta, Stephenson, Turk, and McCombs (1989)-moved agenda setting into an earlier point in time in the public opinion process by examining potential sources of the news media agenda. Public officials are important sources for news stories. ...
... Finally, the book investigates additional sources of issue salience (i.e., the president of the United States). Respondents may pick up issue salience cues from important public officials, such as the president, as previous research suggests (see Wanta et al., 1989). ...
... Such contingent conditions come from news editors, policy makers, PR practitioners, and the interests of audiences (Sallot, Cameron, & Lariscy, 1997;Sheafer & Weimann, 2005;Walters, Walters, & Gray, 1996). Political actors have also been identifi ed as infl uencers but in varying degrees (Wanta, Stephenson, Turk, & McCombs, 1989), which has suggested the existence of intervening variables, such as the personality of the politician (Wanta et al., 1989), the nature of the issue and real-world events (Johnson et al., 1996;Walgrave & Van Aelst, 2006). Many Western scholars have placed increasing attention on news sources and realworld events (confl icts or disasters) as key determinants of media agendas (Berkowitz, 1987;Johnson et al., 1996). ...
... Such contingent conditions come from news editors, policy makers, PR practitioners, and the interests of audiences (Sallot, Cameron, & Lariscy, 1997;Sheafer & Weimann, 2005;Walters, Walters, & Gray, 1996). Political actors have also been identifi ed as infl uencers but in varying degrees (Wanta, Stephenson, Turk, & McCombs, 1989), which has suggested the existence of intervening variables, such as the personality of the politician (Wanta et al., 1989), the nature of the issue and real-world events (Johnson et al., 1996;Walgrave & Van Aelst, 2006). Many Western scholars have placed increasing attention on news sources and realworld events (confl icts or disasters) as key determinants of media agendas (Berkowitz, 1987;Johnson et al., 1996). ...
This chapter discusses media performance during the democratization process in the Eastern African countries of Burundi, Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, and Rwanda, which form a regional union called the East African Community (EAC). The analysis is inspired by over 200 seminal academic studies and expert texts from various disciplines, mostly on East Africa, to assess how these governments influence media performance during their wave of democratization. The chapter examines a range of issues that demonstrate the autocratic means of building a government agenda, such as restrictive press laws, sectarianism, election malpractice, political and ethnic violence, and influence peddling. It shows how this agenda-building approach exercised by the EAC member states undercuts the contributions of the media to the democratization process. The authors demonstrate how the emergence of independent media and religious institutions in some of the EAC member states constitute the most vigilant and influential part of civil society. Further, the argument is that media performance is most successful when its agenda mobilizes citizens to challenge the structures of authoritarian rule by promoting human rights, economic empowerment, and the rule of law.
... Not surprisingly, a substantial body of research has grown from such exploration. Much of this scholarship has coalesced around a few key theories, most notably agenda setting/building (e.g., McCombs, 2004; McCombs & Shaw, 1993; Wanta, Stephenson, Turk, & McCombs, 1989), indexing (e.g., Althaus, Edy, Entman, & Phalen, 1996; Bennett, 1990; Bennett, Lawrence, & Livingston, 2007), and framing (e.g., Entman, 1993; Rowling, Jones, & Sheets, 2011)—the last of which has been most fully specified in the politics–press context via Entman's (2004) " cascading activation " model. Each of these theories, in its own way, provides needed insight into if and how the president and other political elites are able to meet one of their central goals: getting their chosen perspectives disseminated via the press. ...
... Typical studies in this body of research identify the agenda (i.e., key political issues) discussed in presidential communications and in news coverage and correlate the two to determine the extent and, in some cases, direction of influence (e.g., Tedesco, 2001). For example, Wanta et al. (1989) analyzed presidential and media agendas before and after State of the Union addresses and concluded that Richard Nixon drove the media agenda, Jimmy Carter was driven by the media agenda, and Ronald Reagan experienced a bit of both. More recently, Tedesco (2005) compared candidates' issue agendas to major newspapers' issue agendas during the 2004 presidential campaign, finding that George W. Bush's press releases influenced the media agenda, whereas John Kerry's agenda was influenced by the media agenda. ...
This study seeks to extend and clarify Domke's (2004) theory of the “echoing press.” Developing a conceptual argument about the interrelationships among several key theories of the U.S. president–press relationship, we analyze news coverage of major presidential addresses in the New York Times from 1933 to 2013. Our analysis clarifies the consistent but modest echoing effect that has occurred over the past 8 decades, and broadens the theory to encompass not only wartime communications but all foreign policy contexts. We also rule out several alternative explanations for the echoing effect, and show that echoing has an inverse relationship with the inclusion of perspectives that run counter to the president's views.
... For instance, early agenda-building studies focused on the US, assuming the President as the "number one" agenda-builder for the mass media (Severin and Tankard 1997). To test this, Wanta et al. (1989) analyzed President Nixon's 1970 State of the Union speech, identifying 15 issues. They then compared media coverage before and after the speech, finding a stronger correlation between the President's agenda and post-speech media agenda than with pre-speech media coverage, confirming the hypothesis of presidential agenda-building. ...
While journalism scholarship has extensively investigated the actors shaping news content, there is a paucity of research on how different factors influence newspaper editorial agendas for sustainable development issues. To bridge the gap, this longitudinal study examines newspaper editorials during two distinct periods in a developing country: T1, when the SDGs were adopted in 2015, and T2, when two state officials with a pro-development agenda came into power in 2018. A quantitative content analysis was performed on (N = 11,453) editorials collected from six mainstream Pakistani newspapers published in English and Urdu languages. Results suggest that the SDGs' launch year failed to influence editorialists to sufficiently emphasize human development issues. However, when powerful news sources, prioritizing sustainable development over internal and external disputes, discussed these issues, their influential positions and government public relations support steered editorialists to shift focus from conflict-oriented content to human development. Concurrently, editorialists, though sporadically, also functioned as advocate journalists. Under the influence of this professional role, they allocated more coverage to issues such as rising inflation and unemployment, reflecting the hardships faced by common people, despite attempts by powerful sources to downplay these public concerns. This role positioned them as key influencers in shaping the editorial agenda.
... Even well before the publication of Dearing and Rogers influential book in 1996, there were scholars from political science and communication who were exploring the influences on media and policy agendas. These include (Baumgartner & Jones, 1993;Berkowitz, 1987;Cobb & Elder, 1983;Gilberg et al., 1980;Jamieson & Campbell, 1992;Lang & Lang, 1983;Pritchard, 1992;Semetko et al., 1991;Turk, 1986;Wanta et al., 1989;D.H. Weaver & Elliott, 1985). For an overview of these and other more recent studies, see, D. H. Weaver and Choi (2017). ...
In response to Perloff's (this issue) essay examining the development and future of agenda setting, a series of scholars offer their own reactions to the essay and the broader issues it raises. © 2022 Mass Communication & Society Division of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication.
... The Commission Vice President produces regular 'State of the Energy Union Reports.' The name of this exercise alone reveals much about the importance attached to it by the European Commission because it alludes to the much longer-standing tradition of the State of the Union addresses by US Presidents, as well as to the newer State of the European Union addresses by the Presidents of the European Commission (since the 2009 Lisbon Treaty introduced them). Central political speeches of this kind have been shown to be influential (Stüwe, 2013), for example in terms of media agenda-setting (Wanta et al., 1989). By rhetorically linking the Energy Union reporting to such high-level events and placing it in the hands of a Commission Vice-President, the regular reports were elevated in terms of their political significance. ...
In the emerging debate on ‘harder soft governance,’ the relationship between hard and soft elements has not been fully explored. This paper addresses this gap by looking at the changing nature of policy monitoring, a quintessentially soft governance mechanism. It focuses on climate change, a dynamic site of policy expansion and experimentation in which the EU has historically been an international frontrunner. This paper finds that a range of ‘harder’ elements have been added to the EU's climate policy monitoring over time, including more explicit legal provisions, greater external publicity, and more concrete links to other policy processes. These changes have emerged from politically sensitive negotiations between many actors, principally the European Commission, the European Parliament and the European Environment Agency (who together have generally favoured greater hardening), and Member States (some of whom preferred softer governance) in the context of changing international opportunities and constraints. Moving forward, this paper highlights the need for more research on the efficacy of policy monitoring, especially with respect to the EU's significantly more ambitious long-term decarbonisation targets.
... A series of studies examined whether US presidents could influence the news agenda through their State of the Union addresses. Indeed, if the news media are influenced by anyone, the US president would logically be one source given his stature as the nation's number one newsmaker (Wanta et al. 1989). Findings were mixed, however. ...
The concept of agenda setting has received extensive attention from researchers through the past five decades. While early studies found strong support for the influence of the news media on the perceived importance of issues held by the pubic, researchers have examined several aspects of the concept, including investigations of the source of the media agenda and the possible outcomes of the agenda setting process. Agenda setting continues to be studied through the internet and social media, demonstrating its flexibility as a mass communication theory. It also has evolved from an original conceptualization as a cognitive effect to include attitudinal and behavioral influences.
... De los diversos estudios elaborados sobre esta interacción, no surge un consenso que indique en qué sentido viaja el efecto de la agenda. Por ejemplo, los temas priorizados en el discurso pronunciado por el presidente Richard Nixon ante el Parlamento en 1970 fueron posteriormente registrados en las coberturas de la NBC, el New York Times y el Washington Post (Wanta, Stephenson, Vanslyke Turk y McCombs, 1989). En cambio, Gilberg et al. (1991) llegaron a resultados opuestos en su análisis sobre el Estado de la Unión expuesto por el presidente James Carter en 1978: demostraron que la cobertura noticiosa tuvo efectos de agenda en las palabras del primer mandatario. ...
Este artículo propone una revisión bibliográfica que permite reflexionar acerca de los factores endógenos y exógenos que intervienen, con mayor o menor efectividad, en el proceso de construcción de la agenda mediática. El análisis se centra en el vínculo que hay entre los medios y los tomadores de decisiones; en la activa participación de los medios en el campo político; en la capacidad de las fuentes de información de instalar la agenda de los quiénes (Charron, 1998), y en los niveles de influencia que distintos actores ejercen sobre la agenda mediática, instalando u ocultando un asunto, y promoviendo una determinada definición de la realidad.
... This passage refers to the State of the Union (SOTU) message, an annual report given by the president in which he discusses the prevailing conditions of the country and outlines his vision for the nation's future. This address had drawn plenty of scholarly interest and researchers have examined an assortment of SOTU-related issues such as: The structural and rhetorical changes over time (Teten, 2003); its diplomatic and geopolitical constructs (Flint, Adduci, Chen, & Chi, 2009); its effect on public knowledge (Barabas, 2008); the legislative agenda proclaimed within (Moen, 1988); the opposition party's response (Panagopoulos, 2011), and the address's effect on the media agenda (Gilberg, Eyal, McCombs, & Nicholas, 1980;Wanta, Stephenson, Turk, & McCombs, 1989;Bradshaw, Coe, & Neumann, 2014). ...
This study advances Thoemmes and Conway's seminal work on integrative complexity (IC) of U.S. presidents by examining the relationship between IC and charisma in the State of the Union address. I examined a census of SOTU addresses given from George Washington to Barack Obama using Boas Shamir's self-concept based motivational charisma construct. IC and charisma were positively related for presidents in the first terms in office; however, this relation only held for presidents who eventually won reelection. Data also confirmed a positive correlation between charisma and the likelihood of reelection. I describe various trends in the data with respect to charisma and IC for time in office. Overall findings that using IC in leadership studies may be a worthwhile endeavor, as is measuring charisma by computer given that this measure correlated reasonably well with measures of charisma derived from other sources.
... One related area that has drawn a lot of scholarly inquiry is the presidency. For instance, Wanta, Stephenson, Turk, and McCombs (1989) found some correlation between the State of the Union address and the media agenda. Here, Nixon was unlikely to shape his rhetoric in accordance with the media agenda, a personality trait lacking in Carter, who was more reactive to the media coverage of issues. ...
This study examined the methodology journalism scholars use when studying significant
samples, or “those persons who have attained an unusually pervasive and lasting
reputation, regardless of whether that reputation be great or small.” Using Simonton’s
work as the theoretical guide, the study content analyzed a census of articles published
in 10 major journalism journals from 2000 to 2014. Results showed that the typical
study examining significant samples is psychometric and is also quantitative,
nomothetic, longitudinal, singularly focused, and exploratory. In addition, it uses macro
units and observes the subject indirectly. The study also found similarities between the
study of significant samples and extant work in terms of the preponderance of
quantitative methods and the use of content analysis as a data collection method. The
ramifications are discussed.
... (Tedesco, 2005;Wu & Coleman, 2009;Dunn, 2009) Otra área cubierta es la influencia del Presidente de Estados Unidos en la agenda de los medios a propósito del Discurso del Estado de Unión. (Gilbert, Eyal, McCombs, & Nicholas, 1980;Wanta, Stephenson, Turk, & McCombs, 1989). ...
Resumen El análisis de la compleja relación entre el gobierno ecuatoriano de Rafael Correa y los medios de comunicación ha sido sujeto de estudio desde diferentes perspectivas. Uno de los espacios en donde el enfrentamiento se hizo aún más evidente fue en torno a la revuelta policial del 30 de septiembre de 2010. En este artículo se escoge el análisis del discurso como metodología para profundizar en la narrativa editorial de tres medios ecuatorianos: El Comercio, el Universo y el Telégrafo. El estudio identifica marcos argumentales, ideologías y posturas institucionales en los editoriales que fueron publicados durante el mes de octubre de 2010 y los contrasta con las posturas gubernamentales. Se establecen convergencias y diferencias, diálogos y silencios. Todo esto con el objetivo de entender las complejidades de las voces que construyen o refuerzan la opinión pública de una sociedad cada vez más polarizada.
... Wanta (1992) found that presidents influenced CBS News's agenda but not that o f the New York Times. In their study o f how the president's state o f the union message influenced the media agenda, Wanta et al. (1989) concluded that the president influenced this agenda in some years but not in others. ...
This study analyzes the relationship between strategy frames and reported verbal and visual discourse in news content. It explored this dynamic by examining the verbal aspects of television broadcast news coverage of presidential campaigns and visuals in television broadcast news coverage of crime. Interviews with journalists were conducted in order to explain the findings. The visual analysis found that after the Willie Horton case became prominent, network news altered visual depictions of black and white criminals. Black criminals increasingly appeared in visuals similar to those that depicted Horton while white criminals were shown in different ways. This altered the visual representations of what constituted black and white criminals. These findings are evidence of visual framing, which occurs when subjects are shown in dissimilar ways to offer distinct depictions of the same entity. As an explanation for visual framing, the author offers the concept of visual priming, a process by which the news media alter the visual portrayal of issues or phenomena to reflect a salient incident. The study of presidential campaign coverage found that candidate messages in issue stories were more likely to be advocacy and supported by evidence; by contrast, messages in strategy stories were more likely to be attacked and not supported by evidence. Interviews with journalists indicate that they select portions of candidates' and public officials' speech based on a pre-established news frame rather than choose frames after considering political discourse. Piecing together research on news frames and the reporting of verbal and visual discourse, I offer the following explanation for press performance: strategy coverage, the result of real-world cues, drives the selection of unrepresentative verbal and visual discourse in television news about politics. By contrast, the absence of strategy framing produces reported discourse that is more consistent with political speech. The results demonstrate that strategy coverage goes beyond journalistic interpretations and affects how sources are quoted and how social phenomena are depicted visually.
... While the vast majority of research has consistently found media influence on the public agenda, questions remain about sources of the media agenda. Wanta, Stephenson, Turk, and McCombs (1989) conducted an early study in this area. They examined media coverage before and after four presidential State of the Union addresses delivered by three presidents: Nixon, Carter, and Reagan. ...
A yearly document produced by the Catholic Bishops in Argentina was compared to media coverage before and after its release. The document negatively correlated with media coverage in both time periods, with issues emphasized in the document appearing low on the media agenda. The top three issues in it, however, did receive more coverage after its release. The newspapers also displayed strong partisanship, with the newspaper most critical of the Church being the most negative.
... Data. We content analyzed the full transcripts of the first U.S. presidential press conference following each State of the Union (SOTU) SOTU addresses were used as a baseline for discerning what topics the president would prefer to receive questions about because prior research has used them to establish the president's preferred agenda (Cohen, 1995;Gilberg, Eyal, McCombs, & Nicholas, 1980;Wanta, Stephenson, Turk, & McCombs, 1989). Moreover, research indicates that reporters interpret the SOTU to be the president's attempt to influence the media's agenda (Johnson, Wanta, Byrd, & Lee, 1995). ...
... Two studies, one by Wanta, Stephenson, Turk, and McCombs (1989) and the other by Wanta (1991), demonstrate that high-profile individuals can impact the news agenda. The first study found a correlation between issues raised in the President's State of the Union Address and media treatment of those issues. ...
This study addresses the manner in which a dramatic news event can impact mainstream press coverage of a social issue. In late June 1991, football player Lyle Alzado, in haggard condition, appeared on First Person with Maria Shriver and on the cover of Sports Illustrated and attributed his rare form of brain lymphoma to years of anabolic steroid abuse. Though scientific evidence of a relationship did not exist, a series of mainstream press reports did not hesitate in assuming a connection. The study provides an empirical analysis of (a) how a dramatic report in specialized print and broadcast media can build the agenda for mainstream journalism, and (b) how the report can help trigger a change in the way journalists address and frame issues. Methodologically, the study uses log-linear modeling to examine the relationships between a series of categorical variables, thus providing scholars with a framework for future content analyses on the subject.
... Gilberg et al. (1980) concluded that the media set the president's agenda rather than the reverse. Wanta et al. (1989) found evidence of this but also evidence that the president sometimes set the media's agenda. Wood and Peake (1998), in a surprising finding, conclude that even in foreign policy it is the media that influences the president's agenda rather than the other way around. ...
Influencing the policy agenda has long been viewed as one of the most important sources of political I power. For decades, scholars have maintained that the president has the most significant role in setting the policymaking agenda in Washington, but little systematic empirical work has been done to measure the president's influence. We explore the president's success in focusing the issue attention of Congress and the mass media by evaluating time-series measures of presidential, mass media, and congressional attention to five issues: crime, education, health care, U.S.-Soviet relations, and the Arab-Israeli conflict. We find that most of the time the president reacts, responding primarily, to fluctuations in media attention and world events. in domestic policy, we find a more interactive relationship, one that appears to offer the president the opportunity to act in an entrepreneurial fashion to focus the attention of others ill the system on major presidential initiatives.
... The use of agenda setting theory has offered tremendous latitude in communications research. This is exemplified by the multifarious usage of the theory in research efforts that encompass, but are not limited to studies on the media's political agenda setting power (Walgrave & Van Aelst, 2006); the impact of the U.S. president's state of the union address on the media agenda (Wanta, Stephenson, Turk and McCombs, 1989); comparing the impact of local and national media on the public agenda (Hester and Gibson, 2007); an examination of the relationship between the media and public agenda in Israel (Sheafer & Weimann, 2005); agenda setting and its impact on online users ( Roberts, Wanta and Dzwo, 2002); the media and agenda setting in mayoral election in Taiwan (King, 1997); media agenda setting and its impact on adolescents in the U.S. states of Arizona, Colorado and Florida in the 2000 elections ( Kiousis, McDevitt & Wu, 2002); as well as agenda setting and the U.S. civil rights movement (Winter and Eyal, 1981) et cetera. ...
... In an analysis of State of the Union addresses, for example, Wanta, Stephenson, Turk, and McCombs (1989) found mixed evidence concerning the agenda-building power of the president. Moreover, most agenda-building research has been conducted during election campaigns. ...
This study explored the role of the Speaker of the House in shaping the salience of political issues and attributes in news media coverage and policymaking in 2007. Specifically, it analyzed 533 press releases, 433 news articles, and 47 daily Congressional calendars of business. Significant correlations were found supporting traditional first-level and second-level agenda-building linkages between Congressional communications and media coverage; whereas no relationships were found between issue or attribute salience in news releases and actual Congressional activities. Theoretical and practical implications of the findings are discussed. LITERATURE REVIEW With the growing complexity of today's political landscape, the role of public relations in political communication is rapidly accelerating in importance and consequence, yet the impact of public relations in government and politics is not a new phenomenon. As McKinnon, Tedesco, and Lauder (2001) write, "since the birth of American democracy, public relations practices have played a key role in shaping our politics" (p. 557). Further illustrating this point, Thurber (1998), when discussing trends in research on political consultants, asserts that "these analyses find that consultants with public relations backgrounds dominated the political world in the middle of this century and that political consultants were effective because they provided information and communication expertise to campaigns" (p. 146). Despite the historical presence and growing ubiquity of political public relations efforts, our theoretical and conceptual understanding of their role in democracy and political communication is underdeveloped. The small body of literature that has explored the influence of political public relations has primarily focused on elections at the national level, such as the presidency (e.g., Johnson, Wanta, & Bordeau, 2004; Liu, 2006). While noteworthy, little empirical work has examined political public relations within the context of Congressional communications and its implications on policymaking outcomes.
... A year later Cobb and Elder produced a follow-up work concentrating on how public opinion combined with the media help to influence and determine the importance of issues on the national and state policy agendas (1972). From that point, there were several scholarly undertakings revolving around the media and policy agendas (e.g., Gilberg at al. 1980;Pritchard 1986Pritchard , 1992Wanta et al. 1989). There were also several research studies investigating the relationship between policy and public agenda-setting (e.g., Flickinger 1983;Mayer 1991;Page and Shapiro 1983). ...
... Those that have reveal mixed trends. Wanta, Stephenson, Turk, and McCombs (1989) analyzed print and network news coverage before and after State of the Union addresses and concluded that Richard Nixon drove the media agenda, Jimmy Carter was driven by it, and Ronald Reagan experienced both. Peake and Eshbaugh-Soha (2008) examined prime time television coverage of 40 major addresses in specific topical domains between 1969 and 2000, concluding that media attention was heavily dependent on contextual factors, especially prior attention. ...
The relationship between presidents, press, and the public has long been of interest to scholars. This study provides insight into that relationship by adding to Coe and Neumann's (20117.
Coe , K. , &
Neumann , R. ( 2011 ). The major addresses of modern presidents: Parameters of a data set . Presidential Studies Quarterly , 41 , 727 – 751 . doi: 10.1111/j.17415705.2011.03912.x [CrossRef]View all references) conceptualization of “major presidential addresses” a new criterion: newspaper attention. Via nearly 2,000 New York Times articles focusing on 418 presidential speeches between 1933 and 2013, we track newspaper attention to major addresses to answer three questions: 1) How can focusing on newspaper attention refine the conceptualization of major addresses? 2) What predicts newspaper attention to major addresses? 3) Do major addresses, and the corresponding newspaper attention, matter for presidential approval?
... In term of domestic affairs, Tichenor, Donohue, and Olien (1980), for example, reported that the government often tries to use the press as its communicating channel to mobilize the public when dealing with domestic issues. Wanta, Stephenson, Turk, and McCombs (1989) argued that the US president can sometimes influence American news media's agendas. Herman and Chomsky (1988) stated that besides controlling the press by issuing licenses or franchises, the government can manipulate media content through its extensive news provision channels. ...
This study revisited the state–press relations theory by analyzing the coverage of Vietnam over the 30 years between 1980 and 2009 in two leading American news magazines, Time and Newsweek . A contribution of this research is its context of the long-term and volatile relationship between these two countries. Despite progress in the diplomatic relations between the United States and Vietnam, the portrayal of Vietnam in US media remained unchanged. This finding indicates that American media do not always support the US government's political stance when covering international news. It suggests a new direction for future research applying this theory.
... Following McCombs and Shaw's (1972) seminal study of the relationship between public and media agendas, a good deal of attention has been focused on correlations between levels of saliency in different domains and, in particular, between media, public, and policy agendas (Rogers and Dearing, 1988). Since there is evidence to support the contention that media agendas, and the activities of the media, have an influence on the policy agenda (Gilberg et al., 1980;Cook et al., 1983;Wanta et al., 1989) and also the public agenda (McCombs and Shaw, 1972;Funkhouser, 1973;Iyengar and Kinder, 1987), the role of the media must be considered in any discussion of power relations and policy initiation. Relative saliency on the media agenda is central to the formation of the public agenda which, consequently, influences the activities of policy-makers (Dearing and Rogers, 1996). ...
A half-century has elapsed since the publication of McCombs and Shaw’s seminal study. This paper provides a distinctive historical review of agenda-setting, interviewing leading scholars, combing the vast literature, and reviewing critical phases in the agenda-setting story to showcase the human, as well as conceptual, dimensions of the agenda-setting trajectory. Dividing the paper into six parts, I describe how agenda-setting was built, broadened, extended, challenged, and adapted to the present milieu, concluding with critical directions for how to meld the concept to the turbulent political communication scene.
This study examines attributes associated with U.S. Congresswoman Ilhan Omar. Omar's unique intersectionality of identities as a Black, immigrant, Muslim woman presents a rich case study for an examination of attribute agenda setting. A sample of Tweets, all Wall Street Journal articles referencing the congresswoman, and Google searches were obtained for the hashtags (“IlhanOmar,” “GoBack,” and “WelcomeHome.”) from May 2019 to January 2020. The Tweets and articles were then coded for a variety of dimensions. Analysis of the frequencies of words associated with the coding and the hashtags showed that the majority of the messages were negative despite the hashtag for which they were collected. A cross-correlation time series analysis showed that articles and editorials published by the Wall Street Journal predicted spikes in Google searches and Twitter messages. This article pinpoints underlying sociological phenomena about the representations of gender, race, religion, and immigration status to show the arguments that link attributes of Ilhan Omar together on Twitter.
منصور، حسن محمد حسن (2002). دور التلفزيون والصحافة اليمنية في ترتيب أولويات النخبة – دراسة مسحية مقارنة في إطار نظرية وضع الأجندة (رسالة ماجستير، جامعة الأزهر، القاهرة)
https://faculty.ksu.edu.sa/ar/hmansoor/publication/219663
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تناولت هذه الدراسة جوانب من العلاقة بين وسائل الإعلام والنخبة في اليمن ، في ظل التعددية السياسية ، والهامش الديمقراطي الذي يسمح بقدر من حرية التعبير في وسائل الإعلام ، واعتمدت الدراسة في ذلك على اختبار فروض نظرية (ترتيب الأولويات) Agenda-Setting Theory على الواقع اليمني ؛ لمعرفة طبيعة العلاقة بين قائمة أولويات الاهتمام بالقضايا المحلية لدى (التليفزيون والصحافة) من جهة ، وترتيب أولويات تلك القضايا لدى (النخبة) في اليمن من جهة أخرى ، خلال فترتين زمنيتين بهدف معرفة اتجاه العلاقة السببية في اهتمامات كل من (وسائل الإعلام) و(النخبة) –عينـة الدراسـة- وذلـك باستخدام أســلوب الفــترات الزمنيــة المتقاطعــة Cross-Lagged Panel Correlation (CLPC) .
واعتمدت الدراسة على منهج المسح " بالعينة " ، نظراً لصعوبة (المسح الشامل) سواء للمضمون الإعلامي لوسائل الإعلام أو في الدراسة الميدانية .، بالإضافة إلى (منهج دراسة العلاقات المتبادلة) في دراسة العلاقة بين متغيرين أساسيين هما : (أولويات التليفزيون والصحف اليمنية) و(أولويات النخبة اليمنية ـ عينة الدراسة ـ) واكتشاف ما بينهما من علاقات ارتباط ، ودرجة قوة أو ضعف تلك العلاقة ، ومدى تأثير المتغيرات الوسيطة (كالاتصال الشخصي- وطبيعة القضية …الخ) على تلك العلاقة الارتباطية .
كما اعتمدت الدراسة على (المنهج المقارن) في إجراء المقارنات بين وسائل الإعلام اليمنية ـ وتحديداً بين الصحافة والتليفزيون ـ في قيامها بوظيفة وضع الأولويات للنخبة اليمنية ـ عينة الدراسة ـ .
وقد تمثّل مجتمع الدراسة التحليلية في المحتوى الإخباري للتليفزيون والصحافة وفقاً لما هو سائد في دراسات (ترتيب الأولويات) ، أما الإذاعة المسموعة (الراديو) فقد تم استبعادها لسببين :
إن معظم الدراسات السابقة قد استبعدت (الراديو) بوصفه واضعاً (للأجندة) Agenda-Setter .
الطابع الرسمي (الحكومي) لكل من الإذاعة المسموعة (الراديو) ، والمسموعة-المرئية (التليفزيون) في اليمن يجعل المضمون الإخباري لا يختلف كثيراً فيهما .
أما مجتمع الدراسة الميدانية (الاستبيان) فقد اشتمل على : أعضاء مجلس النواب اليمني (النخبة البرلمانية) لتمثل فئات النخبة السياسية الأخرى ، و أعضاء هيئة التدريس في جامعة صنعاء (النخبة الأكاديمية) لتمثل فئة (المثقفين) وذلك طبقاً للمدخل التعددي في دراسات النخبة .
وفي إطار البعد الزمني للدراسة ؛ والذي يقتضي إجراء الدراسة التحليلية على مرحلتين وفقاً لأسلوب الفترات الزمنية المتقاطعة (CLPC) فقد تحددت عينة الدراسة للمرحلة الأولى بشهري (يونيو ـ يوليو 2000) لكل من التليفزيون والصحف الأربع ، بمجموع (61) نشرة إخبارية تلفزيونية ،و (35) عدداً من الصحف الأربع . بينما كانت عينة الدراسة في المرحلة الثانية في شهري (سبتمبر-أكتوبر 2000) بمجموع (61) نشرة إخبارية تلفزيونية ، و (31) عدداً من الصحف الأربع .
وفي عينة الدراسة الميدانية (من النخبة اليمنية) أخذت الدراسة بأسلوب (العينة الطبقية العشوائية) باستخدام أسلوب (التوزيع المتناسب) باعتبار أن مجتمع البحث ينقسم إلى إطارين رئيسيين : (النخبة الأكاديمية) و (النخبة البرلمانية) .، وإجمالاً فقد أجريت الدراسة الميدانية على (125) شخصاً يمثلون (10.6%) من المجتمع الكلي للبحث منهم :(31) عضواً برلمانياً ، و(94) أستاذاً جامعياً . وأجريت الدراسة الميدانية (الاستبيان) في مرحلتين زمنيتين وفقاً لأسلوب الفترات الزمنية المتقاطعة (CLPC) على النحو التالي :
المرحلة الأولى : في (أغسطس 2000) عقب تحليل مضمون التليفزيون والصحف ـ عينة الدراسة ـ في المرحلة الأولى (يونيو ـ يوليو 2000)
المرحلة الثانية : في (نوفمبر 2000) عقب تحليل المضمون الإخباري للتليفزيون والصحف ـ عينة الدراسة ـ في المرحلة الثانية (سبتمبر ـ أكتوبر 2000) .
وقد اعتمدت الدراسة على أداتين من أدوات جمع البيانات هما: (أداة تحليل المضمون) و (استمارة الاستبيان) ، ولتحديد عينة القضايا المحلية التي برزت في التغطية الإخبارية للتليفزيون والصحف ـ عينة الدراسة ـ في المرحلتين الأولى والثانية؛ قام الباحث بتحليل مبدئي (كيفي) لعشرين في المائة (20%) من النشرات الإخبارية والصحف ـ عينة الدراسة ـ في كل مرحلة ، شملت: (12 نشرة إخبارية ، و7 أعداد صحفية) في كل مرحلة . وبناءً على نتائج التحليل المبدئي فقد اتضح بروز (12 قضية محلية) في المرحلة الأولى ، و (13 قضية محلية) في المرحلة الثانية ، كانت عشر قضايا منها ثابتة في المرحلتين .
قام الباحث بتفكيك قضايا المرحلة الثانية إلى (38 قضية فرعية تفصيلية) بهدف معرفة: هل يظل ترتيب وسائل الإعلام للقضايا المحلية ـ كما هو ـ أو أنه يختلف في حالة القضايا الفرعية ؟، وبهدف اختبار الفرض القائل : إن العلاقة الارتباطية بين أولويات وسائل الإعلام وأولويات النخبة تكون أقوى في حالة القضايا الرئيسية مقارنة بالقضايا الفرعية (التفصيلية) .
وبعد تحديد فئات ووحدات التحليل ، أنهى الباحث إجراءات الصدق والثبات في تحليل المضمون من خلال عرض استمارة التحليل على مجموعة من المحكمين والخبراء من أساتذة الصحافة والإعلام و مناهج البحث ، كما تم تحليل (10%) من عينة النشرات الإخبارية و الأعداد الصحفية بالاستعانة بباحث آخر وبلغت نسبة الثبات (91%) في المرحلة الأولى ، و (95%) في المرحلة الثانية وفقاً لمعادلة (هولستي) Holsti وهو مستوىً عالٍ يدل على ثبات المقياس .
أما إجراءات الدراسة الميدانية (استمارة الاستبيان) فقد تم تحديد الأبعاد والمحاور التي تقيسها الاستمارة ، ثم حددت الأسئلة المغلقة والمفتوحة حسب ما تقتضيه أهداف وتساؤلات وفروض البحث ثم عرضت الاستمارة ـ بعد ذلك ـ على الخبراء والمحكمين الذين استعان بهم الباحث في تحكيم استمارة تحليل المضمون ، وأجريت التعديلات اللازمة بناءً على توجيهاتهم . كما قام الباحث بتوزيع استمارات الاستبيان على عينة محدودة مكونة من (15) مفردة من أعضاء هيئة التدريس في عددٍ من الجامعات اليمنية الذين يستكملون دراساتهم في الجامعات المصرية ، وتم تغيير صياغة بعض العبارات الواردة في بعض الأسئلة لتلائم فهمهم واستيعابهم ، بناءً على ذلك الاختبار القبلي .، وبذلك تحقق ما يسمى (بصدق الاستمارة)Validity ، أي : صلاحيتها في تحقيق الهدف الذي صممت من أجله (قياس ما هو مطلوب قياسه) .
أما ثبات القياس Reliability فقد تم بأسلوب (طريقة إعادة الاختبار Test – Retest ) حيث قام الباحث بتطبيق الاستبيان على عينة قوامها (عشرون مفردة) من أعضاء هيئة التدريس ثم أعيد تطبيق الاستبيان على نفس العينة بعد فترة زمنية مدتها (خمسة عشر يوماً) . وكانت قيمة (معامل الارتباط أو الاستقرار)Coefficient of stability ـ الذي يشير إلى الثبات بمرور الزمن ـ تتراوح ما بين (0.912) و (0.971) وهو ما يشير إلى ثبات المقياس ، ووضوح بيانات الاستبيان .
وبعد الانتهاء من توزيع الاستمارات ثم جمعها من المبحوثين ، قام الباحث بمراجعة الاستمارات ، وترميز إجاباتها ، ثم تفريغ إجابات الأسئلة المفتوحة في فئات ثم ترميزها ؛ حتى تصبح كل البيانات جاهزة لمعالجتها إحصائياً باستخدام الحاسب الآلي . بالاستعانة ببرنامج (حقيبة أو حزمة التحليــلات الإحصائيــة لبحــوث العلــوم الاجتماعيـة) (Statistical Package for Social Sciences Under Windows) –SPSSWIN-
وقد اعتمدت الدراسة على استخراج التكرارات والنسب المئوية ، واستعانت بالجداول الإحصائية والأشكال التوضيحية لعرض بيانات الدراسة ونتائجها، بالإضافة إلى مجموعة من المعاملات الإحصائية المفيدة في تحليل بيانات الدراسة وهي : معامل ارتباط الرتب (سبيرمان) The Spearman Rank Correlation Coefficient ، ومعامل ارتباط الفترات المتقاطعة Cross - lagged Panel Correlation (CLPC) ، ومعامل الارتباط الخطي (بيرسون) Pearsonian Correlation Coefficient ، والوسط الحسابي الموزون (أو المرجح) Weighted Arithmetic Mean ، واختبار مربع (كاي) Chi- Square Test ، ومعامل التوافق Contingency Coefficient …
وتم تقسيم الدراسة إلى : مقدمة وسبعة فصول وخاتمة على النحو التالي :
الفصل الأول : مشكلة البحث ومنهجه .
الفصل الثاني : نظرية (ترتيب الأولويات) بداياتها ومراحل تطورها .
الفصل الثالث : دراسات (النخبة) في البحوث الاجتماعية والإعلامية .
الفصل الرابع : الإجراءات المنهجية للدراسة .
الفصل الخامس : نتائج الدراسة التحليلية للمحتوى الإخباري للتليفزيون والصحافة اليمنية
الفصل السادس : نتائج الدراسة الميدانية الخاصة بالنخبة (البرلمانية والأكاديمية) .
الفصل السابع : اختبار فروض الدراسة .
خاتمة : وتشمل خلاصة البحث وأهم النتائج والتوصيات .
ووفقاً لنتائج الدراسة التحليلية للمحتوى الإخباري ، والدراسة الميدانية التي أجريت على عينة المبحوثين من النخبة اليمنية ؛ فقد كانت الإجابة على أهم تساؤلات الخاصة بالدراسة على النحو التالي :
(1) أوضحت نتائج تحليل المضمون أن أكثر من (90%) من القصص الإخبارية المحلية التي وردت في التليفزيون والصحف ـ عينة الدراسة ـ قد ركزت على (12) قضية رئيسية في المرحلة الأولى (يونيو ـ يوليو 2000) ، وقد جاءت (أنشطة رئيس الجمهورية ونائبه وكبار مسئولي الدولة) في المقدمة ثم (الندوات والمعارض والمؤتمرات العلمية والثقافية) في الترتيب الثاني ، ثم (الأحداث الرياضية) في الترتيب الثالث . ثم (معاهدة الحدود بين اليمن والسعودية) في الترتيب الرابع ، ثم (الاختلالات الأمنية) في الترتيب الخامس . أما في المرحلة الثانية (سبتمبر ـ أكتوبر 2000م) فقد ركزت وسائل الإعلام ـ عينة الدراسة ـ على (13) قضية رئيسية ، وقد ظلت معظم القضايا ثابتة في المرحلتين وهي (عشر قضايا) بينما تراجع الاهتمام بقضيتين رئيسيتين في الاهتمامات الإخبارية في المرحلة الثانية للبحث ؛ وهما: (معاهده الحدود بين اليمن والسعودية) و(التعاون الاقتصادي واتفاقيات القروض) اللّتان كانتا بارزتين في المرحلة الأولى ، بينما برزت في المرحلة الثانية (سبتمبر ـ أكتوبر 2000) ثلاث قضايا لم تكن بارزة في المرحلة الأولى هي : (مظاهر التأييد لانتفاضة الأقصى) و(مكافحة الأمراض والأوبئة) و (التعديلات الدستورية) . أما القضايا المحلية الفرعية (الأحداث التفصيلية) التي برزت في التغطية الإخبارية في التليفزيون والصحف ـ عينة الدراسة ـ في تلك الفترة فقد بلغت (38) قضية فرعية ، جاءت على رأس تلك القضايا: (مراسم استقبالات الرئيس وكبار مسئولي الدولة) ثم (وضع حجر الأساس للمشاريع الخدمية والإنمائية) ثم (المنافسات التي تنظمها الاتحادات الرياضية) ، ثم (مكافحة وباء حمى الوادي المتصدع) . ثم (الشؤون الحزبية والفعاليات التنظيمية للأحزاب السياسية) ، ثم (جهود وزارتي التخطيط والمالية في عمليات الإصلاح الاقتصادي) . وقد أوضحت النتائج أن وسائل الإعلام ـ عينة الدراسة ـ في تغطيتها الإخبارية للقضايا المحلية لا تولي اهتماماً متساوياً بكل القضايا الفرعية داخل القضية الرئيسية الواحدة ، فمثلاً: بينما احتلت القضية الفرعية (مكافحة وباء حمى الوادي المتصدع) المركز الرابع في الأولويات الإخبارية ، فإن القضية الفرعية (حملة مكافحة الملاريا) قد جاءت في المركز التاسع والعشرين ، مع أن القضيتين متفرعتان من قضية رئيسية واحدة هي (مكافحة الأمراض والأوبئة) .
(2) أوضحت نتائج الدراسة التحليلية في مرحلتي الدراسة (الأولى والثانية) بخصوص ترتيب القضايا المحلية باستخدام الأساليب المختلفة أن أسلوب (ترتيب القضايا البارزة وفقاً للزمن المخصص لها في التليفزيون ، والمساحة المخصصة لها في الصحافة) هو أكثر الأساليب دقة في قياس بروز القضايا في الاهتمامات الإخبارية لوسائل الإعلام ؛ لأنه يقيس بروز القضية في مجمل التغطية الإعلامية ، كما أن أسلوب (الترتيب وفقاً للمساحة والزمن) قد حقق درجات أقوى في الارتباط بغيره من الأساليب ، مقارنة بأسلوب (الترتيب وفقاً لعدد القصص الإخبارية التي تناولت كل قضية) .
(3) أوضحت النتائج أن أقوى درجات الاتفاق في ترتيب القضايا المحلية قد تحققت بين (التليفزيون) وصحيفة (الثورة) وهما وسيلتان رسميتان حكوميتان ، كما تحققت درجات ارتباط إما متوسطة وإما قوية نسبياً بين صحيفتي: (الصحوة) و (الثوري)، وهما صحيفتان حزبيتان معارضتان ، بينما كان الارتباط (إما سلبياً وإما ضعيفاً) بين التليفزيون والصحيفتين الحكوميتين من جهة ، و الصحيفتين المعارضتين من جهة أخرى ، ولم تختلف النتائج في ذلك ـ كثيراً ـ في مرحلتي الدراسة (الأولى والثانية) ، أو باختلاف نوع القضية (رئيسية أم فرعية) … وتتفق هذه النتيجة مع ما أشارت إليه بعض الدراسات من أن اتجاه الوسيلة الإعلامية يؤثر في طبيعة اهتماماتها ، وفي طبيعة القضايا التي تركّز عليها ..
(4) جاءت قضية (الإصلاح المالي و الإداري) في المركز الأول في ترتيب النخبة اليمنية للقضايا البارزة في المرحلة الأولى ، تليها قضية (الاختلالات الأمنية) ثم (تعزيز الديمقراطية واحترام الحريات) أما في المرحلة الثانية فقد تصدرت قضية (مكافحة الأمراض والأوبئة) الترتيب الأول لدى المبحوثين ، تليها قضية (الاختلالات الأمنية) ثم (الإصلاح المالي والإداري) ، وأوضحت النتائج أن عينة المبحوثين لا يولون اهتماماً متساوياً بكل القضايا الفرعية التي وردت في إطار القضية الرئيسية الواحدة ..، فبينما جاءت القضية الرئيسية (الاختلالات الأمنية) في المركز الثاني من القضايا الرئيسية التي رتبها المبحوثون ، فإن القضايا التي تفرعت من تلك القضية قد احتلت مراكز مختلفة في ترتيب المبحوثين ، فقد جاء (تفجير المدمرة "كول" والسفارة البريطانية) في المركز الثالث ، بينما كانت (جرائم الاختطاف والتهريب) في المركز السابع ، و(جريمة مشرحة كلية الطب) في المركز العاشر .
(5) أشارت نتائج الدراسة أن المبحوثين من النخبة اليمنية (السياسية والفكرية) قد حققوا درجةً مرتفعةً من الاتفاق في ترتيبهم لأهمية القضايا المحلية التي برزت في الأولويات الإخبارية للتليفزيون والصحف اليمنية ـ التي خضعت للدراسة التحليلية ـ وأن الاختلاف النسبي في ترتيب بعض القضايا يرجع في معظمه إلى تأكيد أعضاء النخبة السياسية (البرلمانية) على الإنجازات التشريعية في ترتيبهم لأهمية تلك القضايا ..، مقابل تأكيد أعضاء النخبة الفكرية (الأكاديمية) على القضايا التي ترتبط بإسهاماتهم و أنشطتهم العلمية والثقافية ..، إذ بينما برزت قضايا مثل : (التشريعات والقوانين) و (معاهدة الحدود بين اليمن والسعودية) في مراكز متقدمة ـ نسبياً ـ لدى أعضاء النخبة (البرلمانية) فإن من بين القضايا التي أكّد عليها أعضاء النخبة (الأكاديمية) أكثر من تأكيد (البرلمانيين) قضية "الندوات والمؤتمرات العلمية والثقافية" ؛ ومردّ ذلك إلى طبيعة القضية التي ترتبط بإسهامات النخبة الفكرية (الأكاديمية) وأنشطتها في المجالين العلمي والثقافي .
(6) أوضحت النتائج أن أهم القضايا المحلية التي تواجه المجتمع اليمني من وجهة نظر النخبة ـ عينة الدراسة ـ (الأجندة الذاتية) هي : قضايا (الإصلاح الاقتصادي) و (ارتفاع الأسعار بشكل مستمر) و (البطالة) و (الاختلالات الأمنية) و (مشكلات التعليم). حيث جاءت تلك القضايا على رأس قائمة تضم (28) قضية (اجتماعية وسياسية واقتصادية وأمنية وثقافية) ..، وقد بينت النتائج ـ أيضاً ـ أن (الاتصال الشخصي) أو درجة المناقشات التي يجريها المبحوثون مع غيرهم ترتبط بزيادة نسبة القضايا البارزة في قائمة أولوياتها (الذاتية) وقد كانت العلاقة بين هذين المتغيرين ذات دلالة إحصائية .، أما علاقة (التعرض للتليفزيون والصحف ـ عينة الدراسة ـ) (بزيادة أو نقصان عدد القضايا البارزة لدى المبحوثين) فلم تشر النتائج إلى وجود دلالة إحصائية في تلك العلاقة ؛ وتؤكد هذه النتيجة أن (الاتصال الشخصي) يلعب دوراً هاماً في زيادة نسبة القضايا البارزة في قائمة الأولويات (الذاتية) للنخبة ..
(7) أشارت النتائج إلى أن أهم المآخذ والسلبيات التي ذكرها المبحوثون في تقييمهم للتليفزيون والصحافة اليمنية تتمثل في : (عدم التوازن في عرض الجوانب المختلفة للقضايا والأحداث) و(الاهتمام غير الكافي بهموم الناس وقضاياهم الحيوية والانشغال بدلاً عن ذلك بقضايا أقل أهمية) . أما أهم المقترحات التي ذكرها المبحوثون من أجل النهوض بمستوى الإعلام اليمني ـ عموماً ـ والخدمة الإخبارية ـ خصوصاً ـ فتتمثل في : (الاهتمام بالتدريب والتأهيل ، والاختيار المناسب للقائمين بالعمل الإعلامي ، والاستفادة من نجاحات الآخرين والأخذ بالوسائل التقنية الحديثة ، والتركيز على القضايا المرتبطة بالهموم الحقيقية للناس ، والتأكد من مصادر الأخبار بهدف كسب ثقة الجمهور ، وتحقيق المزيد من الاستقلالية وإفساح المجال للرأي الآخر ) ...
واعتماداً على نتائج تحليل المضمون الإخباري في التليفزيون والصحف ـ عينة الدراسة ـ ونتائج الدراسة الميدانية التي أجريت على عينة من النخبة اليمنية (السياسية والفكرية) قام الباحث باختبار فروض الدراسة على النحو التالي :
الفرض الرئيسي الأول :
أشارت نتائج الدراسة إلى صحة الفرض الأول الخاص بوجود علاقة ارتباط إيجابية بين ترتيب القضايا المحلية في الأولويات الإخبارية للتليفزيون والصحف اليمنية ـ عينة الدراسة ـ من جهة ؛ وترتيب المبحوثين من النخبة اليمنية لتلك القضايا من جهة أخرى . إلا أن ذلك الارتباط كان إما ضعيفاً وإما ضعيفاً جداً ـ وفقاً لمعامل ارتباط الرتب (سبيرمان) ـ .
الفرض الرئيسي الثاني:
أثبتت النتائج صحة هذا الفرض الخاص الذي يشير إلى أن اتجاه العلاقة الارتباطية بين "القائمتين" يتجه من ( وسائل الإعلام ) إلى (النخبة) بدرجة أكبر من احتمال حدوث العكس .
فقد أوضحت نتائج معامل ارتباط الفترات المتقاطعة للعلاقة بين ترتيب القضايا المحلية البارزة في الأولويات الإخبارية للتليفزيون والصحف –عينة الدراسة – ولدى المبحوثين من النخبة اليمنية -في المرحلتين الأولى والثانية – أن الارتباط بين الأولويات الإخبارية للتليفزيون والصحف في المرحلة الأولى من جهة ، وترتيب القضايا لدى المبحوثين في المرحلة الثانية من جهة أخرى ، قد جاء أقوى بكثير من الارتباط العكسي الذي يتجه من (النخبة) إلى (وسائل الإعلام) …
الفرض الرئيسي الثالث :
أثبتت النتائج صحة هذا الفرض الذي يشير إلى أن الصحافة تتفوق على التليفزيون في القيام بدور تريب أولويات الاهتمام بالقضايا المحلية لدى النخبة ـ عينة الدراسة ـ . واتفقت هذه النتيجة مع كثير من البحوث والدراسات التي أشارت إلى أن الصحافة تنجح في التأثير على أولويات الاهتمام بالقضايا لدى الجمهور أكثر من نجاح التليفزيون في ذلك ..
الفرض الرئيسي الرابع :
ويتفرع من هذا الفرض ستة فروض فرعية تناولت تأثير المتغيرات والعوامل الوسيطة في طبيعة العلاقة بين قائمة أولويات كل من (وسائل الإعلام ) و (النخبة) ـ عينة الدراسة ـ كالتالي :
الفرض الفرعي الأول : أثبتت نتائج الدراسة صحة هذا الفرض في الصحف ـ خاصةً الصحف الحزبية المعارضة ـ ، وأنه كلما زاد معدل التعرض للصحف ، زادت درجة الارتباط بين قائمة أولوياتها وقائمة أولويات جمهورها من النخبة ، وعدم ثبوته في حالة (التليفزيون) مما يدل على ارتباط قراء الصحف من النخبة بالمحتوى الإخباري لتلك الصحف وتأثرهم بالاهتمامات الإخبارية لها .
الفرض الفرعي الثاني : جاءت النتائج لتثبت صحة هذا الفرض ـ أيضاً ـ في الصحف ، حيث تزيد درجة الارتباط بين قائمة أولويات الصحف ـ من جهة ـ وقائمة أولويات من يعتمدون عليها كمصدر للمعلومات ـ من جهة أخرى ـ مقارنةً بأولئك الذين يعتمدون على وسائل أخرى . وبينما ثبتت صحة الفرض في حالة الصحف ، فإنه لم يثبت في حالة التليفزيون ..، وقد تفاوت الصحف في ذلك ـ بشكل واضح ـ حيث ظهر المبحوثون الذين يعتمدون على الصحيفتين الحزبيتين المعارضتين (الصحوة ـ والثوري) أكثر ارتباطاً بالاهتمامات الإخبارية لتلك الصحيفتين ..
الفرض الفرعي الثالث : أوضحت نتائج الدراسة أن هذا الفرض لم يتحقق إلا في حالة الصحف الحزبية المعارضة ، حيث تزيد درجة الارتباط بين قائمة أولويات الصحيفة من جهة، وقائمة أولويات من يثقون بها من جهة أخرى ، مقارنة بأولئك الذين يثقون بوسائل أخرى . وتتفق نتائج الدراسة في هذا الفرض ، مع نتائج الدراسات السابقة التي أشارت إلى أنه كلما ارتفعت درجة الثقة في الصحف الحزبية زاد الارتباط بين تلك الصحف واهتمامات القراء ..
الفرض الفرعي الرابع : لم تثبت نتائج الدراسة صحة هذا الفرض في النتائج الخاصة بالصحف الحزبية المعارضة ، بينما أثبتت صحة الفرض في حالة (التليفزيون) وأنه كلما زادت درجة مناقشة النخبة للقضايا المحلية مع الآخرين (الاتصال الشخصي) كانت العلاقة الارتباطية ضعيفة بين قائمة الأولويات الإخبارية للتليفزيون من ناحية ، وقائمة أولويات النخبة اليمنية من ناحية أخرى .، وقد أشارت النتائج أن الصحيفتين الحزبيتين المعارضتين قد نجحتا في التركيز على قضايا محلية محددة في تغطيتهما الإخبارية ، وجاء (الاتصال الشخصي) ليلعب دور المساعد لهما في التأثير على أولويات الاهتمام لدى المبحوثين من النخبة اليمنية . بينما لم تحظ تلك القضايا بتغطية إخبارية كافية في التليفزيون اليمنى ، فجاء الاتصال الشخصي ليقوم بدور البديل أو المنافس للتليفزيون في ترتيب أولويات المبحوثين من النخبة .
الفرض الفرعي الخامس : لم تثبت النتائج صحة هذا الفرض ، حيث أشارت إلى عدم وجود فرق واضح بين درجة الارتباط في حالة ترتيب القضايا المحلية باعتبارها قضايا عامة (رئيسية) أو ترتيبها كقضايا فرعية (أحداث تفصيلية) ، وقد اختلفت هذه النتيجة مع نتائج دراسة سابقة أشارت إلى صحة مثل هذا الافتراض .
الفرض الفرعي السادس : أثبتت النتائج صحة هذا الفرض الذي يشير إلى أن طبيعة (الانتماء السياسي) تؤثر في تحديد أكثر الوسائل نجاحاً في ترتيب أولويات الاهتمام بالقضايا المحلية لدى النخبة اليمنية .، فقد كان المبحوثون من أعضاء الحزب الحاكم أكثر ارتباطاً بالاهتمامات الإخبارية لوسائل الإعلام الحكومية (الرسمية) ـ التليفزيون وصحيفة الثورة ـ كما أن المبحوثين من أعضاء أحزاب المعارضة كانوا أكثر ارتباطاً بالاهتمامات الإخبارية لصحيفتي المعارضة (الصحوة و الثوري) بدرجة أكبر من ارتباط أعضاء الحزب الحاكم بوسائل الإعلام الرسمية . وتتفق هذه الدراسة في ذلك مع دراسة (هشام عطية عبد المقصود) التي أشارت إلى أن المتغير السياسي المتمثل في نوع الانتماء الحزبي لأعضاء النخب السياسية المصرية هو المتغير الفاعل والمتحكم في تشكيل كافة محددات وخصائص علاقة النخبة بالصحافة ..
https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.5239873
This study examines the role of U.S. presidents as a news source in the media agenda shaping process. DICTION text-analysis software was used to analyze transcripts of U.S. presidents’ state of the union addresses and related news coverage from 1981 to 2007. DICTION software calculated scores for five major dimensions of content in the addresses and related news stories. Results revealed that the addresses and related news coverage contained dissimilar rhetoric, suggesting that, overall, the presidents had little influence on independent media outlets in that regard.
The agenda-setting function of the mass media was first established in the 1970s. Since then, research on agenda-setting has expanded to include six areas of research. The first category is the original hypothesis, which examines the cognitive effects of news on consumers. The second category, sources of the media agenda, concerns how competing actors in public debate affect public opinion and includes agenda-building research. The third category, the policy agenda, deals with the effect of news media on policy. The fourth category is contingent conditions, which explains circumstances that may affect the agenda-setting process. The fifth category is the second level, which shows that there is an affective component to the agenda-setting process. The sixth category investigates the function of the agenda-setting process in social media and the Internet. More recently, research has examined visual agenda-setting and the third level of the agenda-setting effect.
Presidents often give speeches about crime issues as a way to convince the public that there are significant problems for which an easy solution can be found. Studies have shown that presidential rhetoric on crime not only influences the public’s perception of the problem, but also the perception of the best solution. More recent research has demonstrated that presidents sometimes draw on the public’s fear of crime as a way to further affect the public’s perception of crime. In other words, presidents link crime with the public’s anxiety about other fearful events as a way to further impact the public’s perception of a problem (and thus further their agenda). This study examines presidential rhetoric on cybercrime to determine if executives link cybercrime with other issues such as national security. The findings provide credibility to both Cavelty’s threat frames approach as well as assertions made regarding the politics of fear.
Exploring contributions in the policy science, political economy and power literatures, this theoretical chapter proposes that a fundamental effect of structural economic and political interactions within, and between, polyarchies — or liberal democracies — has potentially far-reaching consequences related to the capacity for societal change. Furthermore, it argues that the creation of shared understanding between economic and political elites is critical to a comprehension of how structural determinants are purposed by political activity at the pre-agenda phase of the policy process. It is against this consensual backdrop, and the discursive and deliberative narrowness that it produces, that transformational political change exists largely beyond the capacity of policy-makers or the collective will of ordinary citizens; instead it is, almost exclusively, a function of the invisible hand of market forces. In the absence of a global regulatory framework, the long-term consequences of shared understanding between today’s political and economic elites could have profound implications for tomorrow’s global citizens.
This study examines the role of U.S. presidents as a news source in the media agenda shaping process. DICTION text-analysis software was used to analyze transcripts of U.S. presidents' state of the union addresses and related news coverage from 1981 to 2007. DICTION software calculated scores for five major dimensions of content in the addresses and related news stories. Results revealed that the addresses and related news coverage contained dissimilar rhetoric, suggesting that, overall, the presidents had little influence on independent media outlets in that regard.
Fox News, MSNBC, The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, The Rush Limbaugh Show, National Public Radio-a list of available political media sources could continue without any apparent end. This book investigates how people navigate these choices. It asks whether people are using media sources that express political views matching their own, a behavior known as partisan selective exposure. By looking at newspaper, cable news, news magazine, talk radio, and political website use, this book offers a look to-date at the extent to which partisanship influences our media selections. Using data from numerous surveys and experiments, the results provide broad evidence about the connection between partisanship and news choices. This book also examines who seeks out likeminded media and why they do it. Perceptions of partisan biases in the media vary-sources that seem quite biased to some don't seem so biased to others. These perceptual differences provide insight into why some people select politically likeminded media-a phenomenon that is democratically consequential. On one hand, citizens may become increasingly divided from using media that coheres with their political beliefs. In this way, partisan selective exposure may result in a more fragmented and polarized public. On the other hand, partisan selective exposure may encourage participation and understanding. Likeminded partisan information may inspire citizens to participate in politics and help them to organize their political thinking. But, ultimately, the partisan use of niche news has some troubling effects. It is vital that we think carefully about the implications both for the conduct of media research and, more broadly, for the progress of democracy.
This research project is framed in the Agenda Setting research tradition set by Maxwell McCombs and it describes the topics addressed by Chile's presidential candidates in their television ad campaigns at the end of 2005. The analysis examines the topics' similarities and differences and the politicians' agendas are
compared with printed media and prime time television newscasts' own agendas in the same period.
The application of the chosen conceptual theoretical framework methodology seeks to demonstrate whether candidates were indeed able to set the media's agenda topics addressed to the public and the role that the government may have played in this process. The results only partially support the effects found in other research projects and present an open discussion about who in fact set the media agenda in this case.
The president’s ability to influence the news agenda is central to the study of American politics. Although there is a large literature that examines presidential agenda-setting vis-à-vis traditional news sources, such as newspapers or broadcast television networks, there is little research that explores the effects of presidential agenda leadership of nontraditional media whether online or cable television. This study remedies this state of affairs by examining the relationship between the president’s daily agenda and traditional and nontraditional daily news agendas. I argue that although the president should find similar space on all news for topics he raises in his speeches, nontraditional sources are more likely to cover other stories that reference the president. Analysis of 748 stories on the presidency for 63 days in early 2012 from 7 traditional, cable, and online news sources provides support for my argument, with cable news providing the most presidential news coverage. I conclude with some implications about what my findings mean for presidential leadership of nontraditional media.
This paper investigates the multidirectional causal relationships between negative economic coverage in two national newspapers and parliamentary questions addressing the economic crisis in Spain and the Netherlands, while controlling for the "real" economy as portrayed by stock market indices. Weekly level vector autoregression (VAR) analyses demonstrate for both countries that newspaper coverage is affected by stock market ratings and parliamentary questions. In Spain, newspaper coverage also affects parliament. A more detailed analysis shows that in Spain, the newspaper that is close to the government is ignored by the opposition as a source for parliamentary questions, while this newspaper also ignores the attention the opposition pays to negative economic developments in its parliamentary questions. In the Netherlands, we do not find any differences across newspapers. These findings reflect the differences in political and media systems and specifically the differences in the levels of consensus-orientation and political parallelism between the two countries.
This investigation explores the relationships among information subsidies, news media coverage, and policymaking activities regarding healthcare reform during the first year of the Obama presidential administration. Specifically, a comparison of information subsidies (from the president, federal government offices, Congress, and healthcare-related stakeholder groups), news media content, and policymaking activity was completed from March 2009 to December 2009. Significant correlations were found for the salience of issues and stakeholder groups among information subsidies, news media coverage, and policymaking activity. Robust linkages were also found concerning issue attribute salience.
Mediated conflicts are controversies between at least two parties who exchange information and arguments indirectly by the mass media. The discourse in mediated conflicts is influenced by its public character. By forwarding information and arguments to the media, conflict parties attempt to gain support from their constituencies and persuade their opponents. This raises the question of the role the media plays in selecting news about such conflicts. Events which support the position of either one of the protagonists in a conflict are called instrumental. The publication of information on these events is called instrumental actualization. It may be regarded as one of the major goals of the conflicting parties and one important activity of journalists. The relevance of instrumental actualization in news selection is analysed with a survey of 213 print and broadcast journalists, and a content analysis of their news reporting about the dispute concerning the 35-hour working week. The results indicate that instrumental actualization plays a significant role in mediated conflicts.
This study tested a path model of agenda building examining the relationship among the media, the public and the presidential statements on the issue of drug abuse during the Bush administration's War on Drugs. The results showed that a dynamic and interactive relationship among aforementioned actors. First, the real-world conditions strongly increased both media coverage and presidential statements. Second, the news media and president influenced each other. Third, public concern, however, did not function as a significant factor in agenda-building process in this study. The result of this study indicates that Bush was not utterly a reactive or proactive president in terms of his relationship with the media. That is, news media and the president interacted regarding the drug issues; the relationship between President Bush and the media for drug issues was reciprocal.
This article investigates what might cause punctuations in the agenda of a country's executive branch by examining the annual prime minister's speeches to the Belgian Parliament (1993–2008). After having established that the Belgian executive agenda is punctuated, meaning it has long periods of stability that are offset by major shifts in attention, the article closely examines to what extent focusing events, leadership changes, and elections can explain these shifts. Focusing events that were specifically mentioned in the speech can explain seven of the 18 punctuations. They cannot shed light on what occurred in the other 11 cases. Changes in leadership also do not systematically cause punctuations. The 1999 election of Verhofstadt as prime minister can partly explain the four shifts in attention of that year, although the change in leadership from Verhofstadt to Leterme did not cause any significant alterations in the agenda. Finally, elections without a leadership change did not cause immediate shifts in attention. Focusing events, leadership changes, and elections together provide an explanation for 10 of the 18 punctuations.
In this article, we review two research programs that could benefit from a more extensive dialogue: media and policy studies of agenda setting. We focus on three key distinctions that divide these two robust research programs: the agenda(s) under investigation (public versus policymaking), the typical level of analysis (individual versus systemic), and framing effects (individual versus macro level). We map out these differences and their impacts on understanding the policy process. There is often a policy disconnect in the agenda-setting studies that emanate from the media tradition. Though interested in the effects of political communication, scholars from this tradition often fail to link the media to policy outcomes, policy change, or agenda change. Policy process scholars have increasingly rejected simple linear models in favor of models emphasizing complex feedback effects. This suggests a different role for the media—one of highlighting attributes in a multifaceted political reality and involvement in positive feedback cycles. Yet, political communication scholars have for the most part been insensitive to these potentials. We advocate a shared agenda centering on the role of the media in the political system from an information processing framework, emphasizing the reciprocal effects of each on the other.
Can presidents influence news coverage through their press conferences? Scant research has explored this question leaving two possible answers. On the one hand, presidential news management efforts, combined with norms of journalistic professionalism and the cost of producing news, suggest that the nightly news will cover presidential press conferences. On the other hand, the costs of delivering press conferences espoused by some scholars insinuate that press conferences will have little impact on news coverage. To determine whether the press conference influences news coverage, I use plagiarism detection software to assess the propensity of television news to incorporate the president's rhetoric into stories that cover the president's press conferences. I find that news reports on the press conference rely heavily on the president's words, indicating that it is an important event for presidential influence of the news media and perhaps eventually the public.
Digital convergence has permeated the media environment. Social network services such as Twitter and blogs have dramatically changed how people collect and process information. The purpose of this study is to use content analysis to investigate the inter-media agenda-setting relationship among different media regarding a crisis. The findings support the inter-media agenda-setting effects in various dimensions, with Twitter being the leading outlet of crisis-related reports in terms of volume and content.
This study investigates the role of local newspapers in the 2007 presidential election in Kenya, East Africa. Agenda setting provided the theoretical framework for the study, which content-analysed two major newspapers in the country. A survey of registered voters was also conducted and the result compared with election-related news items published in the newspapers during the election campaign period. The major finding showed a high and positive correlation (on the first and second levels of agenda setting) between what the newspapers highlighted as major issues in the election, and what the voters identified as their main concerns. It also showed how the candidates were framed in the newspapers and voters’ perceptions of the presidential contenders.
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