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From manual to literature: Two texts on the Ottoman timar system
Abstract
Close comparison of the text erroneously attributed to Ali Cavus of Sofia and the Kavanin-i Al-i Osman of Ayn Ali shows that the two are related, having common content and a similar structure. A direct genetic relationship cannot be demonstrated. Rather, Ayn Ali used the other text as a literary model, transforming what was essentially a scribal manual into a literary work in the advice for kings genre.
... if we consider that political thought is also contained in moral treatises (see the exhaustive list by Levend 1963). 21 Cf. the notes by Yılmaz 2003b: 253-258. For other efforts to incorporate such sources into the study of Ottoman political thought, see e.g. Tezcan 2001;Neumann 2000;Murphey 2005;Sariyannis 2008;Riedlmayer 2008;Yılmaz 2006: 165ff.;Howard 2008;Holbrook 1999;Fazlıoğlu 2003;Al-Tikriti 2005. 22 Ergene 2001Hagen 2005;Sigalas 2007; cf. also Sariyannis 2011a. 23 A similar, but incomplete, attempt for comprehensive treating is Lewis 1988; for the Tanzimat period, Doganalp-Votzi -Römer 2008. texts ultimately seeks to put these texts together in some identifiable ideological currents, ...
... There are numerous editions: Ayn Ali 1978; Ayn Ali -Tuncer 1962 (a very inadequate edition); Akgündüz 1990Akgündüz -1996. On Ayn Ali's work, see Gökbilgin 1991, 203-206;Gökbilgin 1978;Howard 1988;Howard 2007,152-166;Howard 2008. identical versions are the treatise copied by (and by some scholars attributed to) Sofyalı Ali Çavuş in 1653 and another similar description, copied the same year. ...
... 26 Avni Ömer -Uzunçarşılı 1951. See also Gökbilgin 1991, 212;Howard 2008. therefore, the tendency to make compilations of older sources predominated in those authors continuing the tradition of the "old law". ...
This article aims to describe the impact of legal dualism within the Ottoman Empire. After Constantinople was taken over, Sultan Muhammad Al-Fatih instituted a significant policy, including issuing laws and regulations for the benefit of society; then, there was also a dualism system within the Ottoman Empire, which was visible during the reign of Sultan Sulaiman I. During this time, foreign nationals were mainly recruited, and foreign traders began to gain impunity at the peak of power. This then prompted several questions, such as were the sultans free to create the laws they wanted, or was Islamic law still binding on them? Was Sultan's law an innovation from the Ottoman Empire or a legacy from the preceding dynasty in the form of Capitulation? To address those issues, the authors conducted a comparative historical analysis of various types of literature. We used a descriptive qualitative approach to Qānūn's position, which served as a springboard for foreign intervention in an Empire that was strong but weak in political policies which occasionally strayed outside the corridor of Islamic Sharia which had become customary and national culture. The tolerance separated from the corridors of Islam derailed during the crisis. This became a springboard for legal dualism in a state body with integrity in various dimensions.
In this article we explore the validity of the argument that the timar system, starting with the last quarter of the sixteenth century, was crumbling financially and therefore was unable to perform its military obligations. Based on the energy requirements of an “average” timar contingent together with their horses we calculated the actual money cost of maintaining such a unit in seven different campaigns. We also calculated the depreciation cost of the weaponry in these campaigns. We compared these costs with the annual tax revenue of an “average” timar. We found no evidence of any such financial weakness with the conclusion that the timar system was perfectly viable in the two centuries under consideration. Keywords:
This paper is an addendum to my article on the timar system in a previous issue of this journal, carrying the story into the seventeenth century and adding data on the sixteenth century that was not in the previous article. It considers the question of timars not listed in the provincial registers, employing the icmal defterleri to determine how many timars disappeared from the provincial registers in the period 1580-1632, presumably because they were awarded to personnel such as harem women and officials as paşmaklık or ocaklık. It observes no decline in the number of provincial timars in that period, rather an increase. It also surveys the identities of seventeenth-century timar-holders, finding that the sons of timar-holders received timars in the same proportions as in the late sixteenth century. It was the people of the palace whose access to timars decreased in the seventeenth century, while that of the sons of nobodies increased. © 2015, ISAM, Turkish Religious Foundation Centre for Islamic Studies. All rights reserved.
Burada neşrettiğim metnin yazarı ve yaşadığı tarih ortamı hakkında VIII. Türk Tarih Kongresinde kısaca bilgi vermiştim. Burada metnin tespitinden başka noksan olsa dahi, bu tür literatürde belli başlı temaların başka kaynaklarda nasıl bir ifade ile geçtiğini işaret etmeğe çalıştım. Tabiidir ki diğer metinler neşredilmedikçe, nasihatü' s - selatin literatürünün Osmanlılarda nasıl ortaya çıktığını ve nasıl geliştiğini tam manasiyle anlamaya ve karşılaştırmaya imkân yoktur. Fakat hiç olmazsa belli başlı konularda bu gibi telhisleri yazanların hangi kaynaklardan istifade ettiklerini Veliyyüddin telhisiyle koyduğum notlar çerçevesinde göstermeğe gayret ettim. Ileride bu konuda yeni çalışmalar yapıldığı ve diğer Osmanlı nasihatü's selatin tipi eserler ilmi bir şekilde basıldığı zaman, bu müelliflerin fikir bakımından nasıl birbirine bağlı oldukları ve ne şekilde birbirlerinden yararlandıkları daha açık bir şekilde ortaya çıkacaktır.
Fekete Lajos 1955'te Timar Ruznamçe Defterleri'ni, içerisine ilgili vilâyetlere ait timar işlemleri hakkındaki belgelerin ve tezkirelerin sırasına göre kaydolunduğu defterler olarak tanımlar. Onun kullandığı defterler Viyana, Leipzig ve Halle gibi çeşitli Orta Avrupa kitaplıklarında yazma olarak kaydedilmiş defterlerdi, kayıtlar da 16. yüzyıl sonları ile 17. yüzyılın ilk yarısından kalma Budin Beylerbeyliği'ne veya onun sancaklarına aitti. Fekete bu defterlerin biyografi bakımından önemine şu sözlerle işaret eder: "Bu defterler mülk ve timar sahiplerinin (aynı şekilde timar isteyenlerin) isimlerini, timar hasıllarını, timar sahipleri ile timara talip olanlar hakkında geniş biyografik malûmatı, bazan menşeleri, askeri faaliyetleri, üst makamlarla şahsi ilişkileri hakkında kısa bilgileri ihtiva eder ve Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nda timar sahipleri zümresi hususunda güzel bir tablo elde edilmesine vasıta olur.
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