The Arabic Words in Palmyrene Inscriptions

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THE ARABIC WORDS IN PALMYRENE INSCRIPTIONS
MOHAMMED MARAQTEN
I. INTRODUCTION
More than two thousand Palmyrene inscriptions have been discovered in
both Palmyra and adjacent regions. Palmyrene inscriptions were also found
in several scattered areas from South Arabia to England. These inscriptions
are attributed to Palmyrene merchants and soldiers (Hillers-Cussini 1996).
The Palmyrene inscriptions have a unique position among Semitic epigraphy
for two important reasons. Firstly, the first deciphered and published Semitic
inscription was Palmyrene, and secondly the longest North West Semitic
inscription which has been discovered until now is also a Palmyrene inscription.
In fact the publishment of Palmyrene inscriptions in the early 17th century
was the first step for studying the Semitic epigraphy. (Lidzbarski 1898, 5;
Daniels 1988, 419-36.) The earliest dated Palmyrene inscription is from the
year 44 BC and the latest discovery has been dated to the year 274 AD. (Star-
cky - Gawlikowski 1985, 27-32.)
Moreover, to me the Palmyrene script is the most beautiful one among the
North West Semitic scripts and the second in its beauty after the South Arabian
script among the Semitic scripts.
Palmyra (Tadmur) had already appeared at the beginning of the second
millennium BC in Cuneiform texts and continued later on to be mentioned in
the same sources. Palmyra flourished in the 1st and the 2nd century AD and
reached its peak in the 3rd century AD in the time of Odainath and Zenobia.
In the year 273 AD Palmyra was destroyed by the Romans. (Stoneman 1992;
Will 1992.)
Most of the people of Palmyra were Arabs. This can be determined from
personal names evident in their inscriptions. The language of the Palmyrene
inscriptions is a West Aramaic dialect and has its substratum in Imperial
Aramaic. It has, however, some features related to East Aramaic. The Aramaic
of the Palmyrene inscriptions is cited within the phase of Middle Aramaic
(300 BC-200 AD). (Fitzmyer 1979, 57-84; Brock 1989, 11-23; Degen 1987,
27-31; Hillers 1995, 55-62; Naccache 1996.) Which language was exactly
ARAM, 7 (1995) 89-108 89

spoken in everyday life in Palmyra is difficult to know, but from the evidence
given to us, the Palmyrene Aramaic and Arabic were spoken and understood.
Apparently, Greek was understood and used by intellectuals and merchants,
and the use of Latin was reduced to only some writing and speaking. How-
ever, it wasdifferent in Palmyra than in the Nabataean state, where the people
spoke Arabic in their everyday life and wrote in Nabataean Aramaic. The task
of this paper is to find out Arabic loan-words and arabism, and to clarify their
use in the Palmyrene inscriptions.
II. A
RABIC IN PALMYRA
Since the majority of the people of Palmyra were Arabs, the influence of
Arabic on the language of the Palmyrene inscriptions is to be expected.
However, this remains an important fact in studying the influence of the
written language on native speakers whose spoken language is different. The
same could be said in studying the Arabic loan-words in Nabataean inscrip-
tions. (O’Connor 1986, 213-29; Healey 1995, 75-84; Greenfield 1992, 10-
21.) But there is a different nature in the relationship between Semitic lan-
guages such as Akkadian and Aramaic. Two different Semitic people who
spoke different languages came in contact together and their languages were
influenced by each other. Aramaic is the most important Semitic language
when studying languages in contact as well as the history and development
of a Semitic language. This is due to the long history of Aramaic as a writ-
ten language, starting from ca. the beginning of the first millennium BC
until today. In addition Aramaic was the lingua franca in the Ancient Near
East and was spoken and written by various peoples there. (Beyer 1986;
Kaufman 1974.)
One of the greatest difficulties in both studying the contacts and recognising
the loan-words in Semitic languages, is the common Semitic roots that are
found in all Semitic languages. Besides this, there are also roots that are
described to be common North West Semitic or West Semitic. Thus, there are
difficulties to determine whether some terms are borrowed or merely cognates.
Unfortunately, we do not know about the language of the Aribi “Arabs” of
the Akkadian sources. For studying the earliest stage of the Arabic language
the reconstruction of the Arabic elements in the Nabataean and Palmyrene
inscriptions is of great importance.
Four aspects in the Palmyrene inscriptions have been influenced by Arabic.
These are personal names, divine names, morphological and syntactical features
and loan-words. The first word that must be interpreted according to Arabic
90 THE ARABIC WORDS IN PALMYRENE INSCRIPTIONS

and South Arabic is the name of the city Tadmur. It appears in the Palmyrene
inscriptions as tdmr, tdmwr. It has been suspected by M. Gawli- kowski and
J. Starcky that the name tadmur means according to the Semitic root ∂mr
“poste de garde”. (Starcky - Gawlikowski 10985, 33.) Nevertheless, some
researchers are still repeating the etymology of tadmur as “palm-tree” con-
necting that with the biblical place name tamar. (e.g. White 1992, 307.)
Some scholars tried to interpret tadmur in association with the word Palmyra
believing that it must be the same as well as they give it the meaning, “palm-
tree”. Arabic sources maintain that the city Tadmur received its name after a
woman bearing the name “Tadmur daughter of Îassan b. U∂aina b. as-
Sumaida¨ b. … NuÌ”. (e.g. Yaqut, I, 828-31, cf. also the discussion by Al-
Hilou 1986, 90.) It is noteworthy that tdmr (and tdmwr) as a women’s name
is attested in Palmyrene inscriptions. (Stark 1971, 116.) However, this
women’s name was given after the city name Tadmur. Meanwhile, Arabic
Lexicons give an etymology for Tadmur to be derived from Arabic dmr “to
destroy” (Lisan, Article dmr). These folk etymologies cannot be accepted.
However, the interpretation of the name tadmur must be based on its historical
attestation in written records. The occurrence of the name of Tadmur as t∂mr
in a Hadramitic inscription (Bron 1986, 95-98.) makes it clear that its ety-
mology is due to the common West Semitic root ∂mr. This root appears in Ara-
maic only in personal names, but it is well attested in South Arabic. ∂mr is
defined in Sabaic as “to protect”. (Sab.Dic, 39.) The root ∂mr occurs in place
names, for example in the city name ∆amar in Yemen. The form taf¨al is evi-
dent in place names. (Isserlin 1986, 46.) The name of the capital of the king-
dom of Qataban tmn¨/Tamna¨ (Timna¨) and the ancient place name Timna¨ in
Palestine have not only the form taf¨al, but also the meaning as ta∂mur “a
place of protection”. Tadmur means then “city of protection” or “the one that
guarantees protection”. This designates the function not only as a caravan sta-
tion but also as a shelter and refuge for the people of the desert. The occur-
rence of tadmur in the cuneiform texts from the second and the first millen-
nium BC makes it clear that the city was originally an Amorite establishment
and the name itself must be considered as Amorite.
The most important feature of Arabic influences in Palmyra is the attes-
tation of a high proportion of Arabic personal names in the Palmyrene in-
scriptions. The majority of these personal names are Arabic or have an Arabic
etymology. (Stark 1971; Teixidor 1991; Piersimoni 1994.) Some of these
names are very important for the Arabic lexicon such as Ìbzy (Ìabbaz)
“baker”, (Stark 1971, 87.) a fact which means that the Arabic word Ìubz
“bread” may have not been a loan from Ge¨ez as it has been suggested by
MOHAMMED MARAQTEN 91

Th. Nöldeke. (Nöldeke 1910, 56; Leslau 1991, 257.) Furthermore, some of
the tribe names could be interpreted according to Arabic, e.g. the name of the
Palmyrene tribe bny m¨zyn. The suggestion of M. Gawlikowski that the word
m¨zyn relates to Arabic ma¨iz “goat” is plausible. (Gawlikowski 1973, 38ff.)
He explains the name of this tribe as “the tribe of the goat-herds”. Since this
word in this form exists only in Arabic the interpretation seems to be right.
Besides ma¨iz in Arabic we have ¨anz meaning “goat” and ¨zz in North West
Semitic and in Akkadian ezzu, enzu. (HAL, 761ff.) Nevertheless, the word
m¨z can be also interpreted as Arabic mu¨a∂ and ma¨zayn as mu¨a∂iyyun (pl.).
This word derives from Arabic ¨w∂ “to seek protection, take refuge”. How-
ever, Arabic genealogists record a tribe name mu¨a∂ as a subdivision of the
tribe LaÌm. (KaÌÌala, 1991, III, 1114.) The element m¨z meaning “taking
refuge, refuge”, is well attested in Aramaic onomastica. (Maraqten 1988,
115.) Worthy of note is that the root ¨w∂ itself is not attested in Aramaic lex-
icon, but in Arabic. Remarkable also is the writing of /∂/ with /z/ in Palmyra.
(Rosenthal 1936, 24.) The common designation for tribe in Palmyra is bny.
This is the most usual usage to designate North Arabian tribes. The Aramaic
term to indicate a “tribe” is bit. However, the occurrence of the term bny
with the meaning “sons” in Mari and North West Semitic is to be noted.
(Malamat 1992, 35.) Nevertheless, the term bny in Palmyra could be an Ara-
bic influence.
The second aspect for Arabic influence is the occurrence of Arabic deities
like Allat, Manat, Ru∂a (rÒˆ, ˆrÒw), Sa¨d (s¨d) and others. (Teixidor 1979.)
Another aspect of that is the attestations of some phrases in the inscriptions
which could be Arabic rather than Aramaic.
III. A
RABIC LOAN-WORDS
No doubt we can understand most of the Palmyrene inscriptions by com-
paring them with other Aramaic dialects and Semitic languages. But it must
be said that there are still some problems in understanding architectural,
cultural and some ritual terms. The Palmyrene Aramaic is influenced by
Akkadian, Greek and Arabic. To recognise Akkadian and Greek words is
relatively easy, while Arabic words are in general difficult to see, and since
Aramaic and Arabic are very close to each other, especially Imperial Aramaic.
On the other hand there are some Arabic words which seem to be clearly
Arabic and which are at the same time well attested in Aramaic. Thus, there
are surely some Arabic loan-words in the Aramaic of Palmyra which could
be found in Aramaic. Such words are difficult to recognise.
92 THE ARABIC WORDS IN PALMYRENE INSCRIPTIONS

The appearance of Arabic words as loan-words in the Palmyrene inscriptions
were recognised by scholars. Th. Nöldeke in his solid article (1870, 105-6.)
has suggested 7 words to be of Arabic origin. These are: pÌd, rÌmˆ, mgd,
mlÌt, mqbrtˆ, Ìrm, wsmytˆ. J. Cantineau (1935, 150-52.) recognised 10 words:
ˆpklˆ, gbl, wrs, mgd, m¨yd, skrˆ/skrˆ, pÌd/pÌzˆ, rzˆyn, twÌyt, and the particle /p/. F.
Rosenthal (1936, 94-96.) gives the possibility for 8 words, which according to
him, could be of Arabic origin. These are the following: pÌd/pÌz, pÌwz, gbl,
Ìl, Ìlˆ, bl, mgd, syrth (?). W.W. Müller suggests 6 words as examples for Ara-
bic loans in Palmyra: skrˆ/skrˆ, m¨d, gr, pÌd/pÌz, gbl, rzˆyn. (Müller 1982,
32.) J. Hoftijzer and K. Jongeling in their solid work DNWSI did not give
real attention for Arabic loans in the Palmyrene Aramaic. Nevertheless, they
give some remarks. There are also other scholars who recognised Arabic
loans in the language of Palmyra. These will be mentioned in the discussion.
It is to be noted that some words which have been classified as Arabic
loans were not correctly read. These are now corrected or reinterpreted, (see
e.g. Rosenthal 1936, 49.) e.g. the word mlÌt was considered as Arabic
maluÌat “pleasant”. (Nöldeke 1870, 106; Cook 1898, 73; Cooke 1903,
277f.) It is now corrected to m[y]tt “dead”. (CIS II, 3954/3.) The interpreta-
tion of the word zkrt (1 pers. sg.) which has been suggested by J. Cantineau
(1935, 151.) is uncertain. (DNWSI, 322.) The Arabic definite article ˆl is only
attested in the goddess name ˆlt (= Al-lat). The p-conjunction (= Arabic fa-) in
Nabataean and Palmyrene Aramaic is Arabic. This particle is read and sug-
gested in the Palmyrene inscriptions to be Arabic by J. Cantineau. (1935, 150,
J. Hoftijzer and K. Jongeling doubt this reading, DNWSI, 899.) However, this
conjunction may be considered to be Arabic influence in Palmyrene inscriptions
according to syntactical reasons. It is attested several times in Old and Imperial
Aramaic. (DNWSI, 899.) But the conjunction /p/ “and, then” is more common
in North and South Arabic (see the discussion by Nebes 1995, 255-70.) than
Aramaic. The suggestion of M. O’Connor that /p/ could be Arabic or Aramaic
in the Nabataean inscriptions is untenable. This must be determined Arabic
according to syntactical reasons. (O’Connor 1986, 216, note 15; Healey 1995,
79.)
Besides the loans discussed above, this is a discussion of 23 words
which are also attested in the Palmyrene inscriptions. I think that these
words are of Arabic origin. The reasons for this are that some of them are
clearly Arabic and common to Arabic than other Semitic languages. Some
of them can be explained etymologically only according to Arabic, and oth-
ers are terms connected with Arabian culture which could have been seen
as Arabic idioms for cultural reasons.
MOHAMMED MARAQTEN 93

1. ˆPKLˆ
The word ˆpklˆ “priest, religious administrator” has been proposed by
J. Cantineau (1935, 150; DNWSI, 95f.) to be an Arabic loan in Palmyra and
this is also suspected by S. Kaufman. (Kaufman 1974, 34f.) However, it is
accepted by scholars to be a loan from Akkadian apkallu. (= Sumerian ab.gal,
Kaufman 1974, 34f.) This term seems to be a high religious functionary title,
which was widely used by Arabs. It appears among the Nabataeans, in North
Arabia (Healey 1994, 160-62; Healey 1995, 78.) and among Sabaeans in
South Arabia (Beeston 1994, 40). S. Kaufman suggests that this word is an
early borrowing from Akkadian into Arabic. (Kaufman 1974, 34.) According
to cultural reasons, it may be assumed that ˆpklˆ came through Arabic into
Palmyrene Aramaic and not through Akkadian or Aramaic.
2. GBL
The word gbl (gibill) occurs several times in the construction gbl tdmryˆ “the
Palmyrenean’s council”. (CIS II 3923/3; DNWSI, 210.) This word is consid-
ered to be an Arabic loan-word in Palmyrene inscriptions by J. Cantineau,
(1935, 150.) F. Rosenthal. (1936, 89, 98) and W.W. Müller (1982, 32).) But
J. Hoftijzer and K. Jongeling doubt the Arabic origin of this word. (DNWSI,
210.) It is always translated as “collectivity, people, assembly” and the phrase
gbl tdmryˆ as “the collectivity of the Palmyreneans”. (DNWSI, 210.)
The word gbl must be explained according to Arabic, since there is no other
possibility for its etymology with this meaning in other Semitic languages.
This word is attested 6 times in the Qurˆan (36: 63, see Abu al-FutuÌ 1990,
47.) and means “a great company of people”. It is also given this meaning in
Arabic Classical lexicons. According to the commentaries of the Qurˆan the
word gibill can be read differently. (Tag, article gbl, Lane, 376.) It can be
read gubull and gibill but the latter is most common. (Tag, article gbl.)
gbl is understood in general to be collective, and has also been interpreted
as pl. of the word gibilla. There is no reason to suspect that gbl is anything
other than a native Arabic word.
Of importance is the attestation of the word gbl several times in the
Lihyanite inscriptions. (Lih. 71 = JS 41, Lih. 77 = JS 72, Lih. 87 = JS 52,
Lih. 91 = JS 71.) It has been translated by W. Caskel in association with its
occurrence in Palmyra and Arabic (Caskel 1954, no. 71.) as “Vollversamm-
lung”. No indications of this word exist in South Arabian inscriptions; a fact
which means that the term gibill is native North Arabic. It appears that gbl was
an important social institution in Palmyra. It seems to be that it was originally
94 THE ARABIC WORDS IN PALMYRENE INSCRIPTIONS

a tribal institution which continued to exist after the establishment of the
Palmyrene state. Worthy of note is that the Palmyreneans continued using
this term gbl in spite of using many Greek terms in the area of administra-
tions. This means that this institution was not only very important, but it
seems to be that it was the “national organisation” of the Palmyrene people.
3. GMLˆ
This word which occurs several times in Palmyrene Aramaic is to be con-
sidered as Arabic. (DNWSI, 226.) The word gamal “camel” is understood by
scholars to be a common Semitic word. (Leslau 1991, 194.) However, this
could be seen as an Arabic word on cultural grounds. Several scholars think
that the origin of the dromedary or the one-humped camel was from Arabia.
It has been suggested that the camel had been domesticated in North West
Arabia some time in the middle of the second millennium BC. (Zarins 1992,
824-26.) The use of camels from the second half of the second millennium BC
in the Ancient Near East was associated to North and South Arabs, as evi-
denced by the Old Testament, (HAL, 189.) Egyptian sources, (Redford 1993,
271ff.) Akkadian texts and South Arabian inscriptions. (Sab.Dic, 49.) The
earliest mention of the camel is gamlu, gammalu, viz. gamal from the New
Assyrian period. (CAD, G 35f.) However, there is no doubt that gamal is an
Arabic native word, adapted by other Semitic languages.
4. GR
The word gr is attested several times in the North West Semitic epigraphy
and especially in personal names. It is usually translated as “client, protégé,
follower”. (DNWSI, 232; Benz 1972, 298f.) It has been suggested to be of
Arabic origins in the Palmyrene inscriptions. (Müller 1982, 32.) The substan-
tives gyr (*gaˆir or *gayir) (CIS II 3973, 8) and gr (*gar) in Palmyrene Ara-
maic (e.g. CIS II, 4218/5; Müller 1982, 32.) can be explained according to
the Arabic verb gr/gwr (cf. Arabic agara “to grant asylum or a sanctuary, to
protect”). The word gyr (*gaˆir) has an active meaning and can be understood
as Arabic mugir “protector”. However, the Arabic word gira “neighbour-
hood, protection” is important in understanding the word gyr in Palmyra. It
was the custom of Arabs to guarantee protection for somebody especially a
foreigner if he seeks refuge. Such custom is attested in a Palmyrene inscription
which was set up by a Nabataean horseman called ¨Ubaidu b. Ganim for the
god Shai¨ al-Qaum. (CIS II 3973/7-8.) He describes the person by whom he
had his hospitality as gyrh wrÌmh “his protector and friend”. J. Teixidor
MOHAMMED MARAQTEN 95

translates this phrase as “his patron and friend”. (Teixidor 1973, 407.) How-
ever, this Nabataean person was a foreigner in Palmyra and had his protec-
tion (gira) by a Palmyrene person who was his protector (gyr). ¨Ubaidu
seems to have been a client like an Arabic maula of the Islamic period. The
mawali of the Islamic period had its origin in the pre-Islamic time, and one
of the most important reasons for some body or a tribe to be a maula “client”
was walaˆ al-giwar “protection”. (Juda 1983, 19-21.) In spite of the attesta-
tion of the word gr/gwr in the West Semitic lexicon, (HAL, 193, 177; Leslau
1991, 207; Sab.Dic, 51.) it seems to be that gr “client” and gyr “protector”
are an Arabic development. These are associated with the social institution of
al-mawali in the pre-Islamic North Arabian society. Apparently, the term gyr
corresponds to Sabaic gwr “master, lord”. (Sab.Dic, 51.) The “protector”,
“patron” or “lord” of a maula is described in Arabic as “sayyid”. In this con-
text, there can be no doubt that the term gr “client” in Nabataean Aramaic is
also of Arabic origin. (DNWSI, 232; O’Connor 1986, 218; see also the dis-
cussion by Healey 1993, 139.) Doubtful is the suggestion of M. Görg (1984,
10-13.) that the word gr in Hebrew is of Egyptian origin. (Redford 1993,
385.)
5. GNYˆ
This word has been discussed by several scholars and most of them think
that this came to Arabic shortly before Islam through Aramaic. But it has
been suggested by various scholars that it is of Arabic origin. (see the dis-
cussion by Henninger 1963, 309-11; Teixidor 1979, 77-78.) gnyˆ occurs sev-
eral times in Palmyrene inscriptions. (DNWSI, 229f.) This word corresponds
to Arabic ginn and appears in Palmyra as a group of deities. It is sometimes
described to be a lower class of divine beings. The occurrence and presenta-
tion of gnyˆ in Aramaic is not really great. Actually it does not help us to fig-
ure out the origin and development of the gnyˆ. But it must be noted that the
ginn plays a very important role in the superstition of the Arabs in the pre-
Islamic period. (Henninger 1963, 279-316.) This is what the Arabic sources
mention. For cultural reasons it may be assumed that gnyˆ is the same Arabic
word ginn.
6. SKRˆ
The word skrˆ (pl. skryˆ) “rewarding” is attested several times in Palmyrene
inscriptions in relation with various deities as a divine epithet. It also occurs
sometimes as skrˆ (pl. skryˆ). skrˆ appears in such formulae: ˆlhˆ †bˆ wskrˆ
96 THE ARABIC WORDS IN PALMYRENE INSCRIPTIONS

“the good and rewarding god” (CIS II 3973/4, 4013/2; Diem 1980, 76.) and
†bˆ wrÌmnˆ wskrˆ “the good, merciful and rewarding one”. (Inv. XI 38/2;
DNWSI, 1135.) It must, however, be understood as part. active sakir “thank-
ful, grateful”.
J. Cantineau (1935, 42, 150.) and W.W. Müller (1982, 32.) believe that this
word is of Arabic origin. Meanwhile, M. Lidzbarski (1898, 375.) gives the pos-
sibility that skrˆ has to be interpreted according to Arabic sakara. Such a posi-
tion is doubted by J. Hoftijzer and K. Jongeling. (DNWSI, 1135.)
skrˆ can only be interpreted according to Arabic sakara “to thank” and
be compared with Allah sakur “very thankful, grateful”. It must be noted
that there is no suitable etymology for the word skrˆ in other Semitic lan-
guages.
7. WRSH
The word wrsh “heiress, inheritance” (sing. st. emph. wrstˆ) in Palmyrene
Aramaic (DNWSI, 298.) is clearly Arabic. This is Arabic wir†a. It is said to
be of Arabic origins by several scholars. (Cantineau 1935, 150; Diem 1980,
71.) This noun, however, derives from Arabic wari†a “to be heir, inherit”.
(Lisan, article wr†.) Worthy of note is the writing of Arabic /†/ with /s/ which
is not common to Aramaic. This is a common West Semitic root; (Leslau
1991, 618.) South Arabic wr†, (Sab.Dic, 162.) North West Semitic yrs and
yrt. (DNWSI, 471f.) It is well known that roots beginning with /w/ in Arabic
and South Arabic change to /y/ in North West Semitic. Thus, Arabic wrsh is
used instead of Aramaic yrtˆ.
8. WLDˆ
wldˆ occurs in Palmyrene inscriptions and is used in these inscriptions
instead of Aramaic yldˆ. (DNWSI, 457.) This word is most definitely of Ara-
bic origin and has to be read as wild with the meaning “offspring, children,
posterity” (Tag, article wld). The word wld as an Arabic word is also attested
in Nabataean inscriptions. (O’Connor 1986, 219; Healey 1995, 78.) The
word wld is common in North and South Arabic, (wld, Sab.Dic, 160.) while
in the North West Semitic languages this word appears as yld. It derives,
however, from the common Semitic root wld “bear, to give birth”. (Leslau
1991, 613.) Except for the old occasion of the word wld in North West
Semitic languages, it is more common to Arabic than other Semitic lan-
guages. However, it may be assumed that wld in Palmyra is Arabic rather
than Aramaic.
MOHAMMED MARAQTEN 97

9. MGD
This word appears in Palmyrene inscriptions as a verb mgd (pa¨el) meaning
“to give generously”, or as a substantive mgdˆ “liberality, generous gift, of-
fering”. J. Hoftijzer and K. Jongeling doubt that this word is Arabic. (DNWSI,
592.) But there is no question that this word has been borrowed from Arabic in
Palmyrene inscriptions. This has been pointed out by Th. Nöldeke (1870, 106.)
and accepted by M. Lidzbarski, (1898, 305.) G.A. Cooke, (1903, no. 112/3,
123/4.) J. Cantineau (1935, 150.) and F. Rosenthal. (1935, 95.) In Aramaic the
noun magda is used with the meaning of “lofty gift”. Meanwhile, the verb mgd
can be attributed to Arabic (Lane, 2689-90.) as opposed to Aramaic. (Brockel-
mann LS, 373.)
10. PÎD
This word is seen by most scholars to be a foreign word in the Palmyrene
inscriptions. It occurs several times in the Palmyrene inscriptions and means
“tribe, clan, a subdivision of a tribe”. It appears sometimes as pÌz (pl. pÌzyˆ).
(DNWSI, 905.) The form pÌwz which has been understood as an aramaiza-
tion of the Arabic pÌd, (Cantineau, 1935, 41.) is may be the Arabic pl. form
(fuÌu∂) of this word.
J. Hoftijzer and K. Jongeling mention that it is possible that this word
could be of Arabic origin. (DNWSI, 905.) However, there can be no doubt
that this word came from Arabic. It is one of the most recognisable Arabic
words in Palmyra. pÌd/pÌz is explained by Th. Nöldeke, (1870, 106.)
M. Lidsbarski, (1898, 350.) S. Cook, (1898, 97.) G.A. Cooke, (1903, 299.)
J. Cantineau (1935, 150.) and F. Rosenthal, (1936, 94f.) W.W. Müller (1982,
32.) and others that this word originates from Arabic faÌi∂ with the meaning
“clan, tribe” and the /z/ in the form pÌz is interpreted to be a writing for /∂/.
Meanwhile, it must be noted that the Palmyrene word pÌd has its origin in
Arabic as faÌid with /d/ and the Palmyrene word pÌz has its origin in the Arabic
faÌi∂ with /∂/ since the two forms are known in Arabic. (Tag, article fÌd;
Lane, 2348-49.)
It seems to be that pÌd was an important social institution in Palmyra. How-
ever, to understand the function and the position of the pÌd in Palmyra the clas-
sification for an Arabic faÌid in the structure of a tribe and its sub- divisions is
of importance. Arabic genealogists give different classifications for the geneal-
ogy and subdivisions of a tribe. One of the most accepted authorities on this
subject is al-Imam al-Mawardi. In his book al-AÌkam as-sul†aniyya, he gives a
classification of the genealogy of a tribe dividing it into six subdivisions. The
98 THE ARABIC WORDS IN PALMYRENE INSCRIPTIONS

following example shows the position of the faÌi∂ of Banu Hasim as a subdi-
vision of Qurais: (Al-Alusi, Bulug al-arab, 3, 188-191.)
¨Adnan (sa¨b) – Qăan (sa¨b)
↓
Mu∂ar (Qabila)
↓
Qurais (¨imara) – Kinana (¨imara)
↓
Banu ¨Abd Manaf (ba†n) – Banu MaÌzum (ba†n)
↓
Banu Hasim (faÌi∂) – Banu Umayya (faÌi∂)
↓
Banu Abi ™alib (faÒila) – Banu al-¨Abbas (faÒila)
↓
Raha† an-Nabiy (usar)
11. M¨YD
m¨yd (= Arabic mu¨id) is considered to have its origin in Arabic by J. Can-
tineau (1935, 150.) and by W.W. Müller. (1982, 32.) However, it is inter-
preted from the Arabic root ¨awada (Af¨al) meaning “visit regularly, to have
the custom to visit (a place)”. (Lane, 2190-91.) m¨yd is only attested in
Palmyrene inscriptions among the North West Semitic epigraphy, (DNWSI,
831.) and it can only be explained according to Arabic. The following exam-
ple gives its clear meaning: kl m¨yd ¨lwtˆˆln “all visitors who visit these
altars”. (CIS II 3973/10.)
12. RZˆYN
There is a general agreement among most of the scholars that this word
is not of Aramaic origin in the Palmyrene inscriptions. J. Hoftijzer and K. Jon-
geling doubt the Arabic interpretation of this word. (DNWSI, 1065.) There is
no suitable etymology for the word rzˆyn in Aramaic. However, the translation
of the sentence wÌsk rzˆyn sgyˆyn “he spent money in a most generous habit” is
an evidence for its meaning. (CIS II, 3932/5.) The consideration of this word as
an Arabic loan-word (Arabic ruzˆ) has been widely accepted by researchers.
(Cantineau 1935, 151; Cooke 1903, 280; Lidzbarski 1898, 368; Müller
1982, 32.) The Sabaic word rzˆ is of importance for the interpretation of this
word which is evident as a verb meaning “expend” and as a noun rzˆ and trzˆ
meaning “expenditure”. (Sab.Dic, 120.)
MOHAMMED MARAQTEN 99

13. SYRH
syrh (sing. abs. syrˆ, stat. cstr. syrt, stat. emph. syrtˆ, pl. syryn) appears
several times in Palmyra. This always occurs in association with rb, rbnwt,
rˆs, br and bny. (DNWSI, 1130.)
It may be suggested that the Palmyrene word syrh is the Arabic word
sayyara. This has been, however, doubted by S. Fraenkel, (1886, 180.)
G.A. Cooke (1903, 271.) and F. Rosenthal (1936, 95.) who wrote that this
word might be of Arabic origin and could be considered as an Arabic
loan-word in Aramaic. But it is obvious that this word can only derive
from the verbal root syr, a verb which is common in Arabic as sara. The
verb sara (sayara) in Arabic has its basic meaning “to go, to travel”
which may decide the origin of this word, since this verb is not attested
elsewhere in other Semitic languages. (Lisan, article syr.) The word syrh
seems to be an aramaization of the Arabic sayyara. The writing of the
sibilant /s/ in this word for Arabic /s/ may be compared with the writing
of the Arabic loan nsyb (= nasib) “father-in-law” in Nabataean. (Healey
1995, 79.) Perhaps the construction rˆ ssyrtˆ “leader of the caravan” is
Arabic, used side by side with Aramaic rb syrtˆ with the same meaning.
(DNWSI, 1130.)
sayyara meaning “caravan” has been given by Arabic authorities and lex-
icons, wa-s-sayyara hiya l-qafila “the sayyara is a caravan” (Lisan, article
syr). Such a fact supports our interpretation. In any case the word sayyara for
“caravan” was very common among Arabs in the pre-Islamic period. How-
ever, the Arabic word syrh for caravan is used here instead of Aramaic ˆrÌ
and Hebrew orÌa “caravan”. (DNWSI, 106; HAL, 84.)
14. QYWM
qywm means “patron, protector” in Palmyrene Aramaic. (DNWSI, 1007f.)
This word with the same meaning corresponds to Arabic qayyum “the Ever-
lasting, the Eternal” (God) which appears in the Qurˆan. It has been sug-
gested to be an Aramaic or a Hebrew loan-word in Arabic. (Jeffery 1938,
244f.) However, it appears in South Arabic and Early North Arabic inscrip-
tions as a theophoric element in personal names. The following are some
examples: qymw occurs in Palmyra, (Stark 1971, 110.) in Nabataean personal
names, qywmˆ, ˆbnqwmw, zydqwm (Negev 1992, 9, 26, 57.) and the Sabaic
name zydqwmm. (Ja 656/1.) According to this, it may be assumed that the
Arabic qayyum is of North or South Arabic origin which has been introduced
to Palmyrene inscriptions as a loan-word.
100 THE ARABIC WORDS IN PALMYRENE INSCRIPTIONS

15. TWÎYT
This word meaning “decision” is suggested by J. Cantineau (1935, 151)
and F. Rosenthal (1936, 65, note 4.) to be an Arabic word. It gets its etymol-
ogy from the Arabic root wÌy “to inspire, to reveal, to give an idea” (Lisan,
article wÌy). The following is an example for its appearance in the Palmyrene
inscriptions: mn twÌyt bwlˆ wdmws “by the decision of the senate and the
people”. (DNWSI, 1206.)
16. SL¨
This word occurs several times in the Palmyrene Aramaic. (DNWSI, 788.)
The word sl¨ means a certain kind of coin which is mostly known from the
Nabataean inscriptions, meaning a Nabataean drachma. (Healey 1993, 78.)
The earliest attestation of sl¨ in the sources is associated with the Nabataeans.
Remarkable that there are other terms in the area for coins such as shekel
in Hebrew. Worthy of note that the Nabataeans were the earliest among the
people of North Arabia who developed a coinage system. Thus, it may be
assumed that sl¨ is an old North Arabic word and considered as a loan not
only in Nabataean Aramaic but also in the Palmyrene inscriptions. It also
occurs as a loan-word in Sabaic. A.F.L. Beeston (1994, 41.) considers it as a
Nabataean word.
17. RGL
The words rgl (CIS II 3913, ii 3.) and rgly (CIS II 3913, ii 6, 81; DNWSI,
1060.) are attested in Palmyrene Aramaic. (DNWSI, 1060.) Both derive from
the common West Semitic root rgl “foot, leg”. rgly meaning “pedestrian,
foot-soldier” is, however, proved in Biblical Hebrew, (HAL, 1104-7.) South
Arabic, (rgl, Sab.Dic., 116.) Arabic and Syriac. But the sense of rgl, viz.
ragul, in this specific meaning “man, person” appears to be an Arabic devel-
opment since its meaning is only found in Arabic. Thus it seems to be that the
use of rgl in Palmyrene inscriptions was usually used instead of the Aramaic
word gbr “man, person”. (DNWSI, 210f.)
18. ˆNB™
The word ˆnb† “Nabataeans” is clearly the pl. of nb†. This word occurs
on a tessere together with the term gd as follows: gd ˆnb† “fortune of the
Nabataeans”. (CIS II 3991; O’Connor 1986, 217.) The word ˆ nb† has the
Arabic broken pl. af¨al and corresponds to a case in Arabic anba†. The
possibility of a reconstruction for the phrase gd ˆ nb† as gdˆ [ˆ]nb† is unten-
MOHAMMED MARAQTEN 101

able. (see the discussion by Milik – Starcky 1970, 158 and DNWSI, 213.)
The occurrence of two constructions of such phrase makes the reading gd
ˆnb† possible. The first one is as follows: gdˆ + dy + a name of tribe or
place, gdˆ dy dwrˆ “fortune of (city of) Dura”. The second one is as fol-
lows: gd + a name of place or tribe in the status constructus state, e.g. gd
tdmwr “fortune of Tadmur”. (see the examples by DNWSI, 213.) There is
no need here for alif to be written with gd in this construction because it
has not to stay in status emphaticus but in status constructus. Thus gd ˆnb†
is a status constructus phrase like the second construction without using
dy. (Rosenthal 1936, 75.)
19. ÎYRH
The word Ìyrtˆ “camp, citadel” in the Palmyrene inscriptions (CIS II
3973/3; DNWSI, 370.) is usually explained according to Syriac Ìirta
“camp”. (Cooke 1903, 304; Brockelman LS, 230.) But this word could be
considered as a loan-word in Aramaic since there is no native Aramaic
root for the etymology of it. (for the etymology of this root, see Shahîd
1984, 490-98.) It is somewhat difficult to derive this word from the North
Arabic root Ìayara “to be confused”. However, Ìyrtˆ may derive from the
South Arabic root Ìyr which means “pitch camp”. (Sab.Dic, 74.) The noun
Ìyrt/Ìrt meaning “camp, encampment” in Sabaic seems to be the same
word as in Palmyra. It is to be noted that this word has been suggested to
be the city name al-Îira. (Cooke 1903, 304.) This seems, however,
unlikely.
20. ÎRM
Th. Nöldeke (1870, 106.) suggested that this word is more Arabic than
Aramaic. (CIS II 3927/3). J. Hoftijzer and K. Jongeling doubt the interpreta-
tion of this word (Ìr[m]ˆ, Ìr[my]ˆ, see the discussion by DNWSI, 405.) How-
ever, it may be noted that the word Ìrm meaning “sacred enclosure, sanctu-
ary” is common to North (Ìaram) and South Arabic. (Ìrm, mÌrm, Sab.Dic.,
70f.; for the root Ìrm in Semitic, see Leslau 1991, 242.)
21. BL
This interjection which appears several times in the inscriptions meaning
“without” (CIS II, 4207.) has been suggested by F. Rosenthal (1936, 95.) to
have originated from Arabic bi-la. However, it is common in Hatraean and
may be found also in Nabataean Aramaic. (DNWSI, 165.)
102 THE ARABIC WORDS IN PALMYRENE INSCRIPTIONS

22. MQBRTˆ
This word appears several times in Palmyrene inscriptions. (DNWSI,
678.) According to Th. Nöldeke (1870, 106.) this word might be Arabic and
corresponds to Arabic maqbara “grave, cemetery”. He states that this form is
not common to Aramaic.
23. MWLYˆ
The Palmyrene word mwlyˆ (pl. mwln) “patron” is interpreted according
to the Arabic root wly “be close”. It is to be noted that there is no possible
etymology for it from Aramaic. It may correspond to Arabic mawla. The root
wly in Arabic means “to be near, be close, lie next”. However, the Arabic
word maula “master, lord, protector, patron” is important to explain the
Palmyrene word mwlyˆ (Tag, article, wly). The word mwlyˆ (part. pass. from
wly) can have the meaning “protected, or authorised”. This is proved from
the following Palmyrene phrase: whˆ npsˆ dh mwlyˆ bsms “this soul which is
authorised by Samas”. (Inv. VIII 6/4, 8/3f., 37b/2.) This phrase is given by
J. Hoftijzer and K. Jongeling to be of uncertain meaning. (see the discussion by
DNWSI, 458.) The word mwlyˆ here may correspond to Arabic mawliyya/
mawliyyatun with the same meaning. The Sabaic wlyt “protected persons,
clients of a clan” which derives from the Sabaic root wly (Sab.Dic, 160.)
could be compared with the Palmyrene word mwlyˆ.
IV. A
RABIC PHRASES
There is no doubt that the language of the Palmyrene inscriptions is clearly
Aramaic. Nevertheless there are some phrases which may be considered as
Arabic rather than Aramaic. The following is a description of some of these
phrases:
1. LKL RGL
The phrase lkl rgl “for every one, for every man” in the Tariff inscription
(CIS II 3913 ii, 3.) corresponds at any rate to Arabic li-kull ragul with the
same meaning. This phrase was used instead of the Old and Imperial Ara-
maic construction kl gbr with the same meaning. (DNWSI, 210f.) Moreover,
the usage kl ˆnws “for every person” is attested in Nabataean Aramaic.
(Greenfield 1992, 18.) The word ˆnws meaning “man, person” is also attested
in Palmyrene Aramaic. (DNWSI, 84.)
MOHAMMED MARAQTEN 103

2. RS TDMWR
The North West Semitic term which is often used for professions is rb
“head, chief, commander”. The phrase rs tdmwr (CIS II 3944/2-3; DNWSI,
1042ff.) which represents Arabic raˆs or raˆis of Tadmur. Of course the word
rˆs/rˆs is common Semitic (Leslau 1991, 458), but it seems to be that this spe-
cific meaning “chief, leader” is an Arabic development. May be the word rˆs
was used here instead of the North West Semitic term rb “chief, leader”
which is widely used in these languages. The term rˆs is also attested in a
Nabataean inscription. Two titles are mentioned, rys Ìgrˆ “leader of Îigra”
and rys tymˆ “leader of Taima”. (Altheim-Stiehl 1973, II, 251f.; O'Connor
1986, 222.)
3. ™¨WN GMLˆ
This phrase is attested several times in the Tariff inscription. (see for
example, CIS II 3913/17.) In the North West Semitic epigraphic materials the
word †¨wn is attested only once in Imperial Aramaic, namely in the AÌiqar
proverbs (Kottsieper 1990, 205.) and then only in the Palmyrene inscriptions.
(DNWSI, 428.) The verb †¨n seems to be common Semitic. (Leslau 1991,
543.) But the phrase †¨wn gml} “camel-load" seems to be of Arabic origin.
The Palmyrene word †¨wn corresponds to the Arabic Âa¨un. The Arabic lexi-
cons give the meaning “load” (Tag, article ¨n; Lane, 1911.) for this word.
4. LBRYK SMH L¨LMˆ
“for the blessing of his name for eternity”. (Lidzbarski 1898, 475;
DNWSI, 201f.. This phrase or sometimes just bryk smh l¨lmˆ “his name is
blessed for eternity” is always used in the votive inscriptions (CIS II 4047).)
Th. Nöldeke (1870, 106.) suggests that this phrase is rather Arabic than Ara-
maic which seems to be plausible.
5. MGN MN KYSH.
This is attested in the following sentence: dy ˆsq syrtˆ mgn mn kysh
“because he brought up the caravan gratuitously, at his own expense”. (CIS
II, 3936/4.) The word mgn is mostly used as an adverb, not only in the North
West Semitic languages (DNWSI, 593.) but also in Akkadian meaning “gift,
gratis”, (Kaufman 1974, 67.) and has been suggested by von Soden (1964,
339-44.) to be of Hurrian origin. However, this word occurs in Palmyrene
inscriptions meaning “gratis”. Scholars agree that this word came to Arabic
104 THE ARABIC WORDS IN PALMYRENE INSCRIPTIONS

through Aramaic (Hebbo 1970, 331). May be this word is an early borrowing
from Akkadian into Arabic. However, it is widely used in North West Semitic
languages. Nevertheless, it may be assumed that the usage of mgn (mag-
ganan) in Palmyrene inscriptions is Arabic and at any case the sentence mgn
mn kysh (= magganan min kisihi) is clearly an Arabic usage still used today.
6. B™B
“with good”. (CIS II, 3973/11.) This is a Nabataean phrase. It occurs very
often in the Nabataean inscriptions especially in those from the Sinai. It
always appears as an ending of a text. (DNWSI, 416.) It could be considered
as a typical Nabataean phrase. However, it is unknown in the Old and Imperial
Aramaic inscriptions, a fact which means that this phrase must be considered
as an Arabic influence.
C
ONCLUSION
This examination of the vocabularies of the Palmyrene inscriptions has
shown that the influence of Arabic is considerable. The great portion of Arabic
loans in Palmyrene Aramaic is found in the sphere of religious (ˆpklˆ, skrˆ, gnyˆ,
mwlyˆ, qywm, Ìrm) and social life (gbl, pÌd/pÌz, Ìyrtˆ, gr, gml). The word
syrtˆ is an important economical term. The Arabic loans in the Nabataean and
Palmyrene inscriptions are of importance for the history of the Arabic
language. Perhaps some of the these loans have their earliest attestation in
these inscriptions.
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