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The `Stolen Generations' and Cultural Genocide

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Abstract

From around the turn of 20th century up to the 1970s, Australian government authorities assumed legal guardianship of all Indigenous children and removed large numbers of them from their families in order to `assimilate' them into European society and culture. This policy has been described as `cultural genocide', even though at the time it was presented by state and church authorities as being `in the best interests' of Aboriginal children. This article outlines the results of a study of the development of the policy of forced child removal, its antecedents, its surrounding philosophy and politics and the emergence of a more critical understanding of it in recent years, as well as examining the more general implications of this history for the sociology of childhood.
The‘stolengenerations’andculturalgenocide:theforcedremovalof
AustralianIndigenouschildrenfromtheirfamiliesandits
implicationsforthesociologyofchildhood1
RobertvanKrieken,UniversityofSydney
Publishedin:Childhood6(3)1999:297311
Deficienciesinthetreatmentofchildrenarealmostalwaysunderstoodassomehow‘external’to
Europeancultureandcivilization,asflawsinthesocialfabricwhichhavebeen,andcontinuetobe
rectified.Suchdeficiencies,whateverformtheytake,mightbeseenaserrorsofjudgementor
interpretation,butalwaysasalientoEuropeancivilizationitself.Itisgenerallytakenforgrantedthat
thetwentiethcenturyisthe‘centuryofthechild’(Key1909),thatthereisclearlyaharmonious
relationshipbetweentheunfoldingofEuropeancivilizationaroundtheworldandtheincreasing
realizationof‘thebestinterestsofthechild’.
ThelatestinaseriesofprofoundchallengestothisconceptionofEuropeancivilization,and
theroleofchildrenwithinit,wasraisedintheAustraliancontextinMay1997,whenareportissued
bytheAustralianHumanRightsandEqualOpportunityCommission(HREOC),BringingthemHome,
stressedthatthetreatmentofindigenousAustralianchildrenbybothStateandChurchagencies
throughoutthiscenturyfallsclearlywithinthetermsoftheUNdefinitionofgenocide.Thedefinition
inthe1948UNConventiononthePreventionandPunishmentoftheCrimeofGenocideincludes
‘forciblytransferringchildrenofthegrouptoanothergroup’committed‘withintenttodestroy,in
wholeorinpart,anational,ethnical,racialorreligiousgroup,assuch’.TheHREOCinquiryaroseout
ofthefindingsofthe1989RoyalCommissionintoAboriginalDeathsinCustody,whichfocused
attentiontohowmanyAboriginalprisonershadalonghistoryofinstitutionalisation,beginningwith
theirremovalfromtheirfamilies.CommissionerJ.H.Wootten,inhisreportonthedeath(‘suicide’)
ofoneparticularAboriginalprisoner,MalcolmSmith,spokeof‘alifedestroyed,notbythe
misconductofpoliceandprisonofficers,butinlargemeasurebytheregularoperationofthesystem
ofselfrighteousandracistdestructionofAboriginalfamiliesthatwentonunderthenameof
protectionorwelfarewellintothesecondhalfofthiscentury’(RoyalCommissionintoAboriginal
DeathsinCustody1989:1),anddrewattentiontothefactthat‘theattemptto“solvetheAboriginal
problem”bythedeliberatedestructionoffamiliesandcommunities....isseenbymanyAboriginesas
fallingsquarelywithinthemoderndefinitionofgenocide’(p.5).2
1ThisisrevisedandextendedversionofapaperfirstgivenduringtheSociologyofChildhoodsessionsatthe
14thWorldCongressofSociologyinMontreal,26July1August1998.Partsaredrawnfromanotherarticlein
theBritishJournalofSociology(vanKrieken1999),andIwouldalsoliketothankJensQvortrup,IvarFrønes
andVirginiaWatson,aswellasthoseattheMontrealsessions,fortheircommentsandsuggestions.
2Thefirstreferenceto‘culturalgenocide’IhavecomeacrossisbyanExternalAffairsofficer,PhillipPeters,ina
memoonPaulHasluck’saddresstotheAnthropologysectionatthe1959ANZAAScongress.Hasluckwas
MinisterforTerritories(19511963),cameclosetobecomingPrimeMinister,andlaterbecameGovernor
General,exercisingastronginfluenceonAustralianpoliticalcultureandpublicdebate.Heisparticularly
significantasprobablytheleadingAustralian‘theoristofassimilation’,alongsidetheanthropologistA.P.Elkin.
Forusefuldiscussions,seeThomas(1994)andRowse(1999).PeterscommentsthatHasluck’sstatement
suggests‘thatculturalgenocideisaprerequisiteoffullassimilationoftheAboriginesintothenonAboriginal
community’,making‘noreferencetothewishesoftheAboriginesasregardstheirfuture’andfailingto
‘envisageanyalternativewhichmightallowAboriginestopreservesomeoftheircustomsandculture’.Peters
wasalsounimpressedwithHasluck’sresponsetocriticism:‘MrHasluckattacksthosewho,unawareofthe
complexitiesoftheproblemsfacingAborigines,areboldenoughtocriticiseGovernmentpolicy.The
implicationseemstobethatGovtpolicy,likethelawsoftheMedesandPersians,isunalterableand
profoundlywise.Itmaybedifficulttoarguethispointtooverseascritics’(NationalArchivesofAustralia,
2ROBERTVANKRIEKEN
Atthetime,thepracticewaspresentedaspromotingthewelfareofindividualAboriginal
children,becauseAboriginalculturalidentitywasseenasaninsurmountableobstacletothecapacity
totakea‘normal’partinEuropeanAustraliansociallife.Indeed,manycurrentcommentators,
includinganexPrimeMinister(JohnGorton),stillmaintainboththattheoveralleffectwas
beneficial,andthattheintentionsweregood.3Therehavebeenscatteredvoicesofcriticaldissentat
almosteverypointofthepolicy’shistory.DuringthepassageoftheNewSouthWalesAborigines
ProtectionAmendingBillin1915,forexample,oneParliamentariansaidoftheforcedremovalof
Aboriginalchildrenthat
Thesepeopleareunfortunatebecause,intheinterestsofsocalledcivilisation,wehave
overruntheircountryandtakenawaytheirdomain.Wenowproposetoperpetratefurther
actsofcrueltyuponthembyseparatingthechildrenfromtheparents.Themothersand
fathersofthesechildrenlovethemjustasmuchasthebirdsandtheanimalsofthebush
carefortheiroffspring,andhon.memberswouldnotperpetrateacrueltyofthiskindeven
uponananimal.....Tomymindsomebettermethodshouldbeadopted.Thereshouldbe
somemethodofdirectcontroloverthesechildren,butthechildshouldnotbeseparated
fromthemother.(NSWParliamentaryDebates57191415:1953)
In1934,thehumanitarianandfeministactivistMaryBennetttoldtheWesternAustralian1935Royal
CommissionintotheTreatmentofAboriginesthattherewasno‘validjustificationfortheofficial
smashingofnativefamilyandcommunitylife’andshe‘mostearnestly’askedthat‘theofficial
smashingofnativefamilylifemaybestopped,andthatnativefamiliesmaybepermittedtolive
wheretheywishwithinthelaw’.Bennettwassimplyarguingforequaltreatment,that‘thelawsthat
areenoughfortheproperconductofwhitecommunitiesshouldbeenoughfortheproperconduct
ofnativecommunitiesalso’(Moseley1935:225,229).JeremyLongpointsoutthatin1951one
officialwasquotedasdescribingthe‘mosthatedtask’ofthepatrolofficersasbeing‘theseparation
of‘halfcaste’babiesfromtheirmothersinaccordancewitha‘cruelgovernmentorder’’(Long1992:
83),andinthe1960shistorianCharlesRowleydescribedthechildremovalpolicyas‘much
criticized’(1962:275),butallthesecriticismshadlittlerealeffect.
IthasonlybeensincePeterRead’sstudyontheoperationofthepolicyinNewSouthWales,
publishedin1983,andalargebodyofsubsequenthistoricalresearch,aswellasthepublicationof
thereportsoftwomajorgovernmentinquiries‐theRoyalCommissionintoAboriginalDeathsin
Custody(1989)andtheHREOCreport(1997)‐thatithasbecomemorewidelyrecognizedhow
destructiveanddamagingapracticeitwas.Thisrecognitionhassparkedaremarkablepublicdebate
aboutwhetherthereisaneedforanexpressionofsomesortof‘collectiveshame’(e.g.,Brett1997;
Gaita1997;Manne1998),withsomepoliticalleaders,stategovernments,religiousbodiesand
citizengroupshavingissuedapologiesforthestate‐ andchurchsponsoredforcibleremovalof
IndigenouschildrenandtheeffectthishashadonAboriginalindividualsandcommunities.Others,
notablythePrimeMinister,JohnHowardandtheMinisterforAboriginalAffairs(!),JohnHerron,
haveremainedtruetoonelongtraditioninAustralianliberalism,andexpressedvaryingdegreesof
regretwhilealsoarguingagainstdwellingontheunpleasantriesofthepast.Instead,wearetold,we
A1838557/1).HasluckwasfondofattributingcriticismofthemanagementofAboriginalaffairstoa
Communistplot(1988:97).IamgratefultoSusanTaffe(1995)fordrawingmyattentiontothismemo,and
alsoforprovidingmewithhercopyofit,sinceIwasunabletolocateitpersonallyinNationalArchives.
3JohnGortonwrotethat‘[o]nthewholeItaketheviewthechurchestookatthetime.Itwastherightthingfor
themtodo,totryandlookafterAboriginalchildren’(SydneyMorningHerald,30May1998)
The‘stolengenerations’andculturalgenocide3
shouldconcentrateonmorepracticalendeavourstoimproveAboriginalhealth,housingeducation
andemployment.
EssentiallytworeasonshavebeengiveninAustraliaforthefailuretoissueanofficial
apologyalongthelinesoftheCanadianapologytotheirIndigenouspeoples:
1. historicity‐thereisnoconnectionbetweenthesepasteventsandpeoplelivingtoday,sono
reasonforapologyforthoseevents.ThePrimeMinisterthusdeclaredthat‘Australiansof
thisgenerationshouldnotberequiredtoacceptguiltandblameforpastactionsandpolicies
overwhichtheyhadnocontrol’(SydneyMorningHerald30May1998).
2. goodintentions‐althoughwemightrecognizeforcedremovalasproblematictoday,atthe
timetheywerepursuedwiththebestofintentions.Asonenewspaperletterwriter
commented,‘Iamprofoundlysorryforthehurtexperiencedbythisgenerationofseparated
children,butIcannotapologiseonbehalfofthe“dogooders”responsibleforit.Iam
convincedtheyactedtogivethechildrenabetterstartinlife.Andwhat’swrongwiththat?’
(JeanDixon,SydneyMorningHeraldLetters,28May1998).
Thefirstpointrestsonthepresumptionthatwecanhaveonlyapositivemoralrelationtothepast,
forJohnHowardisquitecontenttobeproudofothertypesofactionsoverwhichhehadnocontrol,
itisonlytheoneswemightfeelregretfulaboutthathewishestodissociatehimselffrom.Itis,in
thissense,aprofoundlyimmatureanddeeplyproblematicmoralpositiontotakeup,sinceregretis
actuallyanimportantpartofourengagementwithandreflectiononthepast(Postema1991;
Webber1995).Thesecondpointissimplyinaccurate,becauseitisclearthatmanypeopleatall
timesthroughoutthiscenturydrewattentiontothedestructivefeaturesofthepolicy,andinany
casedemonstrationofgoodintentionsdoesnotprecludethepossibilityofapologyfortheactual
harmcausedbyparticularactionsinthepast.
However,anofficialapologywouldnotinitselfresolvealltheissues,andinthispaperIwill
attempttogobeyondtheseconsiderationsbyreflectingonmorefundamentalramificationsofthis
caseforthefabricoftheAustralianmoralcommunity,withaparticularfocusonthetreatmentof
children.TherelationshipbetweenEuropeanandIndigenousAustralianchildrenhasbroader
significancebecausetheremovalofAboriginalchildrenwascentrallya‘civilizingproject’,despitethe
factthatthesubsequentcritiqueofthatpracticeisalsoundertakeninthenameof‘civilization’.
“Civilization”wasthefoundationforcitizenshipinthemodernnationstate,withitsachievement
thekeyconditionfortheattainmentofcitizenshiprights.Thestoryofthe‘stolengenerations’as
partofaparticularlyAustraliansetofcivilizingprocessesisthusanimportantexampleofthe
multiplemeaningsoftheconcepts‘civilization’and‘citizenship’,withanumberofimportant
implicationsforthesociologyofchildhood.
The‘halfcasteproblem’
Bythelastquarterofthenineteenthcentury,theacceptedpositioninAustralianofficialdiscourse
andpracticewasthattheAborigineswerea‘dyingrace’,andthiswasbasedonthenotionofthe
essential‘fragility’ofAboriginalcultureincontactwithEuropeans(Brantlinger1995;McGregor
1997).Aboriginalculturewasdefinedassimply‘weak’inthefaceoftherobustnessoftheEuropean
wayoflife‐militarily,technologically,economically,culturally,socially,andphysically.Some
Europeansweredistressedanddismayedthatthisshouldbeso,andittroubledtheirChristian
consciences,butdidnothingaboutthesenseofitsinevitability.Extinctionwasthussimplyamatter
oftime,sothatthemostEuropeanscoulddowasto‘smooththedyingman’spillow’(Bates1944),
pursuingwhatPatO’Malleyhascalled‘gentlegenocidethroughaprogramofenforcedeugenics’
(1994:52).
Towardstheendofthecentury,however,thepicturechangeddramaticallyandproduced
quitedifferentconceptualandpracticalconcerns.Notonlywere‘traditional’Aboriginesnotdyingas
4ROBERTVANKRIEKEN
quicklyasanticipated,butasEuropeansettlementspreadacrossthecontinent,sodidcontact
betweenEuropeansandAborigines,includingsexualcontact,whichofcoursehaditsinevitable
consequence‐children.Thissexualcontactwasrelativelyprolificinitself,andtheresultantmixed
bloodpopulationwasalsoveryfertile,sothatbyaroundthe1890sEuropeanAustralianswere
becomingincreasinglyagitatedaboutwhatcametobedefinedasthe‘halfcasteproblem’.‘There
wasagrowingrealisation,’writesRussellMcGregor,‘thatthedescendantsofadyingracemight
continuetohauntaWhiteAustraliaforgenerations’(1997:134).
By1936CecilCook,theChiefProtectorintheNorthernTerritory,waswriting,‘Myviewis
thatunlesstheblackpopulationisspeedilyabsorbedintothewhite,theprocesswillsoonbe
reversed,andin50years,oralittlelater,thewhitepopulationoftheNorthernTerritorywillbe
absorbedintotheblack’(CommonwealthofAustralia1937:14).Everythingthatcivilizationwas
meanttohaveachieved,thedistancethatwassupposedtohavebeenplacedbetweenthepresent
andthepast,wasthrownintodisarraywiththeculturalandbiologicalhybriditycharacterizingthe
‘halfcasteproblem’.Mixedbloodsweresaidtoinheritthe‘vices’ofbothracesandfewoftheir
virtues,andtheywereregardedasrepresentingpreciselythoseformsofbehaviourwhichthe
civilizingprocesswasmeanttohaveovercome,the‘repressed’ofmoderncivilization‐ idleness,
nomadism,emotionality,lackofdisciplineandproductivity,sexualpromiscuity,poorbodilyhygiene,
andagroupratherthananindividualorientation.AsAndrewLattashassummeditup,‘Aborigines
wereoftenconstructedasprisonersofunreflexivebodilydesireswhichtheycouldnotcontrolor
satisfy’andAboriginalsocietyas‘characterizednotbythedisciplinedfreedomsofthemind,butby
theviolentpassionsofthebody’(1987:43,55).4
TheAustralian‘finalsolution’:rescuingtherisinggeneration
Therewereessentiallytwoelementstotheresultant‘civilizingoffensive’onthepartofbothState
andChurch,bothaimingtoprotectaswellasadvancecivilizationbyeliminatingAboriginalityinthis
hybridformfroma‘WhiteAustralia’completely.Thefirstwastotryandregulatethecauseofthe
problem,thesexualintercoursebetweenwhitesandblacks,throughasystemofgovernanceof
Aboriginalmovementsandrelationships,containedwithinalegislativeapparatusconcerningthe
‘protection’ofAboriginesconstructedbetweentheearlyyearsofthetwentiethcenturyandthe
1930s.
Second,therewasalreadyaparticularsocialtechnologyinplacetodealwithproblemsof
socialdisciplineamongthedegenerateconvictsandworkingclasses(vanKrieken1992;Kidd1998:
1415),andthiswaswhatwasalsoturnedtoinrespondingtothe‘halfcasteproblem’.Theconcept
of‘rescuingtherisinggeneration’hadbeencentraltoEuropeanchurchandstateagencies’policies
inrelationtothechildrenofthepoorandtheworkingclasssincethesixteenthcentury,andwasa
centralelementofthemodernState’sconceptionoftheintersectionoffamilylifeandliberal
citizenship.TheremovalofAboriginalchildrenthusdrewonpreexistingphilosophies,policiesand
institutionalpracticesconcerningunacceptable,‘problem’groupsinalltheWesternEuropean
countriesandtheircolonies,sothatitispossibletocharttheparallelsandaffinitiesbetweenthe
racismofremovingAboriginalchildrenfortheirAboriginality,andtheclassideologyunderlyingthe
removalofnonindigenouschildrenfortheimmoralityandviciousnessoftheirimpoverished
surroundings.Thisisnotaclaimthattherewassomesortofequitabledistributionofstateviolence
betweenindigenousandnonindigenousfamilies,butitdoesindicateacertaindegreeof
isomorphismbetween‘race,’‘class’and‘gender’,thatanxietiesconcerningtherapidreproductionof
4ThedynamicsofthesituationinAustraliaweredifferentfromthoseinIndonesiaanalysedbyStoler(1995)
becauseofitscharacterasasettlercolony.
The‘stolengenerations’andculturalgenocide5
halfcasteAboriginesontheborderbetweenwhiteandblackculturesinmanyrespectsfollowedthe
samelogicofgovernanceunderlyingthefearsoftheequallysexuallydangerousandprolificnon
respectableworkingclass,especiallywomen,onthefringesofthemetropolis(Stoler1995).
The‘danger’whichmostexercisedEuropeanAustralianmindswasthecomingtogetherof
tworaces,ratherthanthemereexistenceofAboriginesalongsidewhiteAustralians.AsJ.W.
Bleakley,Queensland’sChiefProtectorandDirectorofNativeAffairsbetween1913and1942,wrote
aboutthemissions,‘[n]otonlydotheyprotectthechildracesfromtheunscrupulouswhite,butthey
helptopreservethepurityofthewhiteracefromthegravesocialdangersthatalwaysthreaten
wherethereisadegradedracelivinginlooseconditionsatitsbackdoor’(1961:124).Althoughit
oftenseemsthatway,thetargetofthesepoliciesandpracticeswasnotsimplyAboriginalityitself,
becausethatwasmoreorlessacceptabletoEuropeanAustraliansinitstraditional,‘fullblood’form,
albeitquarantinedinthedesertregionsofthecontinent.Whatwassoproblematicanddangerous
wasthehybridityofmixedbloods,theirthreattotheboundariesbetweenthecivilizedandthe
savage.Note,forexample,thisextractfromtheAnnualReportoftheStateChildrenReliefBoard
in1915:‘Manyofsuchchildrenaresowhitethat,wereitnotfortheirpresenceincampsorin
associationwithblacks,theaverageindividualwouldcharacterizethemaspracticallynormal.
Beneaththeskin,however,thetaintismoremarked,anditisinthecorrectionofdegeneratetraits
andtheeradicationofdemoralisedhabitsthattheworkoftheexpertpsychologistand
educationalistlies...’(StateChildrenReliefBoard1915:880).Themostpowerfuloutragewhichany
commentarycouldprovokewouldarisefromtheobservationthatachildwho‘lookedwhite’had
beenseeninanAboriginalsettlement.Thedangerthat‘halfcastes’posedwasmadeparticularly
acutebythefactthatitwasinfacttheconductofwhitemenandtheirpursuitofsexwithAboriginal
women‐perhapsweshouldsay‘girls’,mostofthetime‐whichunderlaythegrowthinthe‘half
caste’population,andtheproductionofanexpandinggroupofpeoplefalling‘betweentwoworlds’,
sothattheproblemofhybridityanddegenerationwasinfactalreadyinternaltoEuropean
civilizationitself.Ratherthanattendingtothisinconsistencyinthenotionof‘racialpurity’andthe
realsourceofany‘taint’,though,theapproachtakenwastoevenmoreheatedly‘blamethevictim’.
Thecorrespondingpracticalstrategyadoptedwassimplytomakethestatethelegal
guardianofallchildrenofAboriginaldescent,overridingAboriginalparents’commonlawrightsover
theirchildren,whoweretoberemovedatofficialwillandsenttoamission,achildwelfare
institutionortobefosteredwithawhitefamilyifsufficientlylightskinned.Thelegislationenabling
thiswasintroducedinrelativelyweakformbetween1886and1909inallAustralianstates,
strengthenedaround1915,andfurtherreinforcedinthe1930s,bywhichtime,inlegalterms,the
statehadbecomethecustodialparentsofvirtuallyallAboriginalchildren(Haebich1988:350).
TheactualnumberofAboriginalchildrenremovedfromtheirfamiliesisunclear,partly
becausetherecordskeptwerepatchy,withnoaccountingforAboriginalchildrensenttohomesnot
specificallydesignatedforAborigines;somewereremoved‘unofficially’andplacedinthecareof
churchagenciesorindividuals.Alsodifficulttoquantify,asPeterReadremindsus,were‘thosewho
wentawaytowhitepeoplefora“holiday”anddidnotreturn’(1983:8).RowenaMacDonald
suggeststhatintheperiod19121962,‘probablytwooutofeverythreepartdescentchildrenspent
someoftheirlivesawayfromtheirparentsasaresultofthepolicyofremoval’.TheHREOCreport
sumsupitsestimationaslyingbetweenoneinthreeandoneintenintheperiodbetween1910and
1970,andpointsoutboththat‘notoneindigenousfamilyhasescapedtheeffectsofforcible
removal’andthat‘mostfamilieshavebeenaffected,inoneormoregenerations,bytheforcible
removalofoneormorechildren’(HREOC1997:p.37).
Thisassertionoflegalguardianshipbythestateoverallindigenouschildrenonlyceasedin
the1960s.Theprimaryandoverarchingconcernwasto‘solve’the‘halfcasteproblem’bybreeding
outthecolourofbothbodyandmindthroughthisprogramofsocialengineering,andinthissense
6ROBERTVANKRIEKEN
theremovalofAboriginalchildrenmeshedwiththefirststrategyofcontrollingsexualrelationsand
reproductionamongadultAborigines.Thiswascertainlythemoststronglyarticulatedargumentin
thewritingsofthepoliticians,administratorsandanthropologistscentraltothedevelopmentofthe
variousformsoflegislativeandadministrativeaction.‘Merging’,‘absorption’and‘assimilation’into
thewaysof‘civilization’werethekeyconceptsaroundwhichthisdiscoursewasorganized.In1936a
conferenceoftheleadingauthoritiesinAboriginalaffairsdeclareditsbelief‘thatthedestinyofthe
nativesofaboriginalorigin,butnotoffullblood,liesintheirultimateabsorptionbythepeopleof
theCommonwealth’(CommonwealthofAustralia1937:3).Bythe1950sthiskindofconceptionhad
beenreplacedbyonemoreorganizedaroundaliberalconceptionofcitizenship,andin1950Paul
HaslucktoldtheHouseofRepresentativesthat‘Theirfutureliesinassociationwithus,andthey
musteitherassociatewithusonstandardsthatwillgivethemfullopportunitytoliveworthilyand
happilyorbereducedtothesocialstatusofpariahsandoutcastslivingwithoutafirmplaceinthe
community’(1953:6).
Withinthissecondconceptionof‘citizenshipasassimilation’,itwasalsopossibletoregard
thestate’sandchurch’sinterventionintoAboriginalfamilylifeasadvancingthe‘welfare’ofthe
Aboriginalpopulationasawhole,byposingastarkanduncompromisingcontrastbetween
membershipoftheEuropeancommunity,onitsterms,andexclusionfromcivilizationitself.
Aboriginalcultureanditswayoflife,especiallyonceithadencounteredEuropeancivilization,was
presentedbyHasluckandalmosteveryotheradministratorinAboriginalaffairsasinherentlyflawed,
fragileandbasicallyworthless,producingonlyillness,disease,drunkenness,filthanddegeneracyin
the‘thousandsofdegradedanddepressedpeoplewhocrouchonrubbishheapsthroughoutthe
wholeofthiscontinent’(Hasluck1953:9;seealsoRead1983:20).Aboriginalitywasconstructed
simplyasa‘primitivesocialorder’composedof‘ritualmurders,infanticide,ceremonialwife
exchange,polygamy’(Hasluck1956:2),sothatforHasluckandmostwhiteAustralians,the
permanenteliminationofAboriginalityfromthefabricofAustraliansociallifewasselfevidently
synonymouswithcivilizationandprogressitself,acrucialelementofthetruththat‘theblessingsof
civilizationareworthhaving’.‘Werecognisenow,’saidHasluck,‘thatthenoblesavagecanbenefit
frommeasurestakentoimprovehishealthandhisnutrition,toteachhimbettercultivation,andto
leadhimincivilisedwaysoflife....Weknowthattheideaofprogress,oncesoeasilyderided,hasthe
germoftruthinit’(Hasluck1953:17).
ThedestructionofAboriginalcultureandsociety,bothinexorableandplanned,viathe
assimilationofAboriginesasindividualsandaschildren,wasthusposedintermsofahumanitarian
concernforthewelfareofindigenousAustralians,andthisinterpretationisstillanimportant
elementofthe‘commonsense’understandingofthepracticeofforcedchildremoval.Asone
newspaperletterwriterputit,‘....whiletheactofremovingchildrenfromtheirparentswasatragic
traumaforthoseinvolved....itwasdonewiththeintent,whilewrongandmisinformed,of
“improving”thechildren'slives.Itwasnotdonewithmaliciousintent’(StevendeVroom,North
Sydney,SydneyMorningHeraldLetters,27May1998).
Childhood,liberalismandgenocide
Howwassuchalinkagebetweenwelfareandattemptedculturalgenocide,mediatedthrough
policiesconcerningchildrenandthe‘risinggeneration’possible,andhowshouldweunderstandit?I
willconcludewithanattemptatansweringthisquestion.
First,itisimportanttoobservethatwhateveritwasaboutEuropeanmodelsofthe
relationshipbetweenstateandsocietywhichproducedAboriginalchildremovalisnotsimplya
“mistake”forwhichapologiesmightbeissued,butsomethingmuchmoredeeplyrootedin
Europeansocial,politicalandlegalthought,withprofoundongoingimplicationsforsocial
relationshipinAustralia,betweenaswellasamongindigenousandnonindigenouspeople.The
The‘stolengenerations’andculturalgenocide7
modelofcitizenshipandtheevolutionofindividualrights‐especiallychildren’srights‐underlying
muchofthedebatedisplaysconsiderableamnesiaaboutexactlyhow‘colonizing’Europeansocial
historyhasbeeninrelationtoitsownsubjectpopulations(Weber1976),andespeciallyinrelation
tochildrenandfamilylife(e.g.,Hearst1997).Thisraisesthequestionoftherelativesuccessof
European‘internal’colonizationincomparisontotheoverallfailuretoeradicatenonEuropean
identities.The‘community’destroyedbyEuropeanchildwelfarepolicieswasdefinedinclassrather
thanethnicorracialterms,whereasanethnicallydefinedcommunityseemstobemuchmore
difficulttoeliminate,shortofphysicalgenocide.Soethnoculturalgroupingsappeartobemore
resistanttoattacksontheircitizenshipstatusthanclassdefinedgroupings‐paradoxically,because
theyarealsothemostlikelytohavesuchrestrictionsontheircitizenshipstatusimposedonthem.
Second,liberalsocialandpoliticalthoughtrestsonadelicatebalancebetweenindividual
rightsandsomeconceptionof‘thesocial’,ortheparticularandtheuniversal(Hegel),makingit
possibleforcivilisationandmodernitytohavebarbariceffectstotheextentthatthisbalancetakes
particularforms.Discussingthemorewellknownexampleofgenocide,DetlevPeukertsuggested
thatNationalSocialismconstituted‘aparticularlyfatalformofthetenserelationshipthatruns
throughtheentirehistoryofsocialpolicybetween...the‘normality’thatistobefosteredand
requiredand...the‘nonconformity’thatistobesegregatedoreliminated’(1989:129).Hisgeneral
argumentwasthatNationalSocialismdrewonageneralFortschrittsoptimismusthat‘finalsolutions’
couldbefoundtovarious‘socialquestions’sothat‘anallianceofscienceandinterventionistsocial
engineeringcouldputpaidtoalloutstandingcausesofsocialunease’(1991:1345).Whatmadethis
‘gardening’(Bauman1987)conceptionofsocialpolicysoproblematicwasthecombinationofan
organicconceptionofsociety,theVolksgemeinschaft,andtheabsenceof‘theidealsofequalrights,
emancipation,selfdeterminationandcommonhumanity’(Peukert1987:248).Thisiswhatis
strikingaboutthesheerdisgustwhichEuropeanAustralianshavetendedtofeelforAborigines(Read
1983:20).PaulHasluck,forexample,gavetheHouseofRepresentativesthisfolksyadvice,that‘[w]e
havetogiveattentiontohygiene.Solongasnativesarenotlivinginawaythatmakesthem
physicallyacceptable‐toputitcrudely,solongasnativesliveinawaythatmakesthemsmell‐then
thereisnohopeforthem.Wehavetoimprovetheirhygieneinordertomakethemacceptable’
(CommonwealthParliamentaryDebates8(NewSeries)21st(1st)6October1955,p.1333).5
AustralianIndigenouschildremovalpoliciesandpracticeswerenot,ofcourse,unique,and
comparablehistoriescanbeidentifiedinothersettlercolonies.Therewasaparallelconcernin
Canada,forexample,withassimilationandtheeliminationofIndianculture(Miller1996;Fournier&
Crey1997;McGillivray1997).Canada’sfirstPrimeMinister,SirJohnMacDonald,saidthat‘Thegreat
aimofourcivilizationhasbeentodoawaywiththetribalsystemandassimilatetheIndianpeoplein
allrespectswiththeinhabitantsoftheDominion,asspeedilyastheyarefitforthechange’,andin
1917IndianAffairsofficerDuncanCampbellScottsaid‘IwanttogetridoftheIndianproblem....Our
objectistocontinueuntilthereisnotasingleIndianinCanadathathasnotbeenabsorbedintothe
bodypolitic,andthereisnoIndianquestion,andnoIndiandepartment’(inMcGillivray1997:143).
Buttherewerealsoimportantdifferences.IntheCanadiancontext,forexample,thestrategy
adoptedwasresidentialschooling(forroughlyathirdofthestatusIndianpopulation)ratherthan
5IntheHasluckpapersintheNationalLibraryofAustralia,thereisadraftofareportbyanInterDepartmental
committeeon‘MattersAffectingNativeWelfare’,wherethefollowingrecommendation‘Thatanyaboriginal
whohasreachedastandardofgeneraleducationwhichmakeshisattendanceatasecondaryschooladvisable
shouldbeadmittedtoa“State”secondaryschool’hasaddedtoit,inHasluck’swriting,thefollowing
emendation:‘providedthathisstandardofpersonalhygieneandmodeoflifemakehimacceptable’(NLAMS
5274HasluckPapers,Box32).
8ROBERTVANKRIEKEN
outrightremoval,andCanadianobservershavebeenmorecriticalofthepost1950strendtowards
utilisationofthemainstreamchildwelfaresystem.SuzanneFournierandErnieCreyhaveargued
thatundertheresidentialschoolregime,despitetheirmistreatmentandracistabuse,‘atleastthe
childrenstayedinanaboriginalpeergroup;theyalwaysknewtheirFirstNationoforiginandwho
theirparentswere,andtheyknewthateventuallytheywouldbegoinghome’.Thechildwelfare
system,ontheotherhand,wasexperiencedasamoreeffectiveformof‘childabduction’.
‘Aboriginalchildren,’wroteFournierandCrey,‘typicallyvanishedwithscarcelyatrace,thevast
majorityofthemplaceduntiltheywereadultsinnonaboriginalhomeswheretheirculturalidentity,
theirlegalIndianstatus,theirknowledgeoftheirownFirstNationandeventheirbirthnameswere
erased,oftenforever’(1997:81).Therearethusbothimportantsimilaritiesanddifferences
betweentheorganised(governmentalandnongovernmental)policiesandpracticesrelatingto
Indigenouschildrenindifferentnationalcontexts,then,whichneedtobeexaminedalongsideandin
additiontotheissuesdealtwithhere.
However,thespecificsignificanceoftheAustralian‘stolengenerations’historyisthatit
indicatesthattheproblemisnotsimplyoneofadominanceofcommunalidentitiesoverindividuals,
withallthenegationsofindividualfreedomsandrightswhichthatentails.Infact,itshowshowthe
twoareinterlinkedandthatwearebynomeansnotoutofthewoodswiththeintroductionofthe
factor‘liberalism’.Itisusefultodistinguishhere,asTimRowsedoes,betweendifferentversionsof
liberalism,betweenwhatRowsecall‘juridical’liberalism,focusedon‘asometimesmilitantconcern
tounfetterindividualsfrompernicioussocialbondsandtoimagineindividualsandtoacttowards
themintermsoftheirabstractuniversalequivalencefromthepointofviewofthestate’(1999:
127),anda‘sociological’liberalismwhichinsteadconceivesindividualsasintegralpartsof
collectivitiesaswell,withtheircommunalidentityanessentialratherthanexpendableelementof
theirrelationshiptothestate.Aimedasjuridicalliberalismwastowardsassimilationintoamono
culturalformofcitizenship,theremovalofindigenouschildrenwasstructuredaroundan
individualisedconceptionofwellbeingandwelfare,butitwasthisassimilationistfocuson
individualswhichhelpedunderminecommunalidentity,inturninflictingsignificantlongterm
psychologicalandsocialviolenceontheindividualswhomakeupcommunities.
ZygmuntBaumanhasidentifiedthemoregeneralizablefeaturesofwhathecallsthe
‘assimilatoryproject’withinEuropeanstateformation,andthecentralityofthatprojecttothevery
natureofthemodernstate.Itwaspartandparceloftheprocessofdismantlingolder,deeplyrooted
formsofcommunallifewhichprovidedalternative,sometimesoppositionsframeworksofsocial
power.Assimilation,hesuggests,‘wasanexerciseindiscreditinganddisempoweringthepotentially
competitive,communalorcorporativesourcesofsocialauthority’(1991b:106).Aspartoftheliberal
politicalandlegalprogramtosecurethemodernstate’s‘monopolyoflawmakingandcoercion’(p.
111),assimilationwasorganizedaroundatoleranceofindividualsbasedonaprofoundintolerance
ofdifferingcollectiveculturalidentities,sothat‘toleranttreatmentofindividualswasinextricably
linkedtointoleranceaimedatcollectivities,theirwaysoflife,theirvaluesand,aboveall,theirvalue
legitimatingpowers’(p.107).Thepricetobepaidbyindividualsforentrytoliberalcitizenshipinthe
modernstate,atleastinitsjuridicalform,hasalwaysbeentoleavealltheirpreviouscommunal
culturalidentitiesbehind,apartperhapsfromsomeremnantintheformofquaintcustomswheeled
outatceremonialoccasions.6
6AsHasluckputit:‘thelossofanyvalidanddistinctiveaboriginalcultureiscertaininthecourseoftime.The
ancientpridecanremain‐andinfactmaygrow.ThosepeopleofScottishancestrywhodelightinstrange
capersatHallowe’en,andthosepeopleofIrishoriginwhowhenevertheydosomethingfineexclaim“Itmust
bemyIrishblood”areexamplesofthesortofculturalprideIhadinmind.Buthowrealarethebagpipesand
thekiltsandthepoetryofBurnsasaculturalforceinAustralia?TheScotandtheIrishandtheEnglishare
The‘stolengenerations’andculturalgenocide9
Liberalmodelsofindividualrightscannever,ontheonehand,reallydetachthemselves
fromanaccompanyingconceptionof‘societyasawhole’towhichindividualsaretobe‘assimilated’.
Indeed,therhetoricofliberaldemocracytendstodrawattentionawayfromthemodelsofsociety
andcommunitywhichareinfactbeingdrawnupon,makingtheirproblematiceffectsthatmuch
hardertoperceive,letalonerespondto.Ontheotherhand,whencombinedwithanorganic,mono
cultural,andunitaryconceptionofcitizenshipandcommunity,individualisticliberalismhasa
stronglynormalisingedgetoitwhichcan,insituationswheretheboundariesbetweenthe‘normal’
andthe‘pathological’communitiesaredrawnstronglyenough(aswithracialdivisions),haveeffects
verysimilartomoreauthoritarianregimesbasedonquitedifferentpoliticalphilosophies.
Thereisinfact,then,apowerfultensionattheheartofliberalunderstandingsofchildren
andtheirplaceinsociety,between‘thebestinterestsofthechild’and‘thebestinterestsofsociety’.
Ifwesimplyassumethatthetwoworkinharmony,theformerwillalmostalwaysbedefinedin
termsofthelatter.ThisiswhatJohnO’Neillhasdescribedasthe‘culturalknot’inchildren’sculture
andwhathecalls‘contractualist’liberalism,makingitpossibleforustoboth‘celebratechildren’s
growth,theirhappiness,health,andintelligence’attheverysametimethatwe‘renderthelivesof
vastnumbersofchildrendeadly,diseased,ignorant,andravishedbyeverykindofexploitation’
(1995:1).Ratherthansimplybeinganerrorinjudgement,amistakeforwhichAustralianstoday
shouldorshouldnotapologise,thepoliciesandpracticessurroundingthe‘stolengenerations’reveal
twomuchmorefundamentalflawsburieddeepwithin‘civilized’,‘juridical’liberalism,:thedifficulty
whichits‘juridical’or‘contractual’individualism‐theconceptionofhumanbeingsas‘disembodied,
defamilialized,anddegendered’criticisedbyO’Neill(1995:3)‐producesforacomprehensionof
individualsassociallylocated,intergenerational,intersubjectivebeings,theiressentiallycommunal
identities‘stretched’overtimebothbackwardsandforwards(vanKrieken1997),anditsmono
culturalandorganicistconceptionof‘society’,whichallowsonlyforassimilationtoasingle,
individualisedanddecommunalised‘wayoflife’.Itisonlytoextentthatboththesefeaturesof
‘juridical’liberalismareaddressedthatwecanhopeforanydegreeofcertaintythatsimilarhistories
willnotreemergeinrelationtoanygroupwithouttheprotectionaffordedbyavisibleandpublicly
respectedculturalandpoliticalpresence.
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... As a result of various government policies, many Aboriginal children were forcibly removed from their families until as late as the 1970s. The generations of children became known as the Stolen Generations (Krieken 1999). Banned from many public gathering places, Indigenous Australians were not counted in the Australian Census until the 1967 constitutional referendum. ...
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With the growing strength of minority voices in recent decades has come much impassioned discussion of residential schools, the institutions where attendance by Native children was compulsory as recently as the 1960s. Former students have come forward in increasing numbers to describe the psychological and physical abuse they suffered in these schools, and many view the system as an experiment in cultural genocide. In this first comprehensive history of these institutions, J.R. Miller explores the motives of all three agents in the story. He looks at the separate experiences and agendas of the government officials who authorized the schools, the missionaries who taught in them, and the students who attended them. Starting with the foundations of residential schooling in seventeenth-century New France, Miller traces the modern version of the institution that was created in the 1880s, and, finally, describes the phasing-out of the schools in the 1960s. He looks at instruction, work and recreation, care and abuse, and the growing resistance to the system on the part of students and their families. Based on extensive interviews as well as archival research, Miller's history is particularly rich in Native accounts of the school system. This book is an absolute first in its comprehensive treatment of this subject. J.R. Miller has written a new chapter in the history of relations between indigenous and immigrant peoples in Canada. Co-winner of the 1996 Saskatchewan Book Award for nonfiction. Winner of the 1996 John Wesley Dafoe Foundation competition for Distinguished Writing by Canadians Named an 'Outstanding Book on the subject of human rights in North America' by the Gustavus Myer Center for the Study of Human Rights in North America.
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Australia in the early 1960s straddled two worlds. The tie with Britam both in terms of trade and in the less tangible area of a sense of heritage and identity was still strong. The British Empire defined and shaped an Australian view of the world. For many, it was a symbol of security and good in a world divided by the Cold War. In the 1960s, however, Australia's view of itself within the Empire was fundamentally challenged by three factors which I will examine in this article, namely: relations between new nations and fanner colonial powers; the spread of Communism, especially in Asia; and the perceived role of the United States of America safeguarding democracy. Neil JiIIett, writing in a prominently displayed feature article in the Age on Australia Day, 1961, reminded readers that if we 'reflect deeply upon our nationhood, we remember that we are part of the Commonwealth of nations'. I This comforting view of Australia as a 'distant outpost of Empire' displayed a blinkered nostalgia which took little account of events outside Australia's borders. Australian diplomats in politically sensitive posts, and their Departtnent of External Affairs colleagues back in Canberra whose job it was to guide them, were interrogated about Australian policy with regard to Aboriginal people. Some of the questions asked of Australian diplomats in Africa, the United Nations and eastern Europe proved difficult to answer. This article is a study of the effect on Australia of the emergence of race issues in international diplomacy during 1961 and 1962, and the responses of senior staff in the Department of External Affairs to those issues. Prime Minister Menzies was responsible for the External Affairs portfolio from February 1960 with Garfield Barwick taking over from him in December 1961. Paul Hasluck, as Minister for Territories, was responsible in turn, for the development and implementation of special policies for Aboriginal people in the Northern Territory. The period under discussion is prior to the 1967 referendum so, consequently, the Commonwealth did not have power to 'make special laws' for 'the Sue Taffe completed a Masters degree in History in 1995 and is currently working on an oral history of the Federal Council for the Advancement of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders (FCAATSl) in partnership with the Melbourne based Koori Arts Collective. This project has been funded by the Australia Foundation for Culture and the Humanities, the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies and the Lance Reichstein Foundation and is supported by the Department of History, Monash University. N. Jillett, 1961:2.
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[Extract] By 1951 A.P. Elkin, Professor of Anthropology at the University of Sydney, had acquired an international academic reputation, as well as being the dommant figure within his discipline in Australia. In that year he published 'Reaction and Interaction: A Food Gathering People and European Settlement in Australia', in which he set out the phases through which the relations between Aborigines and Europeans had supposedly passed since first colonisation of this country. 1 It was the most comprehensive study of what Elkin termed 'culture contact' that he had yet published, and remained probably the most detailed and best-known of his many articles on this topic. According to his biographer, Tigger Wise, Elkin chose American Anthropologist for the publication ofthis article because he felt that this prestigious journal 'would give it the most exposure', and he 'fiercely' defended his words against the editorial intervention of Melville Herskovits.2 Certainly, Elkin regarded this article as important. Unlike many of his other published works, 'Reaction and Interaction' was drafted and revised many times, apparently over a period of some years, before finally appearing in print.3 Its argument, the phases of contact and the terminology used to describe it, were recycled again and again in the numerous lectures, addresses and articles which Elkin gave and published in the 1950s and 1960s. Of the terms employed in 'Reaction and Interaction', the most memorable - and subsequently the most frequently repeated - was 'intelligent parasitism', coined by Elkin to describe the employment situation on northern Australian pastoral stations where Aborigines exerted a minimum of effort in exchange for bare subsistence.