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The‘stolengenerations’andculturalgenocide:theforcedremovalof
AustralianIndigenouschildrenfromtheirfamiliesandits
implicationsforthesociologyofchildhood1
RobertvanKrieken,UniversityofSydney
Publishedin:Childhood6(3)1999:297‐311
Deficienciesinthetreatmentofchildrenarealmostalwaysunderstoodassomehow‘external’to
Europeancultureandcivilization,asflawsinthesocialfabricwhichhavebeen,andcontinuetobe
rectified.Suchdeficiencies,whateverformtheytake,mightbeseenaserrorsofjudgementor
interpretation,butalwaysasalientoEuropeancivilizationitself.Itisgenerallytakenforgrantedthat
thetwentiethcenturyisthe‘centuryofthechild’(Key1909),thatthereisclearlyaharmonious
relationshipbetweentheunfoldingofEuropeancivilizationaroundtheworldandtheincreasing
realizationof‘thebestinterestsofthechild’.
ThelatestinaseriesofprofoundchallengestothisconceptionofEuropeancivilization,and
theroleofchildrenwithinit,wasraisedintheAustraliancontextinMay1997,whenareportissued
bytheAustralianHumanRightsandEqualOpportunityCommission(HREOC),BringingthemHome,
stressedthatthetreatmentofindigenousAustralianchildrenbybothStateandChurchagencies
throughoutthiscenturyfallsclearlywithinthetermsoftheUNdefinitionofgenocide.Thedefinition
inthe1948UNConventiononthePreventionandPunishmentoftheCrimeofGenocideincludes
‘forciblytransferringchildrenofthegrouptoanothergroup’committed‘withintenttodestroy,in
wholeorinpart,anational,ethnical,racialorreligiousgroup,assuch’.TheHREOCinquiryaroseout
ofthefindingsofthe1989RoyalCommissionintoAboriginalDeathsinCustody,whichfocused
attentiontohowmanyAboriginalprisonershadalonghistoryofinstitutionalisation,beginningwith
theirremovalfromtheirfamilies.CommissionerJ.H.Wootten,inhisreportonthedeath(‘suicide’)
ofoneparticularAboriginalprisoner,MalcolmSmith,spokeof‘alifedestroyed,notbythe
misconductofpoliceandprisonofficers,butinlargemeasurebytheregularoperationofthesystem
ofself‐righteousandracistdestructionofAboriginalfamiliesthatwentonunderthenameof
protectionorwelfarewellintothesecondhalfofthiscentury’(RoyalCommissionintoAboriginal
DeathsinCustody1989:1),anddrewattentiontothefactthat‘theattemptto“solvetheAboriginal
problem”bythedeliberatedestructionoffamiliesandcommunities....isseenbymanyAboriginesas
fallingsquarelywithinthemoderndefinitionofgenocide’(p.5).2
1ThisisrevisedandextendedversionofapaperfirstgivenduringtheSociologyofChildhoodsessionsatthe
14thWorldCongressofSociologyinMontreal,26July‐1August1998.Partsaredrawnfromanotherarticlein
theBritishJournalofSociology(vanKrieken1999),andIwouldalsoliketothankJensQvortrup,IvarFrønes
andVirginiaWatson,aswellasthoseattheMontrealsessions,fortheircommentsandsuggestions.
2Thefirstreferenceto‘culturalgenocide’IhavecomeacrossisbyanExternalAffairsofficer,PhillipPeters,ina
memoonPaulHasluck’saddresstotheAnthropologysectionatthe1959ANZAAScongress.Hasluckwas
MinisterforTerritories(1951‐1963),cameclosetobecomingPrimeMinister,andlaterbecameGovernor‐
General,exercisingastronginfluenceonAustralianpoliticalcultureandpublicdebate.Heisparticularly
significantasprobablytheleadingAustralian‘theoristofassimilation’,alongsidetheanthropologistA.P.Elkin.
Forusefuldiscussions,seeThomas(1994)andRowse(1999).PeterscommentsthatHasluck’sstatement
suggests‘thatculturalgenocideisaprerequisiteoffullassimilationoftheAboriginesintothenon‐Aboriginal
community’,making‘noreferencetothewishesoftheAboriginesasregardstheirfuture’andfailingto
‘envisageanyalternativewhichmightallowAboriginestopreservesomeoftheircustomsandculture’.Peters
wasalsounimpressedwithHasluck’sresponsetocriticism:‘MrHasluckattacksthosewho,unawareofthe
complexitiesoftheproblemsfacingAborigines,areboldenoughtocriticiseGovernmentpolicy.The
implicationseemstobethatGovtpolicy,likethelawsoftheMedesandPersians,isunalterableand
profoundlywise.Itmaybedifficulttoarguethispointtooverseascritics’(NationalArchivesofAustralia,
2ROBERTVANKRIEKEN
Atthetime,thepracticewaspresentedaspromotingthewelfareofindividualAboriginal
children,becauseAboriginalculturalidentitywasseenasaninsurmountableobstacletothecapacity
totakea‘normal’partinEuropean‐Australiansociallife.Indeed,manycurrentcommentators,
includinganex‐PrimeMinister(JohnGorton),stillmaintainboththattheoveralleffectwas
beneficial,andthattheintentionsweregood.3Therehavebeenscatteredvoicesofcriticaldissentat
almosteverypointofthepolicy’shistory.DuringthepassageoftheNewSouthWalesAborigines
ProtectionAmendingBillin1915,forexample,oneParliamentariansaidoftheforcedremovalof
Aboriginalchildrenthat
Thesepeopleareunfortunatebecause,intheinterestsofso‐calledcivilisation,wehave
over‐runtheircountryandtakenawaytheirdomain.Wenowproposetoperpetratefurther
actsofcrueltyuponthembyseparatingthechildrenfromtheparents.Themothersand
fathersofthesechildrenlovethemjustasmuchasthebirdsandtheanimalsofthebush
carefortheiroffspring,andhon.memberswouldnotperpetrateacrueltyofthiskindeven
uponananimal.....Tomymindsomebettermethodshouldbeadopted.Thereshouldbe
somemethodofdirectcontroloverthesechildren,butthechildshouldnotbeseparated
fromthemother.(NSWParliamentaryDebates571914‐15:1953)
In1934,thehumanitarianandfeministactivistMaryBennetttoldtheWesternAustralian1935Royal
CommissionintotheTreatmentofAboriginesthattherewasno‘validjustificationfortheofficial
smashingofnativefamilyandcommunitylife’andshe‘mostearnestly’askedthat‘theofficial
smashingofnativefamilylifemaybestopped,andthatnativefamiliesmaybepermittedtolive
wheretheywishwithinthelaw’.Bennettwassimplyarguingforequaltreatment,that‘thelawsthat
areenoughfortheproperconductofwhitecommunitiesshouldbeenoughfortheproperconduct
ofnativecommunitiesalso’(Moseley1935:225,229).JeremyLongpointsoutthatin1951one
officialwasquotedasdescribingthe‘mosthatedtask’ofthepatrolofficersasbeing‘theseparation
of‘half‐caste’babiesfromtheirmothersinaccordancewitha‘cruelgovernmentorder’’(Long1992:
83),andinthe1960shistorianCharlesRowleydescribedthechildremovalpolicyas‘much
criticized’(1962:275),butallthesecriticismshadlittlerealeffect.
IthasonlybeensincePeterRead’sstudyontheoperationofthepolicyinNewSouthWales,
publishedin1983,andalargebodyofsubsequenthistoricalresearch,aswellasthepublicationof
thereportsoftwomajorgovernmentinquiries‐theRoyalCommissionintoAboriginalDeathsin
Custody(1989)andtheHREOCreport(1997)‐thatithasbecomemorewidelyrecognizedhow
destructiveanddamagingapracticeitwas.Thisrecognitionhassparkedaremarkablepublicdebate
aboutwhetherthereisaneedforanexpressionofsomesortof‘collectiveshame’(e.g.,Brett1997;
Gaita1997;Manne1998),withsomepoliticalleaders,stategovernments,religiousbodiesand
citizengroupshavingissuedapologiesforthestate‐ andchurch‐sponsoredforcibleremovalof
IndigenouschildrenandtheeffectthishashadonAboriginalindividualsandcommunities.Others,
notablythePrimeMinister,JohnHowardandtheMinisterforAboriginalAffairs(!),JohnHerron,
haveremainedtruetoonelongtraditioninAustralianliberalism,andexpressedvaryingdegreesof
regretwhilealsoarguingagainstdwellingontheunpleasantriesofthepast.Instead,wearetold,we
A1838557/1).HasluckwasfondofattributingcriticismofthemanagementofAboriginalaffairstoa
Communistplot(1988:97).IamgratefultoSusanTaffe(1995)fordrawingmyattentiontothismemo,and
alsoforprovidingmewithhercopyofit,sinceIwasunabletolocateitpersonallyinNationalArchives.
3JohnGortonwrotethat‘[o]nthewholeItaketheviewthechurchestookatthetime.Itwastherightthingfor
themtodo,totryandlookafterAboriginalchildren’(SydneyMorningHerald,30May1998)
The‘stolengenerations’andculturalgenocide3
shouldconcentrateonmorepracticalendeavourstoimproveAboriginalhealth,housingeducation
andemployment.
EssentiallytworeasonshavebeengiveninAustraliaforthefailuretoissueanofficial
apologyalongthelinesoftheCanadianapologytotheirIndigenouspeoples:
1. historicity‐thereisnoconnectionbetweenthesepasteventsandpeoplelivingtoday,sono
reasonforapologyforthoseevents.ThePrimeMinisterthusdeclaredthat‘Australiansof
thisgenerationshouldnotberequiredtoacceptguiltandblameforpastactionsandpolicies
overwhichtheyhadnocontrol’(SydneyMorningHerald30May1998).
2. goodintentions‐althoughwemightrecognizeforcedremovalasproblematictoday,atthe
timetheywerepursuedwiththebestofintentions.Asonenewspaperletter‐writer
commented,‘Iamprofoundlysorryforthehurtexperiencedbythisgenerationofseparated
children,butIcannotapologiseonbehalfofthe“do‐gooders”responsibleforit.Iam
convincedtheyactedtogivethechildrenabetterstartinlife.Andwhat’swrongwiththat?’
(JeanDixon,SydneyMorningHeraldLetters,28May1998).
Thefirstpointrestsonthepresumptionthatwecanhaveonlyapositivemoralrelationtothepast,
forJohnHowardisquitecontenttobeproudofothertypesofactionsoverwhichhehadnocontrol,
itisonlytheoneswemightfeelregretfulaboutthathewishestodissociatehimselffrom.Itis,in
thissense,aprofoundlyimmatureanddeeplyproblematicmoralpositiontotakeup,sinceregretis
actuallyanimportantpartofourengagementwithandreflectiononthepast(Postema1991;
Webber1995).Thesecondpointissimplyinaccurate,becauseitisclearthatmanypeopleatall
timesthroughoutthiscenturydrewattentiontothedestructivefeaturesofthepolicy,andinany
casedemonstrationofgoodintentionsdoesnotprecludethepossibilityofapologyfortheactual
harmcausedbyparticularactionsinthepast.
However,anofficialapologywouldnotinitselfresolvealltheissues,andinthispaperIwill
attempttogobeyondtheseconsiderationsbyreflectingonmorefundamentalramificationsofthis
caseforthefabricoftheAustralianmoralcommunity,withaparticularfocusonthetreatmentof
children.TherelationshipbetweenEuropeanandIndigenousAustralianchildrenhasbroader
significancebecausetheremovalofAboriginalchildrenwascentrallya‘civilizingproject’,despitethe
factthatthesubsequentcritiqueofthatpracticeisalsoundertakeninthenameof‘civilization’.
“Civilization”wasthefoundationforcitizenshipinthemodernnation‐state,withitsachievement
thekeyconditionfortheattainmentofcitizenshiprights.Thestoryofthe‘stolengenerations’as
partofaparticularlyAustraliansetofcivilizingprocessesisthusanimportantexampleofthe
multiplemeaningsoftheconcepts‘civilization’and‘citizenship’,withanumberofimportant
implicationsforthesociologyofchildhood.
The‘half‐casteproblem’
Bythelastquarterofthenineteenth‐century,theacceptedpositioninAustralianofficialdiscourse
andpracticewasthattheAborigineswerea‘dyingrace’,andthiswasbasedonthenotionofthe
essential‘fragility’ofAboriginalcultureincontactwithEuropeans(Brantlinger1995;McGregor
1997).Aboriginalculturewasdefinedassimply‘weak’inthefaceoftherobustnessoftheEuropean
wayoflife‐militarily,technologically,economically,culturally,socially,andphysically.Some
Europeansweredistressedanddismayedthatthisshouldbeso,andittroubledtheirChristian
consciences,butdidnothingaboutthesenseofitsinevitability.Extinctionwasthussimplyamatter
oftime,sothatthemostEuropeanscoulddowasto‘smooththedyingman’spillow’(Bates1944),
pursuingwhatPatO’Malleyhascalled‘gentlegenocidethroughaprogramofenforcedeugenics’
(1994:52).
Towardstheendofthecentury,however,thepicturechangeddramaticallyandproduced
quitedifferentconceptualandpracticalconcerns.Notonlywere‘traditional’Aboriginesnotdyingas
4ROBERTVANKRIEKEN
quicklyasanticipated,butasEuropeansettlementspreadacrossthecontinent,sodidcontact
betweenEuropeansandAborigines,includingsexualcontact,whichofcoursehaditsinevitable
consequence‐children.Thissexualcontactwasrelativelyprolificinitself,andtheresultantmixed‐
bloodpopulationwasalsoveryfertile,sothatbyaroundthe1890sEuropeanAustralianswere
becomingincreasinglyagitatedaboutwhatcametobedefinedasthe‘half‐casteproblem’.‘There
wasagrowingrealisation,’writesRussellMcGregor,‘thatthedescendantsofadyingracemight
continuetohauntaWhiteAustraliaforgenerations’(1997:134).
By1936CecilCook,theChiefProtectorintheNorthernTerritory,waswriting,‘Myviewis
thatunlesstheblackpopulationisspeedilyabsorbedintothewhite,theprocesswillsoonbe
reversed,andin50years,oralittlelater,thewhitepopulationoftheNorthernTerritorywillbe
absorbedintotheblack’(CommonwealthofAustralia1937:14).Everythingthatcivilizationwas
meanttohaveachieved,thedistancethatwassupposedtohavebeenplacedbetweenthepresent
andthepast,wasthrownintodisarraywiththeculturalandbiologicalhybriditycharacterizingthe
‘half‐casteproblem’.Mixed‐bloodsweresaidtoinheritthe‘vices’ofbothracesandfewoftheir
virtues,andtheywereregardedasrepresentingpreciselythoseformsofbehaviourwhichthe
civilizingprocesswasmeanttohaveovercome,the‘repressed’ofmoderncivilization‐ idleness,
nomadism,emotionality,lackofdisciplineandproductivity,sexualpromiscuity,poorbodilyhygiene,
andagroupratherthananindividualorientation.AsAndrewLattashassummeditup,‘Aborigines
wereoftenconstructedasprisonersofunreflexivebodilydesireswhichtheycouldnotcontrolor
satisfy’andAboriginalsocietyas‘characterizednotbythedisciplinedfreedomsofthemind,butby
theviolentpassionsofthebody’(1987:43,55).4
TheAustralian‘finalsolution’:rescuingtherisinggeneration
Therewereessentiallytwoelementstotheresultant‘civilizingoffensive’onthepartofbothState
andChurch,bothaimingtoprotectaswellasadvancecivilizationbyeliminatingAboriginalityinthis
hybridformfroma‘WhiteAustralia’completely.Thefirstwastotryandregulatethecauseofthe
problem,thesexualintercoursebetweenwhitesandblacks,throughasystemofgovernanceof
Aboriginalmovementsandrelationships,containedwithinalegislativeapparatusconcerningthe
‘protection’ofAboriginesconstructedbetweentheearlyyearsofthetwentiethcenturyandthe
1930s.
Second,therewasalreadyaparticularsocialtechnologyinplacetodealwithproblemsof
socialdisciplineamongthedegenerateconvictsandworkingclasses(vanKrieken1992;Kidd1998:
14‐15),andthiswaswhatwasalsoturnedtoinrespondingtothe‘half‐casteproblem’.Theconcept
of‘rescuingtherisinggeneration’hadbeencentraltoEuropeanchurchandstateagencies’policies
inrelationtothechildrenofthepoorandtheworkingclasssincethesixteenthcentury,andwasa
centralelementofthemodernState’sconceptionoftheintersectionoffamilylifeandliberal
citizenship.TheremovalofAboriginalchildrenthusdrewonpre‐existingphilosophies,policiesand
institutionalpracticesconcerningunacceptable,‘problem’groupsinalltheWesternEuropean
countriesandtheircolonies,sothatitispossibletocharttheparallelsandaffinitiesbetweenthe
racismofremovingAboriginalchildrenfortheirAboriginality,andtheclassideologyunderlyingthe
removalofnon‐indigenouschildrenfortheimmoralityandviciousnessoftheirimpoverished
surroundings.Thisisnotaclaimthattherewassomesortofequitabledistributionofstateviolence
betweenindigenousandnon‐indigenousfamilies,butitdoesindicateacertaindegreeof
isomorphismbetween‘race,’‘class’and‘gender’,thatanxietiesconcerningtherapidreproductionof
4ThedynamicsofthesituationinAustraliaweredifferentfromthoseinIndonesiaanalysedbyStoler(1995)
becauseofitscharacterasasettlercolony.
The‘stolengenerations’andculturalgenocide5
half‐casteAboriginesontheborderbetweenwhiteandblackculturesinmanyrespectsfollowedthe
samelogicofgovernanceunderlyingthefearsoftheequallysexuallydangerousandprolificnon‐
respectableworking‐class,especiallywomen,onthefringesofthemetropolis(Stoler1995).
The‘danger’whichmostexercisedEuropeanAustralianmindswasthecomingtogetherof
tworaces,ratherthanthemereexistenceofAboriginesalongsidewhiteAustralians.AsJ.W.
Bleakley,Queensland’sChiefProtectorandDirectorofNativeAffairsbetween1913and1942,wrote
aboutthemissions,‘[n]otonlydotheyprotectthechildracesfromtheunscrupulouswhite,butthey
helptopreservethepurityofthewhiteracefromthegravesocialdangersthatalwaysthreaten
wherethereisadegradedracelivinginlooseconditionsatitsbackdoor’(1961:124).Althoughit
oftenseemsthatway,thetargetofthesepoliciesandpracticeswasnotsimplyAboriginalityitself,
becausethatwasmoreorlessacceptabletoEuropeanAustraliansinitstraditional,‘full‐blood’form,
albeitquarantinedinthedesertregionsofthecontinent.Whatwassoproblematicanddangerous
wasthehybridityofmixed‐bloods,theirthreattotheboundariesbetweenthecivilizedandthe
savage.Note,forexample,thisextractfromtheAnnualReportoftheStateChildrenReliefBoard
in1915:‘Manyofsuchchildrenaresowhitethat,wereitnotfortheirpresenceincampsorin
associationwithblacks,theaverageindividualwouldcharacterizethemaspracticallynormal.
Beneaththeskin,however,thetaintismoremarked,anditisinthecorrectionofdegeneratetraits
andtheeradicationofdemoralisedhabitsthattheworkoftheexpertpsychologistand
educationalistlies...’(StateChildrenReliefBoard1915:880).Themostpowerfuloutragewhichany
commentarycouldprovokewouldarisefromtheobservationthatachildwho‘lookedwhite’had
beenseeninanAboriginalsettlement.Thedangerthat‘half‐castes’posedwasmadeparticularly
acutebythefactthatitwasinfacttheconductofwhitemenandtheirpursuitofsexwithAboriginal
women‐perhapsweshouldsay‘girls’,mostofthetime‐whichunderlaythegrowthinthe‘half‐
caste’population,andtheproductionofanexpandinggroupofpeoplefalling‘betweentwoworlds’,
sothattheproblemofhybridityanddegenerationwasinfactalreadyinternaltoEuropean
civilizationitself.Ratherthanattendingtothisinconsistencyinthenotionof‘racialpurity’andthe
realsourceofany‘taint’,though,theapproachtakenwastoevenmoreheatedly‘blamethevictim’.
Thecorrespondingpracticalstrategyadoptedwassimplytomakethestatethelegal
guardianofallchildrenofAboriginaldescent,overridingAboriginalparents’common‐lawrightsover
theirchildren,whoweretoberemovedatofficialwillandsenttoamission,achildwelfare
institutionortobefosteredwithawhitefamilyifsufficientlylight‐skinned.Thelegislationenabling
thiswasintroducedinrelativelyweakformbetween1886and1909inallAustralianstates,
strengthenedaround1915,andfurtherreinforcedinthe1930s,bywhichtime,inlegalterms,the
statehadbecomethecustodialparentsofvirtuallyallAboriginalchildren(Haebich1988:350).
TheactualnumberofAboriginalchildrenremovedfromtheirfamiliesisunclear,partly
becausetherecordskeptwerepatchy,withnoaccountingforAboriginalchildrensenttohomesnot
specificallydesignatedforAborigines;somewereremoved‘unofficially’andplacedinthecareof
churchagenciesorindividuals.Alsodifficulttoquantify,asPeterReadremindsus,were‘thosewho
wentawaytowhitepeoplefora“holiday”anddidnotreturn’(1983:8).RowenaMacDonald
suggeststhatintheperiod1912‐1962,‘probablytwooutofeverythreepart‐descentchildrenspent
someoftheirlivesawayfromtheirparentsasaresultofthepolicyofremoval’.TheHREOCreport
sumsupitsestimationaslyingbetweenoneinthreeandoneintenintheperiodbetween1910and
1970,andpointsoutboththat‘notoneindigenousfamilyhasescapedtheeffectsofforcible
removal’andthat‘mostfamilieshavebeenaffected,inoneormoregenerations,bytheforcible
removalofoneormorechildren’(HREOC1997:p.37).
Thisassertionoflegalguardianshipbythestateoverallindigenouschildrenonlyceasedin
the1960s.Theprimaryandoverarchingconcernwasto‘solve’the‘half‐casteproblem’bybreeding
outthecolourofbothbodyandmindthroughthisprogramofsocialengineering,andinthissense
6ROBERTVANKRIEKEN
theremovalofAboriginalchildrenmeshedwiththefirststrategyofcontrollingsexualrelationsand
reproductionamongadultAborigines.Thiswascertainlythemoststronglyarticulatedargumentin
thewritingsofthepoliticians,administratorsandanthropologistscentraltothedevelopmentofthe
variousformsoflegislativeandadministrativeaction.‘Merging’,‘absorption’and‘assimilation’into
thewaysof‘civilization’werethekeyconceptsaroundwhichthisdiscoursewasorganized.In1936a
conferenceoftheleadingauthoritiesinAboriginalaffairsdeclareditsbelief‘thatthedestinyofthe
nativesofaboriginalorigin,butnotoffullblood,liesintheirultimateabsorptionbythepeopleof
theCommonwealth’(CommonwealthofAustralia1937:3).Bythe1950sthiskindofconceptionhad
beenreplacedbyonemoreorganizedaroundaliberalconceptionofcitizenship,andin1950Paul
HaslucktoldtheHouseofRepresentativesthat‘Theirfutureliesinassociationwithus,andthey
musteitherassociatewithusonstandardsthatwillgivethemfullopportunitytoliveworthilyand
happilyorbereducedtothesocialstatusofpariahsandoutcastslivingwithoutafirmplaceinthe
community’(1953:6).
Withinthissecondconceptionof‘citizenshipasassimilation’,itwasalsopossibletoregard
thestate’sandchurch’sinterventionintoAboriginalfamilylifeasadvancingthe‘welfare’ofthe
Aboriginalpopulationasawhole,byposingastarkanduncompromisingcontrastbetween
membershipoftheEuropeancommunity,onitsterms,andexclusionfromcivilizationitself.
Aboriginalcultureanditswayoflife,especiallyonceithadencounteredEuropeancivilization,was
presentedbyHasluckandalmosteveryotheradministratorinAboriginalaffairsasinherentlyflawed,
fragileandbasicallyworthless,producingonlyillness,disease,drunkenness,filthanddegeneracyin
the‘thousandsofdegradedanddepressedpeoplewhocrouchonrubbishheapsthroughoutthe
wholeofthiscontinent’(Hasluck1953:9;seealsoRead1983:20).Aboriginalitywasconstructed
simplyasa‘primitivesocialorder’composedof‘ritualmurders,infanticide,ceremonialwife
exchange,polygamy’(Hasluck1956:2),sothatforHasluckandmostwhiteAustralians,the
permanenteliminationofAboriginalityfromthefabricofAustraliansociallifewasself‐evidently
synonymouswithcivilizationandprogressitself,acrucialelementofthetruththat‘theblessingsof
civilizationareworthhaving’.‘Werecognisenow,’saidHasluck,‘thatthenoblesavagecanbenefit
frommeasurestakentoimprovehishealthandhisnutrition,toteachhimbettercultivation,andto
leadhimincivilisedwaysoflife....Weknowthattheideaofprogress,oncesoeasilyderided,hasthe
germoftruthinit’(Hasluck1953:17).
ThedestructionofAboriginalcultureandsociety,bothinexorableandplanned,viathe
assimilationofAboriginesasindividualsandaschildren,wasthusposedintermsofahumanitarian
concernforthewelfareofindigenousAustralians,andthisinterpretationisstillanimportant
elementofthe‘commonsense’understandingofthepracticeofforcedchildremoval.Asone
newspaperletter‐writerputit,‘....whiletheactofremovingchildrenfromtheirparentswasatragic
traumaforthoseinvolved....itwasdonewiththeintent,whilewrongandmisinformed,of
“improving”thechildren'slives.Itwasnotdonewithmaliciousintent’(StevendeVroom,North
Sydney,SydneyMorningHeraldLetters,27May1998).
Childhood,liberalismandgenocide
Howwassuchalinkagebetweenwelfareandattemptedculturalgenocide,mediatedthrough
policiesconcerningchildrenandthe‘risinggeneration’possible,andhowshouldweunderstandit?I
willconcludewithanattemptatansweringthisquestion.
First,itisimportanttoobservethatwhateveritwasaboutEuropeanmodelsofthe
relationshipbetweenstateandsocietywhichproducedAboriginalchildremovalisnotsimplya
“mistake”forwhichapologiesmightbeissued,butsomethingmuchmoredeeplyrootedin
Europeansocial,politicalandlegalthought,withprofoundon‐goingimplicationsforsocial
relationshipinAustralia,betweenaswellasamongindigenousandnon‐indigenouspeople.The
The‘stolengenerations’andculturalgenocide7
modelofcitizenshipandtheevolutionofindividualrights‐especiallychildren’srights‐underlying
muchofthedebatedisplaysconsiderableamnesiaaboutexactlyhow‘colonizing’Europeansocial
historyhasbeeninrelationtoitsownsubjectpopulations(Weber1976),andespeciallyinrelation
tochildrenandfamilylife(e.g.,Hearst1997).Thisraisesthequestionoftherelativesuccessof
European‘internal’colonizationincomparisontotheoverallfailuretoeradicatenon‐European
identities.The‘community’destroyedbyEuropeanchildwelfarepolicieswasdefinedinclassrather
thanethnicorracialterms,whereasanethnicallydefinedcommunityseemstobemuchmore
difficulttoeliminate,shortofphysicalgenocide.Soethnoculturalgroupingsappeartobemore
resistanttoattacksontheircitizenshipstatusthanclass‐definedgroupings‐paradoxically,because
theyarealsothemostlikelytohavesuchrestrictionsontheircitizenshipstatusimposedonthem.
Second,liberalsocialandpoliticalthoughtrestsonadelicatebalancebetweenindividual
rightsandsomeconceptionof‘thesocial’,ortheparticularandtheuniversal(Hegel),makingit
possibleforcivilisationandmodernitytohavebarbariceffectstotheextentthatthisbalancetakes
particularforms.Discussingthemorewell‐knownexampleofgenocide,DetlevPeukertsuggested
thatNationalSocialismconstituted‘aparticularlyfatalformofthetenserelationshipthatruns
throughtheentirehistoryofsocialpolicybetween...the‘normality’thatistobefosteredand
requiredand...the‘non‐conformity’thatistobesegregatedoreliminated’(1989:129).Hisgeneral
argumentwasthatNationalSocialismdrewonageneralFortschrittsoptimismusthat‘finalsolutions’
couldbefoundtovarious‘socialquestions’sothat‘anallianceofscienceandinterventionistsocial
engineeringcouldputpaidtoalloutstandingcausesofsocialunease’(1991:134‐5).Whatmadethis
‘gardening’(Bauman1987)conceptionofsocialpolicysoproblematicwasthecombinationofan
organicconceptionofsociety,theVolksgemeinschaft,andtheabsenceof‘theidealsofequalrights,
emancipation,self‐determinationandcommonhumanity’(Peukert1987:248).Thisiswhatis
strikingaboutthesheerdisgustwhichEuropeanAustralianshavetendedtofeelforAborigines(Read
1983:20).PaulHasluck,forexample,gavetheHouseofRepresentativesthisfolksyadvice,that‘[w]e
havetogiveattentiontohygiene.Solongasnativesarenotlivinginawaythatmakesthem
physicallyacceptable‐toputitcrudely,solongasnativesliveinawaythatmakesthemsmell‐then
thereisnohopeforthem.Wehavetoimprovetheirhygieneinordertomakethemacceptable’
(CommonwealthParliamentaryDebates8(NewSeries)21st(1st)6October1955,p.1333).5
AustralianIndigenouschildremovalpoliciesandpracticeswerenot,ofcourse,unique,and
comparablehistoriescanbeidentifiedinothersettler‐colonies.Therewasaparallelconcernin
Canada,forexample,withassimilationandtheeliminationofIndianculture(Miller1996;Fournier&
Crey1997;McGillivray1997).Canada’sfirstPrimeMinister,SirJohnMacDonald,saidthat‘Thegreat
aimofourcivilizationhasbeentodoawaywiththetribalsystemandassimilatetheIndianpeoplein
allrespectswiththeinhabitantsoftheDominion,asspeedilyastheyarefitforthechange’,andin
1917IndianAffairsofficerDuncanCampbellScottsaid‘IwanttogetridoftheIndianproblem....Our
objectistocontinueuntilthereisnotasingleIndianinCanadathathasnotbeenabsorbedintothe
bodypolitic,andthereisnoIndianquestion,andnoIndiandepartment’(inMcGillivray1997:143).
Buttherewerealsoimportantdifferences.IntheCanadiancontext,forexample,thestrategy
adoptedwasresidentialschooling(forroughlyathirdofthestatusIndianpopulation)ratherthan
5IntheHasluckpapersintheNationalLibraryofAustralia,thereisadraftofareportbyanInter‐Departmental
committeeon‘MattersAffectingNativeWelfare’,wherethefollowingrecommendation‘Thatanyaboriginal
whohasreachedastandardofgeneraleducationwhichmakeshisattendanceatasecondaryschooladvisable
shouldbeadmittedtoa“State”secondaryschool’hasaddedtoit,inHasluck’swriting,thefollowing
emendation:‘providedthathisstandardofpersonalhygieneandmodeoflifemakehimacceptable’(NLAMS
5274HasluckPapers,Box32).
8ROBERTVANKRIEKEN
outrightremoval,andCanadianobservershavebeenmorecriticalofthepost‐1950strendtowards
utilisationofthemainstreamchildwelfaresystem.SuzanneFournierandErnieCreyhaveargued
thatundertheresidentialschoolregime,despitetheirmistreatmentandracistabuse,‘atleastthe
childrenstayedinanaboriginalpeergroup;theyalwaysknewtheirFirstNationoforiginandwho
theirparentswere,andtheyknewthateventuallytheywouldbegoinghome’.Thechildwelfare
system,ontheotherhand,wasexperiencedasamoreeffectiveformof‘childabduction’.
‘Aboriginalchildren,’wroteFournierandCrey,‘typicallyvanishedwithscarcelyatrace,thevast
majorityofthemplaceduntiltheywereadultsinnon‐aboriginalhomeswheretheirculturalidentity,
theirlegalIndianstatus,theirknowledgeoftheirownFirstNationandeventheirbirthnameswere
erased,oftenforever’(1997:81).Therearethusbothimportantsimilaritiesanddifferences
betweentheorganised(governmentalandnon‐governmental)policiesandpracticesrelatingto
Indigenouschildrenindifferentnationalcontexts,then,whichneedtobeexaminedalongsideandin
additiontotheissuesdealtwithhere.
However,thespecificsignificanceoftheAustralian‘stolengenerations’historyisthatit
indicatesthattheproblemisnotsimplyoneofadominanceofcommunalidentitiesoverindividuals,
withallthenegationsofindividualfreedomsandrightswhichthatentails.Infact,itshowshowthe
twoareinterlinkedandthatwearebynomeansnotoutofthewoodswiththeintroductionofthe
factor‘liberalism’.Itisusefultodistinguishhere,asTimRowsedoes,betweendifferentversionsof
liberalism,betweenwhatRowsecall‘juridical’liberalism,focusedon‘asometimesmilitantconcern
tounfetterindividualsfrompernicioussocialbondsandtoimagineindividualsandtoacttowards
themintermsoftheirabstractuniversalequivalencefromthepointofviewofthestate’(1999:
127),anda‘sociological’liberalismwhichinsteadconceivesindividualsasintegralpartsof
collectivitiesaswell,withtheircommunalidentityanessentialratherthanexpendableelementof
theirrelationshiptothestate.Aimedasjuridicalliberalismwastowardsassimilationintoamono‐
culturalformofcitizenship,theremovalofindigenouschildrenwasstructuredaroundan
individualisedconceptionofwell‐beingandwelfare,butitwasthisassimilationistfocuson
individualswhichhelpedunderminecommunalidentity,inturninflictingsignificantlong‐term
psychologicalandsocialviolenceontheindividualswhomakeupcommunities.
ZygmuntBaumanhasidentifiedthemoregeneralizablefeaturesofwhathecallsthe
‘assimilatoryproject’withinEuropeanstateformation,andthecentralityofthatprojecttothevery
natureofthemodernstate.Itwaspartandparceloftheprocessofdismantlingolder,deeplyrooted
formsofcommunallifewhichprovidedalternative,sometimesoppositionsframeworksofsocial
power.Assimilation,hesuggests,‘wasanexerciseindiscreditinganddisempoweringthepotentially
competitive,communalorcorporativesourcesofsocialauthority’(1991b:106).Aspartoftheliberal
politicalandlegalprogramtosecurethemodernstate’s‘monopolyoflaw‐makingandcoercion’(p.
111),assimilationwasorganizedaroundatoleranceofindividualsbasedonaprofoundintolerance
ofdifferingcollectiveculturalidentities,sothat‘toleranttreatmentofindividualswasinextricably
linkedtointoleranceaimedatcollectivities,theirwaysoflife,theirvaluesand,aboveall,theirvalue‐
legitimatingpowers’(p.107).Thepricetobepaidbyindividualsforentrytoliberalcitizenshipinthe
modernstate,atleastinitsjuridicalform,hasalwaysbeentoleavealltheirpreviouscommunal
culturalidentitiesbehind,apartperhapsfromsomeremnantintheformofquaintcustomswheeled
outatceremonialoccasions.6
6AsHasluckputit:‘thelossofanyvalidanddistinctiveaboriginalcultureiscertaininthecourseoftime.The
ancientpridecanremain‐andinfactmaygrow.ThosepeopleofScottishancestrywhodelightinstrange
capersatHallowe’en,andthosepeopleofIrishoriginwhowhenevertheydosomethingfineexclaim“Itmust
bemyIrishblood”areexamplesofthesortofculturalprideIhadinmind.Buthowrealarethebagpipesand
thekiltsandthepoetryofBurnsasaculturalforceinAustralia?TheScotandtheIrishandtheEnglishare
The‘stolengenerations’andculturalgenocide9
Liberalmodelsofindividualrightscannever,ontheonehand,reallydetachthemselves
fromanaccompanyingconceptionof‘societyasawhole’towhichindividualsaretobe‘assimilated’.
Indeed,therhetoricofliberaldemocracytendstodrawattentionawayfromthemodelsofsociety
andcommunitywhichareinfactbeingdrawnupon,makingtheirproblematiceffectsthatmuch
hardertoperceive,letalonerespondto.Ontheotherhand,whencombinedwithanorganic,mono‐
cultural,andunitaryconceptionofcitizenshipandcommunity,individualisticliberalismhasa
stronglynormalisingedgetoitwhichcan,insituationswheretheboundariesbetweenthe‘normal’
andthe‘pathological’communitiesaredrawnstronglyenough(aswithracialdivisions),haveeffects
verysimilartomoreauthoritarianregimesbasedonquitedifferentpoliticalphilosophies.
Thereisinfact,then,apowerfultensionattheheartofliberalunderstandingsofchildren
andtheirplaceinsociety,between‘thebestinterestsofthechild’and‘thebestinterestsofsociety’.
Ifwesimplyassumethatthetwoworkinharmony,theformerwillalmostalwaysbedefinedin
termsofthelatter.ThisiswhatJohnO’Neillhasdescribedasthe‘culturalknot’inchildren’sculture
andwhathecalls‘contractualist’liberalism,makingitpossibleforustoboth‘celebratechildren’s
growth,theirhappiness,health,andintelligence’attheverysametimethatwe‘renderthelivesof
vastnumbersofchildrendeadly,diseased,ignorant,andravishedbyeverykindofexploitation’
(1995:1).Ratherthansimplybeinganerrorinjudgement,amistakeforwhichAustralianstoday
shouldorshouldnotapologise,thepoliciesandpracticessurroundingthe‘stolengenerations’reveal
twomuchmorefundamentalflawsburieddeepwithin‘civilized’,‘juridical’liberalism,:thedifficulty
whichits‘juridical’or‘contractual’individualism‐theconceptionofhumanbeingsas‘disembodied,
defamilialized,anddegendered’criticisedbyO’Neill(1995:3)‐producesforacomprehensionof
individualsassociallylocated,inter‐generational,inter‐subjectivebeings,theiressentiallycommunal
identities‘stretched’overtimebothbackwardsandforwards(vanKrieken1997),anditsmono‐
culturalandorganicistconceptionof‘society’,whichallowsonlyforassimilationtoasingle,
individualisedandde‐communalised‘wayoflife’.Itisonlytoextentthatboththesefeaturesof
‘juridical’liberalismareaddressedthatwecanhopeforanydegreeofcertaintythatsimilarhistories
willnotre‐emergeinrelationtoanygroupwithouttheprotectionaffordedbyavisibleandpublicly
respectedculturalandpoliticalpresence.
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