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STEFANO FIORINI
GIUSEPPE TAGARELLI
ALESSIO BOATTINI
DONATA LUISELLI
ANNA PIRO
ANTONIO TAGARELLI
DAVIDE PETTENER
Ethnicity and Evolution of the Biodemographic
Structure of Arb ¨ereshe and Italian Populations
of the Pollino Area, Southern Italy (1820–1984)
ABSTRACT In the present study, we show how, through time, an ethnic mosaic and a changing social and economic context translated
into intrapopulation differentiation and a change in genetic barriers between populations. Surname analysis was applied to a sample
drawn from two centuries of marriage records in ten Arb ¨ereshe and nine Italian villages of southern Italy to evaluate the evolution of
internal differentiation and changes in genetic relationships between populations. Marital isonymy and subdivision into subpopulations
was higher in the Arb ¨ereshe. Genetic barriers coinciding with ethnic boundaries characterized the 1800s. In the second half of the
1900s, ethnic differentiation disappeared. We hypothesize that socioeconomic changes, such as increased outmigration and regional
mobility, were the forces that progressively eliminated the ethnic-related genetic differentiation in the region. This study has important
implications for an understanding of the relationship between genetic evolution and the cultural milieu involving enforcement of ethnic
differences. [Keywords: biocultural evolution, ethnicity, biodemography genetic boundaries, Arb ¨ereshe]
T
HE GENETIC EVOLUTION of human populations is
influenced by evolving cultural and socioeconomic
contexts and by the geographic and ecological characteris-
tics of the environment. In this study, we aim to show how,
through time, an ethnic mosaic and changing social and
economic milieus affected intrapopulation differentiation
and genetic barriers between Arb
¨
ereshe (Italo-Albanian) and
Italian communities living in the same geographic area.
1
The influence of geographic isolation on the genetic
evolution of human populations has been widely explored
using biodemographic methodologies. Surnames are equiv-
alent to markers associated with the Y-chromosome with ex-
tremely high allele-like variability. Therefore, surname anal-
ysis is a particularly useful tool in this line of investigation.
Mountain populations of Mediterranean Europe have
been investigated using surname analysis: for example, in
the Pyrenees (Gonz
´
alez-Mart
´
ın and Toja 2002), in central
Spain (Blanco Villegas et al. 2004; Fuster et al. 1996), in the
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Vol. 109, Issue 4, pp. 735–746, ISSN 0002-7294 online ISSN 1548-1433.
C
2007 by the American Anthropological Association.
All rights reserved. Please direct all requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce article content through the University of California Press’s Rights
and Permissions website, http://www.ucpressjournals.com/reprintInfo.asp. DOI: 10.1525/AA.2007.109.4.735.
Apennines (Danubio et al. 1995; Pettener 1985, 1990), and
in the Italian Alps (Martuzzi-Veronesi et al. 1996; Pettener
et al. 1994). The results of these investigations are partic-
ularly representative because of the reduced biases of sur-
name analysis in isolated contexts, in which surnames have
a low polyphyletic origin and the populations have low im-
migration rates.
Genetic studies are increasingly recognizing the impor-
tant effects of socioeconomic, historical, and cultural fac-
tors on the genetic evolution of human populations. For
example, the effects of religion, historical migration pat-
terns, and unique historical events or crises have been doc-
umented (Bittles and Smith 1994; Crawford et al. 1995;
Relethford and Crawford 1998; Smith and Bittles 2002), al-
though agreement on which of these elements leaves the
most important mark has not been reached (see, e.g., Martin
et al. 2000; North et al. 2000). Part of this difficulty is related
to the complex interrelation of these factors (Smith and
736 American Anthropologist • Vol. 109, No. 4 • December 2007
Bittles 2002) and the possible existence of temporal varia-
tions of the characteristics of this interrelation. For exam-
ple, Lorena Madrigal and colleagues (2001) have observed
intergeneration differences in ethnic attitudes, which might
have changed the impact of ethnic barriers on the genetic
exchanges among ethnic groups in Costa Rica.
Ethnicity has been the subject of several studies in Italy
because of the presence of at least 12 linguistic and religious
minorities (Salvi 1975). Historical ethnic minorities (often
defined by linguistic boundaries) that have been investi-
gated from a biodemographic point of view are the German-
speaking Mocheni (Pettener et al. 1994), the Provenc¸al of
the Italian Alps(Biondi et al. 2005), and the Arb
¨
ereshe (of-
ten defined as an Albanian-speaking ethnic minority) of
Basilicata(Pettener 1990, 1995) and Calabria(Biondi et al.
1993; Tagarelli et al. 1992; Tagarelli and Brancati 1995;
Tagarelli et al. 2007). These studies have shown that mar-
riage exchange patterns in a region are affected by ge-
ographic and linguistic barriers and result in higher en-
dogamy, inbreeding, and subdivision into subpopulations.
In a previous study (Tagarelli et al. 2007), it has been
shown that geographic location helped shape the kinship
patterns between populations of the same ethnic group,
the Arb
¨
ereshe. It is also shown that this ethnic minority
had higher values than their Italian neighbors of marital
isonymy and subdivision into subpopulations at the begin-
ning of the 1800s and they formed a preferred reproductive
cluster. This result contrasts with previous conclusions that
ethnicity is neutral in the biological evolution of human
populations, particularly the Arb
¨
ereshe (Biondi et al. 1996;
Vienna and Biondi 2001; Vienna et al. 2001). The differ-
ence may be that those studies are representative of a post–
WWII period, as they are based on surveys of schoolchil-
dren conducted in the 1980s that collected data on the
great-grandparents, grandparents, and parents of the inter-
viewees. In contrast, the study by Antonio Tagarelli et al.
(2007) is based on birth records from the first few decades
of the 19th century.
Luigi L. Cavalli-Sforza and his collaborators have in-
vestigated the genetic evolution of Italian populations (see
Cavalli-Sforza et al. 2004), documenting the effect and de-
gree of variability of consanguinity, genetic drift, and mi-
gration, as well as the importance of economic and polit-
ical change on endogamy and migration. In the present
study, we analyze the fine structure of human populations
and their relationships, taking advantage of the strength of
isonymy analysis for the description of the same popula-
tions sampled at different times and for an extended time
period (Colantonio et al. 2003). Its value also resides in the
fact that it investigates and analyzes data from most of the
Arb
¨
ereshe and Italian populations living in the selected ge-
ographic area, allowing an extended comparison through
time, space, and ethnic background. Because of this regional
and diachronic approach, the investigation will contribute
to the debate outlined above and especially to the broader
investigation of the historical evolution of human popula-
tions in mixed ethnic contexts.
FIGURE 1. Location of the ten Arb
¨
ereshe populations and the
nine Italian populations investigated in the Pollino mountain chain
and the area south and southwest of the chain, Southern Italy.
Arb
¨
ereshe villages are marked by dots, Italian villages are marked
by squares.
The populations are scattered around the border be-
tween Basilicata and Calabria in southern Italy. They are
characterized by different degrees of geographic isolation
and ethnicity (see Figure 1). Previous bioanthropological
investigations of the Arb
¨
ereshe often have considered the
ethnic cohesion of this group as a function of cultural el-
ements, particularly the language, Arberisht, and the Greek
Orthodox religious rite. These elements, as well as a com-
mon mythohistory linked to the Albanian hero Skander-
beg, are the most common markers for the definition of
this “people,” in Eduard Spicer’s (1971) conception of the
term.
2
However, these cultural features should not repre-
sent the exclusive defining elements of an ethnic group in a
biocultural study. We should focus on the broader range of
boundary-defining elements (Barth 1956, 1998) that con-
dition marriage and reproduction and that influence the
evolution of the genetic structure of a population.
3
Thus, although differences in religious rites or language
might have represented barriers, the present approach in-
cludes other elements that could have had an impact on
the evolution of these populations at different times, such
as economic changes that transformed peasants into mem-
bers of an industrial society or endogamy as a strategy for
cultural preservation (Resta 1991), for land consolidation
and access, or for the establishment of alliances (Davis 1973;
Lopreato 1967:15). Ethnicity cannot be assumed to be a
fixed boundary-making category that consistently overrides
other determinants of social endogamy.
This study of communities in the Pollino mountain
area will show that, through time, important determinants
of social endogamy (see the works in a special issue of the
International Review of Social History [IRSH]): Maas and Van
Leeuwen 2005; P
´
elissier et al. 2005; Van de Putte et al. 2005;
and Van Leeuwen and Maas 2005)—such as likelihood of
meeting suitable marriage candidates, changing geographic
horizons, parental and social pressure, and transition from
a peasant society to one based on services—affected the
Fiorini et al. • Ethnicity and Biodemography 737
permeability of the boundary derived from ethnic differ-
ences in the area.
In this analysis, we move toward a “biocultural
synthesis” (Goodman and Leatherman 1998a)—that is,
a combination of biological investigations and political
economic analyses, necessary because “insights from
political-economy perspectives on relations of power, on
the importance of historical contingencies, and on local-
regional-global interactions are pivotal to understanding
human biologies” (Goodman and Leatherman 1998b:15).
This position is in line with Barry Bogin’s biocultural
perspective, which considers human biology to be “the
result of an interaction of genetic, developmental, and
environmental factors with cultural behavior” (1993:45–
46). The epistemological value of this perspective does not
change when geographic isolates are considered, because
isolation is often the product of power relations that
marginalize certain areas or social realities through the
control of resource distribution or the construction of in-
frastructures. This condition is also responsible for clusters
of nonadaptive genetic variation, like migration, genetic
drift, founder’s effect, and assortative mating (Bogin 1993).
Four sections follow below. The first briefly presents the
history of the Arb
¨
ereshe and describes the data used for the
analysis and the biodemographic methodologies applied to
the data. The second section describes the results of the
analysis, and is followed by a third section that relates the
results to the historical socioeconomic and demographic
changes in the region. Finally, a brief conclusion stresses
the merit of integrating bioanthropological and sociocul-
tural approaches for a better understanding of the historical
evolution of human populations.
MATERIALS AND METHODS
The Arb ¨ereshe in Historical Perspective
The Arb
¨
ereshe are one of the largest linguistic minorities
in Italy. They have demonstrated exceptional cultural re-
silience in preserving a distinct identity.
4
This minority is
the result of massive movements of Albanians around the
end of the 15th and beginning of the 16th century, often
linked to the invasion of the Balkans by the Ottoman Em-
pire. Settled in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies in aban-
doned and unproductive areas (Resta 1991), the Arb
¨
ereshe
adopted an autarkic economy mainly based on agriculture
and sheep breeding. The history of Albanian migrations to
Italy is complicated: some came directly from different re-
gions of Albania as soldiers, laborers, or refugees; others
arrived after having being refugees in Morea, in southern
Greece. However, they began to cohere in Italy, and the
group’s history, identity, and culture are the product of mi-
gration and interaction with the autochthonous popula-
tions (Harrison 1979). Contacts with the surrounding Ital-
ian populations took place during fairs or major festivities
and, with time, there was a convergence of cultural strate-
gies for the exploitation of the local environment, mak-
ing the two groups virtually indistinguishable (see Mirizzi
1993). An economy based on sheep breeding and the culti-
vation of crops (grains, grapes, and olives) mainly for family
consumption or exchange characterized life in the 1800s
and part of the 1900s for most of the populations, espe-
cially those in the Pollino mountain areas. In this con-
text, the economic importance of land, the contrasts be-
tween Italians and Arb
¨
ereshe over the territorial boundaries
of the various villages (as recorded in historical accounts;
see, e.g., Pace 1877), and differences in religion and lan-
guage were sufficient reasons to enforce a double boundary
that impeded marital exchanges between the two groups.
Hence, village and ethnic endogamy created a cohesive
front against outsiders while enforcing internal alliances.
The in-depth study of family and marital exchanges in
the Arb
¨
ereshe community of Farneta (Resta 1991) has re-
vealed that extended families were most common in the
1700s whereas the nuclear family was predominant in the
1800s. Moreover, marriage exchanges lacked a regulatory
system other than the rule of endogamy, allowing each mar-
riage to respond to contingent interests while protecting the
group from external “cultural contamination.” The 19th
century was also the beginning of an increased involvement
of the Arb
¨
ereshe in important national historical events
(Mirizzi 1993), the signs of a changing relationship with
this foreign land. The Arb
¨
ereshe took part in the liberal re-
volts in the province of Cosenza against the Bourbons from
the 1820s to the 1840s (Placanica 1999), and they played
an active part in the Italian and Albanian Risorgimento (see
Altimari 1984, 2004).
Emigration to the Americas between the end of the
19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, which
compensated for an increased imbalance between popula-
tions and resources in this region (Placanica 1999:329), was
associated with an expansion of the medium-sized towns,
among them Castrovillari in the province of Cosenza. They
became centers of public administration serving the sur-
rounding smaller villages. At the same time, there was an
increased movement of the population toward the coast,
attracted also by the railway (the section along the Ionian
coast had been completed in 1876). In 1922, this area en-
tered into what Augusto Placanica calls “the oppressive
grayness of the Fascist period” (1999:360), which deprived
the local populations of the safety valve of migration, forc-
ing them to rely even more on their subsistence economy.
The Fascist nationalism and its politics of imperialistic ex-
pansion in the Balkans resulted in an increased “Italianiza-
tion” of the values, language, and culture of the Arb
¨
ereshe,
especially of its leadership (Altimari 1984:15), preparing the
way to the Arb
¨
ereshe’s participation in the Italian post–
WWII economic and social revolution.
After WWII and throughout the second half of the
1900s, the southern regions of Italy, including the Arb
¨
ereshe
settlements, experienced important social changes that rev-
olutionized the relationship of the southern population to
their rural surroundings. As Paul Ginsborg puts it, “In less
than two decades Italy ceased to be a peasant country and
became one of the major industrial nations of the West”
738 American Anthropologist • Vol. 109, No. 4 • December 2007
TABLE 1. Population Size, Marriages, Isonymy, and Repeated Pairs of Surnames in the Four Investigated Ethnic and Geographic Groups
Random
Repeated Repeated
Ethnic and Geographic Population Number of Marital Random Pairs of Pairs of
Groups Period Size Marriages Isonymy Isonymy Surnames Surnames
Italo-Albanians, Pollino Area 1820–34 4,206 411 0.08029 0.07393 0.00681 0.00623
1870–84 6,080 652 0.07669 0.07030 0.00563 0.00510
1920–34 5,509 765 0.04575 0.04615 0.00290 0.00227
1970–84 4,226 399 0.02005 0.02169 0.00067 0.00052
Italians, Pollino Area 1820–34 7,646 880 0.02500 0.02796 0.00113 0.00107
1870–84 9,399 1,329 0.03085 0.02427 0.00084 0.00071
1920–34 11,129 1,488 0.04973 0.02553 0.00109 0.00076
1970–84 9,782 1,286 0.02722 0.01719 0.00055 0.00034
Italo-Albanians, South and Southwest of Pollino 1820–34 9,648 1,230 0.03821 0.04564 0.00385 0.00390
1870–84 14,094 1,760 0.04318 0.03456 0.00230 0.00197
1920–34 11,843 1,642 0.05725 0.03776 0.00354 0.00308
1970–84 9,650 1,029 0.01749 0.01315 0.00033 0.00023
Italians, South and Southwest of Pollino 1820–34 14,782 1,805 0.01053 0.01188 0.00022 0.00020
1870–84 18,476 2,452 0.01754 0.01065 0.00020 0.00016
1920–34 21,313 2,458 0.02400 0.01110 0.00026 0.00018
1970–84 26,600 4,040 0.00520 0.00419 0.00003 0.00003
Note: Population size data from Istituto Nazionale di Statistica 1977; Izzo 1965; Masci 1990. Italo-Albanians, Pollino Area, includes San
Paolo Albanese, San Costantino Albanese, Castroregio, Farneta, and Plataci; Italians, Pollino Area, includes Cersosimo, Terranova di Pollino,
Alessandria del Carretto, Cerchiara, and Albidona; Italo-Albanians, South and Southwest of Pollino, includes Civita, Frascineto, Acquafor-
mosa, Lungro, and San Basile; Italians, South and Southwest of Pollino, includes Altomonte, Castrovillari, San Donato, and Saracena.
(1990:212). This was Italy’s “economic miracle,” the result
of an increase in international trade and Italian participa-
tion in the Common Market, which increased exportation
toward other European Economic Community countries
between 1958 and 1963.
Migration to northern Italy and to other European
countries like Switzerland and Germany was a strong at-
traction for the peasants of the South, because it provided
higher income, regular pay, and regular working hours. The
peasants were also pressured by strong “push” factors like
poor soil quality, underemployment, and, in the late 1950s,
restrictions on credit and the liberalization of grain prices
(Ginsborg 1990:221). Between 1951 and 1963, the agricul-
tural sector lost 937,898 male workers, and this is a con-
servative estimate (Lopreato 1967:44). The abandonment
of the agricultural sector continued throughout the four
decades following the economic miracle. Whereas 43 per-
cent of the working population in southern Italy and the is-
lands worked in the agricultural and fishing sectors in 1961,
the proportion is only about nine percent today (Istituto
Nazionale di Statistica 1961, 2001).
Contributing to the persistence of this trend was the
introduction of compulsory secondary education in 1962
and the promotion of a series of developmental initiatives,
which unfortunately accentuated the patronage system al-
ready existing in the South (see Ginsborg 1990:286–287).
Education soon became an important way to provide chil-
dren with a better alternative to agriculture. Because of the
lack of infrastructures in various areas of the South, scholar-
ships were made available to children of low-income fami-
lies to attend boarding schools. Boarding schools were gen-
erally believed to provide a better education, so children
were sent to these institutions to attend high school or mid-
dle school, depending on the economic possibilities, expec-
tations, and aspirations of the parents.
The migration of adults and young people changed the
relationship of the migrant with the original community
and connected the village community to industrial and ur-
ban centers like never before. Nevertheless, the Arb
¨
ereshe
protected and valued their diversity and promoted it as a
fundamental resource for the survival of their communities
(see Fiorini 2006).
The Investigated Populations
The study is based on data collected in 19 populations of the
Pollino mountain area and the surrounding region. The lo-
cation of the villages, their ethnic makeup, and geographic
groupings are illustrated in Figure 1. Table 1 presents the
population size of the different groupings in four historical
periods. Ten populations have an Arb
¨
ereshe origin and nine
are Italian. All the Arb
¨
ereshe populations of the area were
sampled, whereas the Italian populations sampled were lim-
ited to those communities characterized by environmental
elements similar to those of the Arb
¨
ereshe (e.g., located in
the same valley, along the same major access roadway, etc.).
The ethnicity and geographic location were used to iden-
tify four ethnogeographic groups. The Italian and Arb
¨
ereshe
of the Pollino area represent the first two groups. Histori-
cally, these populations have been very isolated, in an en-
vironment poor in natural resources; this area lacked an
effective road system until after WWII and well into the
1960s. The Arb
¨
ereshe of this group include the villages of
San Paolo Albanese and San Costantino Albanese in the
province of Potenza, Castroregio, Farneta, and Plataci in
the province of Cosenza.
5
The Italians sampled from this
Fiorini et al. • Ethnicity and Biodemography 739
region include the villages of Cersosimo and Terranova di
Pollino in the province of Potenza, Alessandria del Carretto,
Cerchiara, and Albidona in the province of Cosenza. The
Arb
¨
ereshe and Italians south and southwest of the Pollino
mountain chain represent the second two groups, all in the
province of Cosenza. These populations have been histor-
ically more open, as this area had better communications
and resources.
6
The Arb
¨
ereshe of this region include the vil-
lages of Civita, Frascineto, Acquaformosa, Lungro, and San
Basile. The Italians sampled from this area include the vil-
lages of Altomonte, Castrovillari, San Donato di Ninea, and
Saracena.
Biodemographic Data
The data consist of 23,626 marriage records of the Civil Mar-
riage Registers for four historical periods: 1820–34, 1870–84,
1920–34, and 1970–84 (see Table 1). The time frame is the
one for which civil records were available in all the sampled
municipalities. These periods represent the four important
moments in the history of southern Italy outlined above, of-
fering comparable snapshots of intra- and interpopulation
genetic differentiation and genetic exchanges for different
historical contexts. The first represents the period of Bour-
bon domination. The second represents the postunification
period following the Risorgimento, a period dominated by
unfulfilled hopes for social equality and economic improve-
ment among the peasant stratum of the population (Villari
1988). The third represents the interwar period and the rise
of Fascism. Finally, the fourth period, after WWII, represents
the impact of the Italian “economic miracle” and postwar
social transformations on southern Italy.
The marriage records were entered in a database for data
processing and analysis. Surnames of the brides and grooms
were carefully revised (by standardization of the spelling) to
avoid underestimation of isonymy and isonymic relation-
ships during the analysis. The use of marriage records to
estimate the genetic evolution of these populations has the
advantage of linking the analysis to sociocultural change,
because sociocultural forces have a strong conditioning ef-
fect on marriage choices. The intrapopulation evolution
of genetic structure was analyzed by grouping the popu-
lations investigated into the four areas illustrated above. In
contrast, the interpopulation genetic relationship was esti-
mated based on the entire set of 19 populations.
Biodemographic Methods
Surname analysis has been widely adopted for decades as an
effective tool for genetic analyses (Colantonio et al. 2003;
Crow and Mange 1965; Lasker 1985) and, despite some bi-
ases (Manfredini 2003), has great potential for historical re-
construction of the genetic landscape of a region. In par-
ticular, transmission of surnames in the paternal lineage
allows us to associate them with genetic markers on the Y-
chromosome and to use them to draw reliable inferences
about the genetic structure of populations.
In the present study, the within-population structure
was estimated on the basis of observed marital (Im) and ran-
dom isonymy (Ir). Observed marital isonymy is the propor-
tion of isonymic marriages (marriages with the groom and
bride bearing the same surname) in the population and is
given by the total isonymic marriages in a period divided by
the total number of marriages. This coefficient is an estimate
of within-group kinship, which is the probability that two
random alleles from the same locus in the two mates will
be identical because of descent from one or more common
ancestors. Random isonymy is the probability of a marriage
of this kind occurring in the population and is given by the
formula
Ir =
(Si1Si2)/(
Si1)(
Si2),
for which Si1 is the number of ith surnames in the male lin-
eage and Si2 is the number of the same surname in the fe-
male lineage. The Random Isonymy coefficient (Ir) is an un-
biased measure of the expected value of within-population
kinship in the case of random marriages. An excess of Im
over Ir indicates that marriages between consanguineous
partners are encouraged in the considered population.
The observed Repeated Pairs coefficient (RP) estimates
the level of homozygosis in a population, on the basis of re-
peated occurrences of couples with identical surnames. The
RP coefficient was calculated using the formula proposed by
Gabriel Lasker and Bernice Kaplan (1985),
RP =
[Sij(Sij − 1]/N(N – 1),
in which Sij is the number of couples where the groom’s
surname is i and the bride’s surname is j, and N is the sum
of Sij over all surname pairs.
The expected value (RPr)—the value RP would assume
if all marriages were random—was calculated according to
the analytical method of Ranajit Chakraborty (1985, 1986):
RPr = {[1/N(N − 1)]
Si.
2
− [1/(N − 1)]}
× {[1/N(N − 1)]
S. j
2
− [1/(N − 1)]},
where Si. =
i
Sij is the number of grooms with the ith sur-
name and S. j =
j
Sij is the number of brides with the jth
surname. An excess of RP over RPr suggests a degree of pref-
erential intrapopulation subdivision, which might reflect
the presence of marital exchanges between specific families.
Both RP and RPr are standardized indexes and their values
vary between 0 and 1. RP is a better estimate of the level of
homozygosis than the observed marital isonymy (Im), as it
is calculated on the matrix of the entire set of surnames and
is less affected by random fluctuation of estimates based on
small samples.
Temporal changes in the genetic structure were esti-
mated, based on the matrix of the isonymic relationships
among the 19 populations and the four different time pe-
riods, using the standardized coefficient H
ij
proposed by
Philip W. Hedrick (1971):
H
ij
=
k
(P
ki
P
kj
)/
1/2
k
P
2
ki
+ P
2
ki
,
740 American Anthropologist • Vol. 109, No. 4 • December 2007
FIGURE 2. Weighted average of marital (Im) and random isonymy
(Ir) for the four population groups and time periods considered.
where P
ki
is the frequency of the kth surname in population
i and P
kj
is the frequency of the kth surname in popula-
tion j. The algorithm applied by H
ij
reduces the effect of
the high variability of the surname as a multiallelic marker
in one locus, producing better estimates of biodemographic
parameters such as genetic kinship and genetic distance be-
tween populations. The calculated relationships were then
transformed into a two-dimensional graphical representa-
tion using nonmetric multidimensional scaling (MDS; see
Young 1987). The matrix of the genetic distances Dij among
the 19 populations in the four time periods was calculated
by subtracting H
ij
from 1. Mark. S. Monmonier’s (1973)
algorithm was also applied to this matrix to identify the
boundaries associated with the five highest rates of change
in the given set of measured distances for each time period
(software Barrier 2.2 designed by Manni et al. [2004]). The
application of this methodology highlights geographically
explicit patterns of temporal transformation of the genetic
relationships of the populations in the region.
RESULTS
Within-Population Structure
Table 1 and Figures 2 and 3 represent the values of marital
and random isonymy and repeated pairs isonymy used to
estimate temporal trends in the internal genetic structure
of the populations. The highest values of marital (Im) and
random (Ir) isonymy are found among the Arb
¨
ereshe, both
of the Pollino area and south and southwest of the Pollino,
throughout the 1800s; the peak values of marital and ran-
dom isonymy, 0.08029 and 0.07393 respectively, are in the
Pollino area in the first period. The peak Im value for the
Italians is 0.04973, occurring in the Pollino area in the third
period. Within the same ethnic group, marital isonymy is
generally highest among populations of the most isolated
region: the Pollino mountain chain. While the Arb
¨
ereshe of
the Pollino show a steady decrease in both Im and Ir from
the first to the last period, it also appears that this group an-
ticipated the breakdown of isolation in the period 1870–74;
FIGURE 3. Weighted average of Repeated Pair (RP) and its Ran-
dom Component (RPr) for the four population groups and time
periods considered.
the other three population groups show a peak in random
and marital isonymy in the period 1920–34. All four groups
show a sudden drop in marital isonymy values in the last
period. Although the Arb
¨
ereshe to the south and southwest
of the main mountain chain exhibit the largest fall in these
values, the Arb
¨
ereshe of the Pollino show the second largest
decrease in Im. Similar trends characterize the values of Ir.
Eleven of 16 times, Im has a higher value than Ir, indicating
an overall predisposition toward assortative mating.
The repeated pairs coefficient has a pattern similar to
that of Im and Ir. However, the Italian populations have
much lower values than the Arb
¨
ereshe. The highest values
are found in the Arb
¨
ereshe of the Pollino area (0.00681 and
0.00623 for repeated pairs isonymy [RP] and random re-
peated pairs isonymy [RPr], respectively, in the period 1820–
34), and the lowest are in the Italians south and southwest
of the mountain chain (0.00003 for RP and RPr in the last
period). RP is a more robust estimate of patterns of marital
exchanges within a population because it is based on the
entire set of marriages (Lasker and Kaplan 1985); thus, it
represents the overall population enclosure better than the
estimate based on marital isonymy, which is subject to ran-
dom fluctuations related to the small number of isonymic
marriages. In this case, RP reveals that populations living in
more isolated mountain areas have higher rates of homozy-
gosis (rate of identical alleles in the genetic pool) than pop-
ulations of the same ethnic group living in more geographi-
cally open contexts, characterized by greater economic and
social exchanges with the surrounding populations.
Historical Evolution of Population Relationships
The differential degree of within-population enclosure
among the Arb
¨
ereshe in the 1800s and early 1900s can also
be seen in Figure 4, which shows the estimate of the tem-
poral evolution of the genetic affinity between and within
the 19 populations in the four periods. Isonymic relation-
ships between populations show only slight changes until
Fiorini et al. • Ethnicity and Biodemography 741
FIGURE 4. Multidimensional scaling bidimensional representation
of the isonymic relationships (Hedrick H
ij
) in the ten Arb
¨
ereshe and
nine Italian municipalities in the four periods: 1820–34, 1870–84,
1920–34, and 1970–84.
the periods 1920–34 and 1970–84. This representation il-
lustrates the breakdown of isolates, which is also associated
with the loss of influence of ethnic differences on the choice
of partner; this is graphically marked by the convergence of
these populations toward the center of the graph in the
fourth period (1970–84). The within-population isonymic
relationship for the Italians does not show the marked tran-
sition observed among the Arb
¨
ereshe in the last century and
can be considered typical of less isolated groups since the
1800s.
The two-dimensional representation of the MDS of the
matrix of the Hedrick coefficient shows a clear ethnic differ-
entiation between Arb
¨
ereshe and Italians along the second
dimension, and the first dimension is affected by their geo-
graphic location. From left to right are the population group
in the Pollino mountain chain, the one south of the chain,
and finally the one southwest of the Pollino.
An interaction between the ethnic boundaries and the
socioeconomic and geographic landscape in the genetic
evolution of the populations of the area is confirmed by
the location of the five main genetic barriers for the four
periods, estimated using Monmonier’s algorithm and repre-
sented in Figure 5. In particular, this is indicated by the dif-
ferent locations of the barriers in the four time periods; the
locations would remain constant if only geography or eth-
nicity were the main determinant of between-population
marital exchanges. It is possible to identify ethnic corri-
dors of genetic exchanges throughout the 1800s: for exam-
ple, the corridor represented by San Costantino Albanese,
San Paolo Albanese, Farneta, and Castroregio, all villages of
Arb
¨
ereshe ethnic background (corresponding to villages 5,
4, 2, and 1, respectively, of Figure 5), or ethnic islands like
the one represented by Plataci (village 3, see Figure 5). The
populations south and southwest of the Pollino were less
isolated. These communities tended to be better connected
and more open owing to particular economic characteris-
FIGURE 5. Evolution of genetic barriers among the 19 populations
in the four periods analyzed: 1. Castroregio, 2. Farneta, 3. Plataci,
4. San Paolo Albanese, 5. San Costantino Albanese, 6. Cersosimo,
7. Terranova di Pollino, 8. Civita, 9. Frascineto, 10. Acquaformosa,
11. Alessandria del Carretto, 12. Altomonte, 13. Castrovillari, 14.
Cerchiara di Calabria, 15. Lungro, 16. San Basile, 17. San Donato di
Ninea, 18. Saracena, and 19. Albidona.
tics: Lungro had an important salt mining industry, while
Castrovillari was (and still is) a major economic and admin-
istrative center of the area. The genetic distance in the pe-
riod 1970–84 led to the definition of the barriers that tended
to isolate single populations independently of their ethnic
background. Starting in the 1900s, the region underwent
profound transformations related to the development of the
infrastructure, the beginning of migration to the Americas,
and population movements toward the Ionian coast. As a
reflection of these structural changes, the barriers for this
period lost the ethnic connotation of the previous periods.
DISCUSSION
The case study analyzed in this article is characterized by
elements that have important implications for human eco-
logical investigations now and in the future. The temporal
and spatial extent of the available data allows observations
concerning the evolution of a genetic landscape over an ex-
tended period of time and in different geographic contexts.
This offers possibilities for diachronic and synchronic anal-
yses of the influence of various environmental, spatial, so-
cial, cultural, and economic factors on the populations of
the region. In particular, it provides the opportunity to de-
scribe how ethnic differences and culture can change from
being barriers to reproductive exchanges to being perme-
able boundaries. It also allows us to question the dominant
assumption that segregation by distance can be approached
in Geographic-Euclidean terms and not as the product of
a historical, sociocultural, and economic configuration of
power relations, which marginalize geographic areas, pop-
ulation strata, and ethnic groups.
The ethnic mosaic of this region has attracted the
attention of human biologists despite previous studies
742 American Anthropologist • Vol. 109, No. 4 • December 2007
indicating the lack of morphological differences between
the Arb
¨
ereshe and Italians in the region (Boas and Boas
1913). In the 1980s, it provided the opportunity to in-
vestigate the biological effects of the processes of cultural
integration and demographic change that affected the eth-
nic minority during the post–WWII decades. Investiga-
tions identified significant differences among Arb
¨
ereshe vil-
lages in the persistence of cultural elements, the rates of
Arb
¨
ereshe surnames, and the percentage of the population
speaking the traditional language. These studies also de-
scribe the “breakdown of isolates” in rural areas and among
the Arb
¨
ereshe of nine provinces of southern Italy (Biondi
at al. 1983, 1985; Biondi and Rickards 1991; Rickards and
Biondi 1991).
7
These results were confirmed by other studies in the
upper valley of the Sarmento River in Basilicata (Pettener
1990, 1995) and in the province of Cosenza (Tagarelli et al.
1992), which hypothesized an “active” sociocultural barrier
and a “passive” geographic barrier related to the lack of an
infrastructure (mountain areas have only been connected
to the valley in the past 60 years; see Tagarelli and Brancati
1995).
Recent works on the Arb
¨
ereshe found no differences
between ethnic minorities and Italians in inbreeding and
subdivision into subpopulations; they reveal patterns of
isonymic relationships dominated by geography rather
than by sociocultural differences, as well as the neutrality
of ethnic consciousness or differences with regard to the
biosocial interactions between human populations (Biondi
1992; Biondi et al. 1993; Biondi et al. 1996; Biondi et al.
2005; Vienna and Biondi 2001; Vienna et al. 2001). Other
studies show that sociocultural, economic, and geographic
factors have interacted to condition the genetic evolution
of this population (Pettener et al. 2004 Tagarelli et al. 2007).
In this study we demonstrate that different ethnicity
was the dominant constraint to marital exchanges in the
study area during the 1800s; its influence acted on both
internal differentiation and the genetic relationships in
the area. This is revealed by the higher values of marital
isonymy and random isonymy in the Arb
¨
ereshe. This trend
is more evident in the results of the RP analysis, which is
less affected by population size and allows a better com-
parison of the geographic groupings of the Pollino area and
those south and southwest of the Pollino. The higher values
of RP than of its random component indicate that the vil-
lage community was the Arb
¨
ereshe’s preferred marital pool
in both geographic groupings, protecting the cultural and
social integrity of the group, as hypothesized by Patrizia
Resta (1991). Despite these similarities, the Arb
¨
ereshe of the
Pollino have higher values of RP and marital isonymy than
the Arb
¨
ereshe of the neighboring region. These higher val-
ues can be linked to a cultural adaptation to scarce resources,
the need to circulate them within the population, and a
higher social homogeneity of the mountain communities,
in which peasantry was the dominant economic activity.
This hypothesis is supported by a parallel behavior among
the Italians of the two regions, indicated by higher values of
Im and RP in the Italians of the Pollino than in the Italians
to the south and southwest.
The 19th century saw an increased involvement of the
Arb
¨
ereshe in Italian national liberal movements. However,
this trend did not significantly affect the population’s mari-
tal exchanges, which were still conditioned by religious and
linguistic barriers and by social pressure from parents and
community. In this period and well into the 20th century,
the bride and groom had no voice in their marriage choice:
the contract was arranged between the families. Moreover,
during fieldwork in San Costantino Albanese in 2003, Fior-
ini, the first author, was reminded several times that, in the
past, foreigners were “welcomed” in the village by having
stones thrown at them. In general the Italians regarded the
Arb
¨
ereshe as mean and untrustworthy.
Whenever the reproductive pool of an Arb
¨
ereshe pop-
ulation drew from the outside, geographic distance and
limited infrastructure were constraints that had to be over-
come. The presence of preferred within-ethnic group mari-
tal exchanges is revealed by the ethnic corridors identified
in our barrier analysis and by the ethnic island of Plataci, an
Arb
¨
ereshe village surrounded by Italian communities and
located at the top of an isolated valley. These corridors de-
fine areas of reduced genetic distance, despite the higher
time and energy costs to connect the populations of the cor-
ridor because of the presence of mountains and valleys and
the lack of a developed road system. This context mirrors
the ethnic–ecological relationships that stimulated Freder-
ick Barth’s theoretical framework (1956, 1998). In general,
geographic proximity and isolation, which affect the likeli-
hood of encountering marriage candidates, acted on both
the Arb
¨
ereshe and the Italians; this is revealed by the first
dimension of the MDS, in which the various populations
are distributed according to their relative geographic loca-
tion, and by the short distance separating the populations
at times 1, 2, and 3 in Figure 4. During this period (1800s),
geographic factors were not as important in determining
marital exchanges within the two ethnic groups.
In the 1900s, ethnicity progressively lost its influence
on the genetic evolution of the area. This was more evident
in the regions with greatest isolation during the previous
century, because the links with the northern areas of
Basilicata and the Ionian coast were intensified thanks
to construction projects and development policies. The
increase in marital and repeated pair isonymy in the
period 1920–34 is of particular interest—albeit difficult to
interpret. The Fascist regime did not enforce discriminatory
policies against the Albanians of Italy; rather, this minority
fit the regime’s goals of imperialistic expansion in the
Balkans. Italian involvement with Albania in the mid-
1920s was characterized by intensification of the political
and economic ties, which included the settling of Italian
colonists on Albanian soil. It later evolved into the invasion
of Albania in 1939 and its eventual annexation under the
Italian crown in 1941. This increased the Arb
¨
ereshe inte-
gration into the Italian nation-state (see Altimari 1984:15),
opening the way to the post–WWII social integration. The
Fiorini et al. • Ethnicity and Biodemography 743
increase in the values of repeated pairs and marital isonymy
in the period 1920–34 in both the Italian and Arb
¨
ereshe
populations is likely related to Benito Mussolini’s social
policies. In 1927, a tax on single men was introduced,
followed two years later by benefits for large families
(Barbagli and Kertzer 2003:xxix). This coupled with other
legislation limiting population movements reduced the
pool of marriageable candidates available to the village.
The improvement in regional infrastructures had a
greater impact on the populations after WWII. This was
particularly so in the 1960s and 1970s when work-related
migration to central Europe and northern Italy became
intense and educational programs increased the movement
of the younger generations. This expanded the traditional
landscape of the village community, reducing parental and
community social pressure on the individuals, and chang-
ing the local economy from a focus on local agriculture
to out-of-village employment in the service and industrial
sectors. Roads and local mobility and services improved
dramatically starting from the 1980s, facilitating and stim-
ulating population movements and links at the local level;
in smaller centers, a general aging of the population also
occurred. These events had a stronger impact on the Pollino
area, which had been historically more isolated. This evolv-
ing context resulted in a decline in the values of marital
isonymy and the repeated pairs coefficient, especially in the
transition between the third (1920–34) and fourth (1970–
84) periods. In the MDS graph representing the isonymic
relationships (see Figure 4) this is indicated by a rapid
convergence of the entire set of populations toward the
center. This convergence is more evident for the Arb
¨
ereshe,
particularly those in the Pollino area, a trend shown earlier
by this group—specifically, in the period 1870–84.
In the 20th century, ethnicity still played an important
role in cultural and social aggregation among the Arb
¨
ereshe;
however, its influence on the genetic exchanges was negli-
gible, with the exception of a population in the southwest.
During the period 1970–84, the breakdown of biocultural
boundaries, revealed by convergence toward the axis of the
second dimension of the MDS, led to definition of the barri-
ers separating single villages in the Pollino mountain chain.
CONCLUSIONS
The diachronic description of the evolution of the human
genetic landscape in the Pollino mountain chain and its
surrounding areas has important implications for anthropo-
logical research. It shows how historical changes affecting
societies, cultures, and economic contexts in a region influ-
ence the biology of human populations and their relation-
ship with the environment. For example, cultural elements
like the ethnic identity of a community cannot be consid-
ered immutable variables, as is the altitude of a village. It
reveals the importance of the political-economic perspec-
tive in investigations of human population genetics.
This historical analysis links the coevolution of in-
trapopulation and interpopulation genetic parameters to
sociocultural and economic contexts. It describes how a ge-
netic landscape conditioned by barriers enforced by ethnic
cultural differences like language and religion transitioned
into a genetic landscape determined by geographic isola-
tion and the population policies of an oppressive regime.
Finally, it describes the effect on the genetic landscape of
the post–WWII economic, social, and demographic revolu-
tion that dramatically transformed southern Italy from an
isolated peasant society to a highly mobile society.
The study of historical changes in the arrangement of
genetic barriers represents an important innovation in sur-
name analysis. This method provides an analysis of the ge-
netic relations between populations of a region with differ-
ent ethnicities, allowing a better interpretation of the results
of MDS. Mapping genetic barriers also allows for the over-
laying of historical, sociocultural, and economic configura-
tions on genetic evolution: this is perhaps the most impor-
tant contribution of the methodology. The results clearly
show how diachronic biodemographic investigations allow
one to reconstruct the specific aspects of the genetic struc-
ture of a particular geographic area and to contribute to
the holistic investigation of the human populations of a
region, revealing the interconnections among genetics, en-
vironment, and ethnic and socioeconomic landscapes.
This study indicates the need for increasing collabora-
tion between human biologists and sociocultural anthro-
pologists to provide closer integration of socioeconomic,
cultural, geographic, and demographic data with genetic
data. This would improve analyses of the wide sets of in-
formation needed for a refined and effective biocultural
synthesis.
The temporal evolution of the population genetics of
a region can only be understood through the analysis of
a broad range of factors affecting its landscape. When hu-
man populations are investigated, the range of factors must
include social, cultural, and economic elements likely to af-
fect individual and population decisions and choices with
potential genetic implications. The results of the present
biodemographic analysis reveal the importance of these
elements.
STEFANO FIORINI The Macaulay Institute, Aberdeen, AB15
8QH UK and Anthropological Center for Training and Re-
search on Global Environmental Change, Indiana Univer-
sity, Bloomington, 47405 IN
G
IUSEPPE TAGARELLI Istituto di Scienze Neurologiche del
Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, Mangone (Cosenza)
87050 Italy
A
LESSIO BOATT INI Dipartimento di Biologia evoluzionistica
sperimentale, Area di Antropologia, Universit
`
a degli Studi
di Bologna, Bologna 40126 Italy
D
ONATA LUISELLI Dipartimento di Biologia evoluzionistica
sperimentale, Area di Antropologia, Universit
`
a degli Studi
di Bologna, Bologna 40126, Italy
A
NNA PIRO Istituto di Scienze Neurologiche del Consiglio
Nazionale delle Ricerche, Mangone (Cosenza) 87050, Italy
744 American Anthropologist • Vol. 109, No. 4 • December 2007
A
NTONIO TAGAREL L I Istituto di Scienze Neurologiche del
Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, Mangone (Cosenza)
87050, Italy
D
AVIDE PETTENER Dipartimento di Biologia evoluzionistica
sperimentale, Area di Antropologia, Universit
`
a degli Studi
di Bologna, Bologna 40126, Italy
NOTES
Acknowledgments. We would like to thank the municipalities of all
the villages investigated and the populations who so kindly sup-
ported our work. We would also like to thank Anya P. Royce, Ed-
uardo Brondizio, Emilio Moran, Editor-in-Chief Benjamin Blount,
and the anonymous AA reviewers for providing useful suggestions
on earlier drafts of this article. We would also like to thank AA Man-
aging Editor Mayumi Shimose for her support in editing this work
for publication. This work was partially supported by a Consiglio
Nazionale delle Ricerche grant, “Progetto Finalizzato Beni Culturali,
sottoprogetto archivio biologico,” and a Ministro dell’Universit
`
a
e della Ricerca–Progetti di Ricerca di Interesse Nazionale 2001–03
grant to Davide Pettener, by Fondazione Cassa di Risparmio di Cal-
abria e Lucania to Antonio Tagarelli and by an Italian Ministry
of Foreign Affairs bursary for Italians overseas and Indiana Univer-
sity’s J. Stewart and Dagmar K. Riley College of Arts and Science Fel-
lowship to Stefano Fiorini. We are solely responsible for the views
expressed herein.
1. The distinction between Italian and Arb
¨
ereshe populations may
appear improper, because the Arb
¨
ereshe are as Italian as other res-
idents of the study area. An alternative way of distinguishing the
two groups would have been to designate the “Italians” as “non-
Arb
¨
ereshe.” However, this distinction implies the existence of ho-
mogeneities within the two groups that cannot, and should not,
be assumed. During Fiorini’s one-year fieldwork, he noticed that a
common distinction adopted by the Arb
¨
ereshe was Italian versus
Albanian. Hence, we decided to adopt a modified version of this
categorization, replacing Albanian with Arb
¨
ereshe to distinguish
them from the Albanians of the migratory wave of the 1990s.
2. Liisa Malkki (1995) discusses the importance of the elabora-
tion of the past as an important element to define the identity of
the group. Robin Cohen (1997)—with reference to William Safran
(1991), Eduard Spicer (1971), and others—also discusses the impor-
tance of collective memory as an aggregative element of diasporic
communities.
3. The distinction between boundary and barrier was recently
stressed by Ira Bashkow’s (2004) discussion of the neo-Boasian con-
ception of cultural boundaries.
4. Based on a recent report by the Italian Ministry of Internal Affairs
(Dipartimento per le libert
`
a civili e l’immigrazione 2002), 70,342
individuals in 46 municipalities were still using the traditional lan-
guage of the Arb
¨
ereshe.
5. Farneta is currently part of the Municipality of Castroregio. It
is located 29 kilometers from Castroregio. In the past, Farneta was
part of the Municipality of Oriolo. Incorporation into the Munici-
pality of Castroregio was an attempt to combine ethnic similarity
with administrative unity. However, the two villages never found
cohesion, and Farneta often felt its needs were not addressed (Fior-
ini, field notes, May 16, 2004).
6. The Via Poplia, a road built by the consul Numa Poplius, facil-
itated communications in this area. Today this road is the Strada
Statale 19, the connecting line of a network of secondary roads built
in the 1920s and 1930s to join the villages of the area. Since the
1960s, the Salerno-Reggio Calabria highway (A3) serves the regions
south of the Pollino mountain chain.
7. L. L. Cavalli-Sforza, A. Moroni, and G. Zei (2004:240, 288) dis-
cuss this phenomenon in the Italian context, which appears to be
linked to the same socioeconomic transformations that triggered
the breakdown of isolation in other countries (i.e., increased indi-
vidual mobility and migration to industrial areas) but was delayed
by half a century.
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