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Olympian Politics in Beijing: Games but not Just Games
Abstract
This article discusses how the Olympics serve as a meaningfully political act at least as much as a sporting event, with China's ambitions to dominate the 2008 games something of a political analogy for the logic of its greater ambitions in Asia and the world. Seeing the spectacle as politics by other means, this analysis takes up the example of how the 2008 Beijing games are the latest leg of an old project that has seen muscular Christian motivations in China morph into notions of 'face' that articulate with China's elevated geopolitical position in the world today. Its 'higher weight-class' position is here analysed as a two-front communicative ritual operation aimed both inwardly at the Chinese populace, and outwardly at an international audience of global neighbour-states.
... A standard interpretation holds that mega-events are used as a signaling strategy, that is, as an attempt to reframe perceptions of the host nation on the international stage for place promotion or broader geopolitical goals (Horne and Whannel 2016;Preuss and Alfs 2011;Whitson 2004). While this interpretation is accurate, it also elides the fact that soft power can be aimed at the domestic population just as readily as the international, and often mega-events are comprised of a diverse mix of narratives and intended targets, both foreign and domestic (Alekseyeva 2014;Caffrey 2008;Grix and Kramareva 2017;Wolfe 2016). Soft power can be aimed outwards and inwards, and it is possible to refine the soft power lens to discern between external and internal audiences. ...
... As one of the world's most prestigious mega-events, the Men's Football World Cup is a potent tool for authorities to accomplish goals beyond sport. This is an especially attractive proposition for the new generation of hosts outside of the Global North and West, many of whom aspire to use the mega-event as a soft power strategy to reframe international perceptions of the nation (Black and Westhuizen 2004;Caffrey 2008;Cornelissen 2010;Grix, Brannagan, and Lee 2019). ...
Situated at the intersection of the literatures on soft power and mega-events, this paper explains the production and evolution of the dominant narratives behind the 2018 Men's Football World Cup in Russia. It begins from the premise that there are multiple unexplored dimensions to the concept of soft power and proposes three advancements: the existence of multiple audiences for soft power narratives, the necessity of examining soft power aspirations in the context of hard power constraints, and the investigation of both of these dimensions with a view that acknowledges the role of time. Exploring both externally and internally targeted narratives, this paper demonstrates not only the attempts by Russian authorities to construct hegemonic ideology among the domestic population, but also reveals how the interplay of hard power and soft power concerns changed these narratives over time.
... As the data of the pretest attitude showed, "the local residents in a developing country were more [in favor of] mega-events" (Yang et al., 2010, p. 172). Comparing with the United States, emerging powers such as China, Brazil, India, and South Africa are more enthusiastic to bid for the mega-events due to the complex, hidden geopolitical purposes (Caffrey, 2008;Cornelissen, 2010). Additionally, the significant difference of attitude change observed between China and the US reflected the significant different preknowledge held by the residents from two countries. ...
... In contrast, as the only nontraditional city from an emerging economy, Rio de Janeiro's media put a strong emphasis on the potential transformation of the city, and even the nation, leaving "not only an infrastructure legacy but also a social legacy"(Carey et al., 2011). Because of the similar political and economic status, the Olympic bid represented for Brazil and China a chance to show the world that they were now competitive, influential, modern countries, to both investors and tourists(Caffrey, 2008; Dong & Mangan, 2008;Zhou & Ap, 2009; Carey et al., 2011;Meng & Li, 2011).The different media coverage about hosting the Olympic Games as well as the different reactions to the experimental newspaper articles between Chinese participants and American participants could be regarded as the typical outcome of two different media systems existing in the U.S.A. and China respectively. According to the relationship between individual's need for orientation and the effect of media agenda(Lane, 1959;McCombs, 2004), the more significant media effect of the negative newspaper article among Chinese participants indicated the more unbalanced preknowledge about the impacts of hosting the Olympic Games, comparing with American participants. ...
... As the data of the pretest attitude showed, "the local residents in a developing country were more [in favor of] mega-events" (Yang et al., 2010, p. 172). Comparing with the United States, emerging powers such as China, Brazil, India, and South Africa are more enthusiastic to bid for the mega-events due to the complex, hidden geopolitical purposes (Caffrey, 2008;Cornelissen, 2010). Additionally, the significant difference of attitude change observed between China and the US reflected the significant different preknowledge held by the residents from two countries. ...
... In contrast, as the only nontraditional city from an emerging economy, Rio de Janeiro's media put a strong emphasis on the potential transformation of the city, and even the nation, leaving "not only an infrastructure legacy but also a social legacy"(Carey et al., 2011). Because of the similar political and economic status, the Olympic bid represented for Brazil and China a chance to show the world that they were now competitive, influential, modern countries, to both investors and tourists(Caffrey, 2008; Dong & Mangan, 2008;Zhou & Ap, 2009; Carey et al., 2011;Meng & Li, 2011).The different media coverage about hosting the Olympic Games as well as the different reactions to the experimental newspaper articles between Chinese participants and American participants could be regarded as the typical outcome of two different media systems existing in the U.S.A. and China respectively. According to the relationship between individual's need for orientation and the effect of media agenda(Lane, 1959;McCombs, 2004), the more significant media effect of the negative newspaper article among Chinese participants indicated the more unbalanced preknowledge about the impacts of hosting the Olympic Games, comparing with American participants. ...
... 101 It is little wonder, then, that most of the Olympic's disciplines have their origin in military-training activities or military engagement. 102 The physical combats in the martial arts (boxing, fencing, judo, taekwondo, wrestling), the belligerent terminology in the Olympic contests (attacking, defending, fighting, firing, shooting) and the militaristic ritualism during the Olympic ceremonies (parade of nations, formation of warplanes, firing of cannons, raising of flags, awarding of medals) remind us until today that the Games are a 'benign reproduction of war', 103 'war minus the shooting', 104 'war without weapons and bloodshed', 105 or -in reversal of Carl von Clausewitz's famous words -a continuation of war by other means. ...
“Unity in Diversity” – this motto of the 2021 Games in Tokyo nicely expresses the tension between universalism and particularism that besets not only the Olympic Games, but almost every aspect of international politics today. Treating the Olympics as a microcosm, this paper explores whether the Games are able to overcome that tension. It is argued that their specific symbols, rituals and myths have been hijacked by nationalist ones, to which the International Olympic Committee responded by advancing cosmopolitan ones, as a result of which the Games are effectively contested from both ends of the universalist-particularist spectrum. While this disqualifies Olympism to serve as a viable middle ground and facilitator of peace, the Games may still act as a substitute for war by directing our constant struggle for national identity into peaceful channels. The nationalist penetration of the Games should therefore not be resented but welcomed for the sake of peace.
... No matter before or after the exposure to the news scenarios in the experiment, Chinese participants showed a higher level of support for the Olympic bid than American participants. On one hand, comparing with the United States, emerging powers such as China, Brazil, India, and South Africa are more enthusiastic about biding for mega-events due to the complex geopolitical purposes (Caffrey, 2008;Cornelissen, 2010). As Yang et al. (2010, p.172) suggest, "the local residents in a developing country were more [in favor of] mega-events". ...
News media helps individuals think about the impacts of hosting the Olympic Games, enabling them to clarify or construct their own opinions toward an Olympic bid. This study aims to unveil the rationale underlying such media influence with the help of agenda setting theory. An experimental study was conducted in both China with 505 respondents and the US with 449 respondents in which media content was manipulated and framed as either positive or negative. The result confirmed the causal relationship between media content and resident attitude change. Although the moderating role of nation on media effect was not supported, it was found that the more initial interest the individual had in the Olympic Games, the more evident the media effect was.
... This party was designed to demonstrate the country's growing economic productivity, the efficiency of its government and the foresight of its foreign policy decisions. In short, it was meant to announce the PRC's re-emergence as a world economic and political power (Caffrey 2008). While millions of Chinese citizens celebrated the award of the Games (Lijuan 2007), many of their fellow citizens felt differentlyand they were joined by a multitude of foreign governmental officials. ...
This book chapter is a reprint of the article with the same title published in the International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics in 2012. Using historical and discourse analytical methods, this study demonstrates the reciprocal relationship between sport and international relations among states and the need to incorporate sport into foreign policy deliberations. Specifically, this chapter traces the evolution of the US’s governmental perceptions of Olympic boycotts under a realist international relations framework. In order to examine several different geopolitical contexts, the 1936 Berlin Olympics, the 1980 Moscow Olympics and the 2008 Beijing Olympics were selected for analysis. Both international and domestic politics were considered so that the derived policies regarding a US boycott during each Olympics could be better explained. While a US boycott is unlikely in the near future, it cannot be completely ruled out as an instrument of diplomacy. At a practical level, this chapter suggests sport is not free from government interests, and sport organizations would be well served to plan for various government-influenced contingencies.
... 4 Costing in the order of US$40 billion to stage (Caffrey, 2008a), the Beijing Olympics was the site where the IOC, international media, global audiences and internet users witnessed and contested the reality of a shifting media landscape. While we do not focus on the fraught politics of the Beijing Games (see Caffrey, 2008b;Close et al., 2007;Price and Dayan, 2008) -instead analysing the changing content economy and management of Olympic media sport -critical issues such as freedom of the press, political repression in Tibet, and freedom of speech in the host nation do play a subsidiary role in our analysis. These issues prompted national and international Olympic officials to be especially vigilant about the possibility of online media being used to 'hijack' the 'Olympic media platform' (Dayan, 2008;Price, 2008). ...
The Beijing Olympics was the largest sports mega-event in history and represents an opportunity to assess the dynamics of the media sport cultural complex in a post-broadcast age. This article argues that the internet and web are transforming and intensifying the digital mediatization of Olympic sport in terms of the amount and types of content available across multiple platforms. From the perspective of Olympic and sports officials, these developments possess a Janus-faced character, simultaneously offering additional avenues to promote the Olympic brand and experience globally and challenging their capacity to maintain control over Olympic related media in online environments. This situation is the result of long-established broadcast media strategies colliding with the networking capacity of Web 2.0 and the operation and popularity of ‘social software’ such as blogs and Facebook. The evidence presented is drawn from Olympic policy documents, media reports and interviews with sports officials and athletes.
... Representative of many other commentators, Kevin Caffrey (2008) characterized the " spectacle as politics by other means " as a two-front communicative ritual operation aimed both inwardly at the Chinese populace and outwardly at an international audience of global neighbor states. For Susan Brownell, however, one of the most knowledgeable researchers of Chinese sports, the debate about the Olympics as public diplomacy tool completely misjudges the intentions of the local organizers and by extension, the Chinese government. ...
Mega events focus the world’s attention on a particular place and a nation and the success thereof, in either hosting or performing well in the event. Throughout the world, expectations were running high that China would make use of hosting the Beijing Games to promote a positive image to the world. This article takes a critical look at the discourse on the Beijing Games as a public diplomacy tool. Empirical data from global opinion polls are analyzed to demonstrate the weak impact of even the world’s largest sport mega event on altering global perceptions. Two main propositions will be advanced: First, expectations that a sports event can improve the image of a country are overrated; second, having been locked in the Olympic “double-bind,” a system of contradictory messages to which the host is simultaneously obliged, China had no chance in the contest for meaning-making which the Western media won hands down.
... Like many other commentators, Caffrey (2008) characterized the 'spectacle as politics by other means' as a ritual communicative operation on two fronts, "aimed both inwardly at the Chinese populace and outwardly at an international audience of global neighbourstates." The opportunity of the organizers to use the Beijing Games for advertising a coherent and positive image throughout the world was limited to a considerable degree by a number of general problems. ...
Sports have come to be acknowledged as global cultural property. As a particular variant of physical culture, sports emerged and changed in response with the shifting constellations of political, economic, and social forces within the modern capitalist world. Global movements (of people, goods, finance, media, and ideas; Appadurai 1990) have provided the backbone for spreading and sustaining the dominance of Western sports. Situated at the crossroads of place-making, nation-building and global body culture, sports spectacles have been employed as a showcase of national virtues and achievements for global consumption. However, under the influence of global movements, these ambitious goals are increasingly difficult to achieve. Sports spectacles have come to serve multiple interests, and Eurocentric notions of Self and Other, as well as the retro-design of the Olympic movement, are points of contention that curtail the representational power of the nation on display.
This article examines the impact of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games on national identity in Taiwan with respect to the boosting of Chinese nationalism that developed around the Games. A survey was conducted on 2,176 collegiate athletes who participated in the 2007 National Intercollegiate Athletic Games in May 2007, and 1,929 responses were considered valid. Furthermore, 50 of the 1929 athletes agreed to attend individual interviews after the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games terminated. The key research results are as follows: The contending national identities in Olympic movement between China and Taiwan still continues. Though Taiwan/ROC can participate in the international sporting arena in the name of ”Chinese
This paper applies a modified circuit of culture perspective as a methodological and theoretical framework to re-evaluate the Beijing Olympic Fuwa mascots. It provides an account of the intended messages, interpretations and identifications associated with the production, representation and consumption of the Fuwa mascots. Through in-depth analyses of Fuwa at each stage, it reveals a broad contextual understanding of the legacy, tradition, complexities and uniqueness in a secluded circuit of culture within Chinese society. By reconstructing Fuwa in the circuit of culture, this paper further attempts to address the question of whether hosting the modern Olympics was able to bring change to China.
International sporting events have largely been ignored by International Relations since it neglects the dominant paradigm realist tradition because of its apolitical nature. This article, nevertheless, argues that international sporting events have been used politically and diplomatically by states, particularly by great powers, as a tool for domestic and foreign affairs. A recent instance was the 2008 Olympic Games, held by China, which is used as the case study in this article. By reframing a realist-based framework of states and international sport, the article analyses the importance of hosting the events to China’s international strategy its struggle for acknowledged status as a great power and concludes that the 2008 Beijing Olympics were a well-planned political and diplomatic project that China successfully utilized in reaching its goal.
Using historical and discourse analytical methods, this study demonstrates the reciprocal relationship between sport and international relations among states and the need to incorporate sport into foreign policy deliberations. Specifically, this article traces the evolution of the US's governmental perceptions of Olympic boycotts under a realist international relations framework. In order to examine several different geopolitical contexts, the 1936 Berlin Olympics, the 1980 Moscow Olympics and the 2008 Beijing Olympics were selected for analysis. Both international and domestic politics were considered so that the derived policies regarding a US boycott during each Olympics could be better explained. While a US boycott is unlikely in the near future, it cannot be completely ruled out as an instrument of diplomacy. At a practical level, this article suggests sport is not free from government interests, and sport organizations would be well served to plan for various government-influenced contingencies.
The use of mega sporting events to achieve social goals for socially excluded groups is heavily contested. Comparative evidence regarding the effects of the Olympic Games for these groups is scarce, and there is an even greater dearth of studies focusing on non-infrastructural programmes (such as sport participation initiatives, volunteering opportunities, training and employment schemes). This study identifies planning principles that allow for the development of such non-infrastructural benefits for socially excluded groups in host cities, and reviews their application in recent Olympic Games.This study examines data from 7 Olympic cities (Atlanta, Nagano, Sydney, Salt Lake City, Athens, Turin and Beijing). It shows that the Olympic Games generally bring few benefits for socially excluded groups, although these benefits are often important justifications in the bidding stage. The study highlights the growing importance placed by the International Olympic Committee on environmental sustainability, and proposes a similar emphasis on social sustainability.
As we all take stock of the real impact of Olympism and the Olympics in China, it is worth remembering how much, as yet, it has been Olympics and Olympism, and not professional team sports, that have heretofore oriented China to global sports and established its place there. The Beijing games notwithstanding, it is the prospect of a place in team sports that is the new horizon for China. Japan, meanwhile, more established than China in both, has a strong position especially in international baseball but also has everything to lose there. Looking at Olympic baseball in particular, the fault lines led on-field incidents to become touchstones of national triumph, tragedy and destiny, character, capacity and prospects. And different incidents mattered for different reasons for different audiences, in China, Korea, Japan, and the US. We will consider player and public reactions to Olympic results and controversies, and player and public engagement with the 2009 World Baseball Classic. What matters most to whom, in which relationships? The Olympic baseball tournament and the future of baseball in the Olympics are addressed here in connection to the World Baseball Classic, 2006 and 2009, and Nippon Professional Baseball's participation there, on field and off.
This paper is rooted in the premise that the Olympic Movement represents an important – yet often overlooked – global political site, and it begins by situating the Olympic Movement within the global polity by focusing on its role as a forum in which participating states can both affirm their sovereignty and propagate a virtuous identity. The tension between Olympism's normative political aims and the practical operation of the Movement is then critically examined, and it is argued that the interests of both participant states and the International Olympic Committee itself in producing an extravagant spectacle most often trump any ostensible commitment to positive political change. The final portion of the paper charts how the Movement's interventions in the global polity are nevertheless noteworthy, particularly as regards its position at the forefront of doping control, its role as a site for acts of protest and its contradictory and complex interactions with the global citizenship regime.
Despite the fact that much research exists on the Olympics, limited publications address the relations between multiple Games. Furthermore, although the Olympics have been intertwined with politics from the founding of the modern movement, public perception of the 2008 Beijing Games was that of a political event unique to the Olympic experience. The aim of this study was to explore issues and controversies surrounding the 1936 and 2008 Olympics to determine if the political aspects of the Beijing Games were similar to or different from those of the Berlin Games. Information was obtained from scholarly literature on the Berlin and Beijing Games. Eight major themes with respect to similarities and differences between the political factors of the Berlin and Beijing Games were identified. They included reaction to host city decision, negative public perception, efforts to boycott, torch relay, opening ceremony, Olympic stage, importance of winning gold, and impacts of the Games.
This study examines the impact of the Olympic Games on socially excluded groups in the host community : more specifically it focuses on non-infrastructural programmes and initiatives that are directly linked to the Olympic Games. Academic discussion of the socio-economic impacts of the Olympic Games on the lives of socially excluded groups has exposed a divide between supporters and critics of the use of mega sporting events to achieve social goals. Where some see the Olympics as mere commercial boosterism, others argue that mega-events can act as catalysts to achieve social transformation. So far, academic studies have tended to focus more on the infrastructural changes to the city fabric, than on the more intangible, non-infrastructural effects. Research evidence of the effects of such programmes (such as sport initiatives, volunteering opportunities, training and employment schemes etc) of low-income groups is even scarcer, and when it exists often only discusses one host city or programme. This scoping review has aimed to collect data from the last 7 Olympic cities (Atlanta, Nagano, Sydney, Salt Lake City, Athens, Turin and Beijing) to examine these non-infrastructural social impacts. Secondary data (academic, Olympic and other publications) were combined with email interviews with researchers, politicians and social organisations with specialist knowledge of the particular host cities. For each city between 13 and 26 data sources were used, of which at least 5 primary sources. The study has shown that for many Olympic cities, social sustainability was not part of their aims, nor of the organisation of the Games. This was the case for Nagano, Salt Lake City, Athens and Beijing. For Turin, they were fleetingly mentioned with environmental sustainability. Atlanta and Sydney are the cities in the sample that made social aims the most explicit in their candidatures, but only Sydney seems to have made substantial efforts to turn these aims into practical programmes and initiatives. Generally, it can thus be said that the awareness of social sustainability is fairly low. This is maybe not entirely surprising, since it has received much less attention than environmental sustainability in recent years. When looking at the Olympic Games evaluated in this study, a clear trend towards greater emphasis on environmental sustainability can be noted. The fact that the IOC places explicit importance on this form of sustainability is no doubt a very important factor here. If the IOC would be willing to place that same importance on social sustainability, the effects may be immediate - social sustainability will no doubt be important for Rio 2016, so these Games could be a perfect opportunity to add more concrete recommendations to the existing Agenda 21.
The Ming eunuch Zheng He, who commanded fleets that voyaged to Southeast Asia and the Indian Ocean in the early fifteenth century, is today depicted as an 'ambassador of friendship' between China and other nations. The present article suggests a revisionist view of the man and his voyages. By examining these 'voyages to the Western Ocean' as simply an element of the southern expansion by the Yong-le emperor (1403-24), linked to his invasions of Oai Viet and Yun-nan, we see these 'voyages of friendship' as aggressive attempts to achieve a pax Ming'm the Asian maritime realm, with Melaka, Palembang, and Samudera as key elements. We also observe Ming efforts to dominate the trade routes linking the Middle East and East Asia. The paper concludes with a discussion of the characteristics of colonialism and imperialism and suggests that the voyages constituted a maritime proto-colonialism.
A little while ago I wrote by way of an acknowledgment in my Women, Sport and Society in Modern China: ‘Professor J.A. Mangan has proved to be a most exceptional supervisor. His intelligence, his attention to detail, his sympathy for my subject, his long hours of patient assistance, have ensured the completion of this thesis. When I chose to study at his international research centre, without fully appreciating the fact, I made the wisest of decisions. His sound advice, his careful thoroughness and his constant support too can never be forgotten.' I remain deeply grateful for his unstinting support and again say simply ‘thank you'.
Fan Hong was Professor Mangan's PhD student from 1991 to 1994. As Professor Mangan's first IRCSSS PhD student she benefited enormously from his quality of supervision: speedy in response, meticulous in textual scrutiny. He was always available for discussion, continually encouraging and enthusiastic in approach. For an overseas student in an alien academic culture this was invaluable and much appreciated. Dr Fan Hong is now Reader in the Faculty of Education and Contemporary Studies at De Montfort University and Deputy Director of IRCSSS. Ping Wu and Huan Xiong are her doctoral students. She tries to follow in Professor Mangan's footsteps to give them quality supervision. Ping Wu and Huan Xiong too have been inspired by Professor Mangan's work and impressed by his committed academic effort to bring East and West together.
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