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Social Mobilization and Political Development
Abstract
Social mobilization is a name given to an overall process of change, which happens to substantial parts of the population in countries which are moving from traditional to modern ways of life. It denotes a concept which brackets together a number of more specific processes of change, such as changes of residence, of occupation, of social setting, of face-to-face associates, of institutions, roles, and ways of acting, of experiences and expectations, and finally of personal memories, habits and needs, including the need for new patterns of group affiliation and new images of personal identity. Singly, and even more in their cumulative impact, these changes tend to influence and sometimes to transform political behavior.
The concept of social mobilization is not merely a short way of referring to the collection of changes just listed, including any extensions of this list. It implies that these processes tend to go together in certain historical situations and stages of economic development; that these situations are identifiable and recurrent, in their essentials, from one country to another; and that they are relevant for politics. Each of these points will be taken up in the course of this paper.
Social mobilization, let us repeat, is something that happens to large numbers of people in areas which undergo modernization, i.e. , where advanced, non-traditional practices in culture, technology and economic life are introduced and accepted on a considerable scale. It is not identical, therefore, with this process of modernization as a whole, but it deals with one of its major aspects, or better, with a recurrent cluster among its consequences.
... Концепт «модернизации» стал широко использоваться в западных социальных науках примерно с середины прошлого века, благодаря работам таких известных учёных, как Уолт Ростоу, [Rostow 1960], Габриэль Алмонд и Дж. Бингхэм Пауэлл [Almond & Powell 1966], Ральф Дарендорф [Dahrendorf 1965], Карл В. Дойч [Deutsch 1961], Сирил Блэк [Black 1966], Дэниел Лернер [Lerner 1958], Сеймур М. Липсет [Lipset 1959], Баррингтон Мур [Moore 1966], Люсьен Пай [Pay 1966], Нил Дж. Смелсер [Smelser 1959], Дэвид Э. Эптер [Apter 1958], Сэмюэл Хантингтон [Huntington 1968], Шмуэль Эйзенштадт [Eisenstadt 1966] и др. ...
... Концепт «модернизации» стал широко использоваться в западных социальных науках примерно с середины прошлого века, благодаря работам таких известных учёных, как Уолт Ростоу, [Rostow 1960], Габриэль Алмонд и Дж. Бингхэм Пауэлл [Almond & Powell 1966], Ральф Дарендорф [Dahrendorf 1965], Карл В. Дойч [Deutsch 1961], Сирил Блэк [Black 1966], Дэниел Лернер [Lerner 1958], Сеймур М. Липсет [Lipset 1959], Баррингтон Мур [Moore 1966], Люсьен Пай [Pay 1966], Нил Дж. Смелсер [Smelser 1959], Дэвид Э. Эптер [Apter 1958], Сэмюэл Хантингтон [Huntington 1968], Шмуэль Эйзенштадт [Eisenstadt 1966] и др. ...
... Так, разными путями в модерн шли коммунизм, фашизм и демократия, что обосновывается у Мура различиями в структурах аграрных секторов, соответствующих этим трём случаям. Примерно в то же время немецкий социолог Р. Дарендорф показал в своей книге [Dahrendorf 1965], что вопреки тезисам классического концепта модернизации, появление в Германии развитой экономики не сопровождалось «политическим модернизмом» (принятием демократических ценностей), как минимум, до 1945 года. ...
The published text is a slightly abridged version of one of the chapters of the textbook (2021) dedicated to the theory of politics. The article deals with political motives and stages of the evolution of the theory of social and political modernization. Separately, the author dwells on the characteristics of the classical theory of modernization, including its criticism in non-classical versions of this theory. The article proposes a typology of political modernization, as well as an assessment of the theoretical models of Russian political modernization.
... One of those is education level. A number of classic studies have suggested that years of education and literacy are within a country are associated with greater probability of democratization (e.g., Deutsch, 1961;McCrone and Cnudde, 1967;Banks, 1972;Vanhanen, 1984). ...
... Urbanization is another predictor found to be associated with democratization (e.g., see Lerner, 1958;Cutright, 1963;McCrone and Cnudde, 1967;Banks, 1972;Vanhanen, 1984). Communication networks, too, appear to be related to democratization (e.g., see Deutsch, 1961;Neubauer, 1967;Lipset, 1963;Dutton, 2009). Other variables could be discussed as well, but-for the sake of parsimony-these are the key ones that we consider. ...
... One of those is education level. A number of classic studies have suggested that years of education and literacy are within a country are associated with greater probability of democratization (e.g., Deutsch, 1961;McCrone and Cnudde, 1967;Banks, 1972;Vanhanen, 1984). Just so, this variable should aff ect fragility. ...
... Urbanization is another predictor found to be associated with democratization (e.g., see Cutright, 1963;McCrone and Cnudde, 1967;Banks, 1972;Vanhanen, 1984). Communication networks, too, appear to be related to democratization (e.g., see Deutsch, 1961;Neubauer, 1967;Lipset, 1963;Dutton, 2009). Other variables could be discussed as well, but-for the sake of parsimony-these are the key ones that we consider. ...
... He suggested that social mobilization is a peculiarity of needy nations, grappling with the challenges of modernization. [5] seems to agree with [4] in attempting to establish linkages between social mobilization and the criticality of national development in needy nations. But social mobilization is not a new phenomenon as it has existed since the 19th century, under the broad nomenclature of "civil rights movements" in the USA, Latin America and some African countries. ...
This paper conducted a qualitative study of the relationship among language, social mobilization and political participation in a polity. It considered the role of language in social mobilization and examined how the language factor hindered or smoothened political participation in the study. The specific objectives of the work were to study the relationship among language, social mobilization, and political participation, interrogate the role of language in social mobilization and verify how the language of social mobilization impeded or facilitated political participation. The paper's analyses were framed on the Nigerian nation state, with structural functionalism as theoretical framework of the contribution.
... En los paradigmas sociocientíficos desarrollados por Deutsch (1961) y Lerner (1958) (véase también Etzioni, 1968;Lipset, 1972;Bell, 1973;Uüegg, 1973, 1978, e Inglehart, 1977, la educación juega un importante papel como base del cambio cultural y social. Su fundamento teórico se basa en la transición del lenguaje hablado al escrito como principal forma de comunicación. ...
Se analizan en profundidad datos sobre educación, política y militarismo en un estudio representativo de los valores entre la población suiza, estableciéndose comparaciones con otros países altamente industrializados. Los análisis conducen a las siguientes conclusiones: (1) Los valores universalistas y pro-sociales están adquiriendo de manera significativa una mayor importancia en los patrones valorativos, en detrimento de los valores cercanos a la autonomía individualista; (2) los valores de eficiencia competitiva se hallan en la periferia; (3) los valores propios de un conformismo tradicionalista se sitúan progresivamente en la periferia; (4) los agentes del cambio valorativo se encuentran entre las clases más educadas; (5) existen tensiones valorativas latentes en la medida en que las diferencias en el nivel educativo entrañan variaciones en el nivel de importancia atribuida a los valores, pero los conflictos valorativos raramente llegan a desarrollarse, habida cuenta de que las clases menos educadas tienden a imitar a las más educadas; y (6) los cambios valorativos aludidos suscitan el problema de la legitimidad de las estructuras sociales. Las instituciones públicas están asumiendo un carácter más instrumental. Las tendencias en el cambio valorativo que se observa en Suiza son paralelas a las que pueden constatarse en otros países industrializados, enmarcándose así en el proceso típico de modernización occidental. Sin embargo, el modo en que se desarrollan tales cambios así como el tipo particular de problemas que se emparejan a cada proceso de cambio vienen determinados por la tradición histórica de cada sociedad. Varios elementos sugieren el proceso de cambio en Suiza, si se compara con el de otras sociedades, está desencadenando efectos sociales en los que la brusquedad o el conflicto abierto se hallan excluidos, lo cual puede explicarse por la estabilidad y la profundidad del arraigo de la tradición democrática y de la aceptación generalizada de la estructura social.
... For many decades during the rise of democracies, political and societal mobilization reflected a top-down process (Deutsch, 1961) used by the state and hierarchical organizations (e.g., parties, religious institutions). In that context, political mobilization essentially involved marshaling supporters to cast their ballots, but their participation in political processes was not desired. ...
In the recent past, social media has become a central channel and means for political and societal mobilization. Mobilization refers to the process by which political parties, politicians, social movements, activists, and other political and social actors induce citizens to participate in politics in order to win elections, convince others of their own positions, influence policies, and modify rulings. While not sufficient on its own for facilitating participation, mobilization is necessary for participation to occur, which justifies examining mobilization specifically to understand how people can be involved in politics. This thematic issue of Media and Communication presents various perspectives on the role of social media in mobilization, embracing both its recruitment side (traditional and non-established political actors, social and protest movements) and its network side (the ways citizens respond to mobilization appeals). Taken together, the thematic issue highlights the multifaceted nature and scholarly fruitfulness of mobilization as an independent concept.
... The theory is concerned about the empowerment of women as a function of economic development, dispensation of democracy, and the removal of social injustices that increase gender inequalities (Lipset, 1959;Rostow, 1960;Deutsch, 1964). Studies have shown that there is positive relationship between economic development and an equitable distribution of educational, occupational and agricultural resources (Bell, 1999;Inkeles and Smith, 1974). ...
The principle of religious moderation is fair and balanced. Fair in this case means impartial, impartial, and does not discriminate. While balance is a term to describe the perspective, attitude, and commitment to always side with justice, humanity, and equality.
Religious moderation has indirectly been implemented since Indonesia's independence because the five precepts of Pancasila already contain the values of religious moderation. The Qur'an, which is the holy book and guide for Muslims, also contains points about religious moderation, some of which are listed in Surah Al-Baqarah verse 143 and Al-Hujurat verse 13.
... The theory is concerned about the empowerment of women as a function of economic development, dispensation of democracy, and the removal of social injustices that increase gender inequalities (Lipset, 1959;Rostow, 1960;Deutsch, 1964). Studies have shown that there is positive relationship between economic development and an equitable distribution of educational, occupational and agricultural resources (Bell, 1999;Inkeles and Smith, 1974). ...
this in an international book chapter of Mega Lecture Talk Series held by Language Unit, IAIN Madura. the book title is "LECTURE in INNOVATION for Society era 5.0". the topics written are about LECTURE; LECTURE is the abbreviation of Language, Education, Culture, Technology, Universality, Religion, Environment. Happy reading and good luck
... The theory is concerned about the empowerment of women as a function of economic development, dispensation of democracy, and the removal of social injustices that increase gender inequalities (Lipset, 1959;Rostow, 1960;Deutsch, 1964). Studies have shown that there is positive relationship between economic development and an equitable distribution of educational, occupational and agricultural resources (Bell, 1999;Inkeles and Smith, 1974). ...
The study of human-computer interaction,
abbreviated as HCI, is a field of research that
inevitably must evolve along with shifting trends
in the technological landscape especially in the
digital age. The last fifteen years have seen a
very dramatic acceleration in the rate of change
due to the proliferation of personal mobile
devices, agent-based technologies, and pervasive
and ubiquitous computing. The way people use
2
technology for their work and for fun has also
changed greatly because of social networking.
Who could have imagined a decade ago that
smartphones would provide constant access to
the Internet, to social networks and broadcast
platforms like Facebook and Twitter, and to
hundreds of applications designed for specific
purposes? Who could have predicted that the
devices we use every day would have the power
to record our every action and capture every
moment? With features like a camera, global
positioning system (GPS) tracking, and sensors,
a phone is no longer just a phone; instead, it has
evolved into a powerful personal computing
device that comes preloaded with access to
interactive services and can be taken with you
wherever you go.
... The concept of community mobilization has its origins in social mobilization. Deutsch K, an American social and political scientist, introduced the concept of "social mobilization" in 1961, which is the evolution of the way people behave in the process of political development [6]. Huntington (2008) sees social mobilization as a series of processes by which people develop new social behaviors from old outdated social tenets through psychological, behavioral, and value orientations shifts [7]. ...
... Like terrorism, the primary function of RWE is not to impose its beliefs through violence but to spread its ideology; violence is merely a vector of communication (Schmid, 2005). For the same reason Domestic RW extremist ideology is presented in graphic, offensive forms to capture the viewer's attention and instill a reaction, mobilizing an apathetic public (Aho, 1990;Deutsch, 1961). The Internet is a powerful tool for the spread of RW extremist ideology, allowing the movement to sidestep traditional media gatekeepers to disseminate its message (Nacos, 2006). ...
... North (2005, p. viii) describes processes of economic and institutional change as evolutionary that are mostly the outcome of 'a deliberate process shaped by the perceptions of the actors about the consequences of their actions'. For example, modernization theory focuses on the process through which overall economic expansion gives rise to modern political institutions by creating new configurations of socialization and behavior (Deutsch, 1961). There is an implied assumption in this evolutionary thought of a linear process towards improvement and order but instead we see more complex patterns emerge and history often beleaguered with disorder and contradictory institutional logics (Luiz, 2016). ...
The study explores the role that organizations and institutions play in reproducing inequality even after significant political transitions in which these transitions sought to undermine the sources of such inequality. Our analysis reveals how incomplete institutional transitions may give rise to contradictory institutional logics and how this can contribute towards high levels of contestation as actors and organizations vie to maintain, disrupt and create new institutions. We analyze the dynamics of a conflict set within a broader institutional contestation in post-apartheid South Africa by examining the farmworkers strike and unrest of 2012. We expose a complex interlocking system of exploitation and oppression at micro, meso and macro institutional levels and highlight misalignments between de facto and de jure institutional environments. Our study shows how actors and organizations can exhibit and constrain agency legitimating the unequal access to resources and opportunities and why this can result in the persistence of inequality.
... The academic research on social mobilization has its roots in the 1930s. The American scholar Kaldoic [1] first explained the meaning of social mobilization and believed that social mobilization was accompanied by the alternation of the old and new social models. Foreign scholars are paying more and more attention to the power of social mobilization. ...
... If, as is common in cases of delayed dependent development, economic expansion fails to keep pace with social mobilization, and especially if economic growth falters after a period of expansion and expectations are frustrated, a sense of relative deprivation feeds middle class political discontent. As, in these conditions, capitalist development enriches the agrarian-commercial bourgeoisie and exacerbates inequality, conflict over the proper course of development may divide the ruling class and the new middle class (Deutsch 1961;Gurr;Walton 204;Huntington 1968:39-59). Syria in the fifties was a classic case of middle class alienation, a condition which propelled the rise of the Ba'th. ...
... I argue that the adoption of new ways of acting are accompanied with new ways of thinking which simultaneously delegitimize the old. Karl Deutsch (1961) writes: "As Edward Shils has rightly pointed out, the original images of "mobilization" 7 While there is no systematic study of the rise of the Patidar group, the story of their upward mobility is not new. and of Mannheim's "fundamental democratization" imply two distinct stages of the process: (1) the stage of uprooting or breaking away from old settings, habits and commitments; and (2) the induction of the mobilized persons into some relatively stable new patterns of group membership, organization and commitment" (Deutsch 1961: 494). ...
How do two seemingly distinct ways of thinking and acting – one premised on the belief that some people are inherently more privileged than others and the second that endows each individual with equal rights and responsibilities – coexist? Specifically, do privileged castes accede to demands of the democratic system, which then results in transformation of social order? Or do they find ways of resisting and subverting the democratic process which preserves social order? In this dissertation, I attempt to explain the behavior of the privileged by focusing on a distinct feature of the Indian caste system - untouchability – discrimination against lower castes which is religiously sanctioned but constitutionally outlawed, focusing on the western Indian state of Gujarat. I argue that the answer to this question is neither transformation nor preservation of untouchability, but somewhere in between. I build my argument in two parts. In the first part, I provide a historical understanding of the role of caste and untouchability in society. I argue that prior to Indian Independence, untouchability was understood to be a private issue and thus was outside the jurisdiction of the state. This however changed post-Independence when untouchability became a public issue which demanded state intervention. Despite several provisions to address untouchability, two problems are identified. The first is that the Constitution did not define untouchability. Second, the Constitution protects the freedom to practice any religion of one’s choice, consequently protecting caste, but prohibits untouchability (caste behaviors legitimated by religion). This ambiguity lies at the core of the observed variation in untouchability. As I will argue, this ambiguity in the law - caste legal, but caste based behaviors illegal, leads to ambiguities in the definition of untouchability - which in some cases is exploited to preserve untouchability and in others, to transform. The locus of change, i.e., preserve or transform, - lies with the village-level upper caste elites and how they interpret the law and bargain with the state. Specifically, I contend that untouchability is jointly produced by two levels of bargaining of the village-level upper-caste elites. One with the state and the second within their own castes in the village. I expect high levels of bargaining at both levels to be associated with transformation of untouchability and low levels with its preservation. The implications of the two parts are tested separately. For the first part, I use the Times of India archive from 1838 to 2005 to test hypotheses about the narrative of untouchability both pre and post-Independence. In the second part, I introduce a new village level dataset on caste discrimination and its covariates. I then develop a measure of untouchability. This measure treats every manifestation of untouchability as unique but dependent on other forms of discrimination, which is used in a regression framework to test my claims. I find some support for both hypotheses. Prior to Independence, untouchability is framed as a private problem where “upliftment” of the untouchables depended on the benevolence of the state and upper-castes. Post-Independence however, the “untouchables”, now referred to as “Dalits” are depicted as “assertive” and aware of their rights. In the second part of my analyses - a quantitative study of 890 villages in Gujarat, I find that higher levels of bargaining with the state and within caste are associated with low untouchability and vice-versa.
... In the 1950s, social mobilization followed the physical mobilization of masses and urbanization that occurred in Turkey with the moving of rural people from peripheries to the cities. Social mobilization compelled people to change their way of life and beliefs towards modernity which helped for political participation and societal development (Deutsch, 1961). This new situation required newly migrated people to interact with other migrated communities from different ethnic and cultural origins in the country in addition to the existing urban citizens in big towns. ...
The modernization movement through education in Turkish society dates back to the late Ottoman period. The importance of education has continued in the early periods of the new Turkish Republic. Educational reforms in the second quarter of the 1900s and Dewey's visit paved the way for modernization, societal change, political socialization, and, hence, democratization in Turkey. This article exhibits the stages that Turkish society went through since the late Ottoman Empire period in the 18th century and touches upon how education transformed Turkey, especially in regards to political socialization and civic culture.
... According to the second variant of modernization theory, it is "modernization" itself that increases the political salience of ethnic identity and gives rise to ethnically dominated party systems (see Deutsch 1961;Melson and Wolpe 1970;Young 1976;Bates 1974). Modernization is thought to give rise to intense competition that prompts people to rely more on people with whom they are most familiar, who, in a newly modernizing society, are likely to be members of their own ethnic g roup who hail from the same geographic region. ...
This chapter examines how migrants from the Global South who move within the region organise themselves, the forms of solidarity that they extend to each other, and how these relate to broader working-class formations. While xenophobia and othering are regular features of migrant-local interactions in the migration literature, the extent to which its opposite, solidarity, occurs as a result of the workplace and community activism of migrants has received scant attention. This chapter therefore focuses on how migrants within the Global South organise at the meso-level to defend and access their rights, and the solidarity that they build among themselves as migrants and with social movements, working-class organisations, and other civil society actors. It argues that meso-level organising and the solidarity networks that are formed, provide migrants in the Global South with the space to build solidarity in their own ways and to fight their exploitation and oppression. Using the example of trade unions, the authors urge the need for political mobilisation actions to move away from conceptualisations of migrants as victims but rather as actors , capable of various initiatives and with whom they can build solidarity movements.
The article’s intellectual core resides in the examination of social phenomena through the lenses of ambivalence and ambitemptiness. Democracy is conceived through the cultivation of the ideal of national solidarity within the framework of the “indivisible and unified nation” and revolution — values which, according to B. Anderson, individuals do not choose of their own volition. Nevertheless, it functions by virtue of structures that are freely chosen by individuals, specifically political parties and civil society organisations, among which trade unions assume a paramount role in ensuring social solidarity. The author posits that a functioning political democracy, viewed as a historically ambi temptuous phenomenon, necessitates the reanimation of sustained equilibrium between the for ces of social hegemony and counter-hegemony. This revival hinges on transformative shifts in the structure of civil society, particularly reinstatement of pivotal social functions to trade unions. The article underscores the phenomenon of unprecedented demonstrative solidarity exhibited by the Democratic Party of the USA towards the strike movement. The author emphasises that a fully-fledged European liberal democracy was established during its golden age, preceding financial globalisation, as a social democracy. Within its framework, competitive and pluralist elections were complemented by the possibility of nationwide strikes facilitated by trade unions capable of social mobilisation. Proposing the term “political society” to denote the phenomenon encompassing political parties and movements, the article argues that their viability depends on their connection with civil society structures. It is asserted that neither right-wing nor left-wing populism possesses the capacity to fully neutralise “democratic fatigue”.
This paper examines Mariama Bâ’s depiction of the hectic lives of
young Senegalese, faced with the dictates of tradition and realities of modernity. If a great deal of scholarship has studied her feminist deconstruction of patriarchy, few studies have highlighted her depiction of young men and women negotiating the necessity to reconcile modernity and social pressures. This study explores Bâ’s representation of the young, torn between tradition and modernity. While analysing the implications of such an ambivalent condition, the paper highlights, from a sociological and feminist perspective, the alternatives set forth by the writer for cultural synthesis and the reevaluation of the social status of the young, in a context of patriarchy and gerontocracy. I argue that the youth in the novels strive to redress aspects of local culture, and to address cultural dissonances from contact with new cultural norms, through a redefinition of identity and gender roles
The COVID-19 pandemic has claimed over six million lives worldwide (Ritchie, 2022). In Kenya, more than three hundred thousand lives have been lost (Ministry of Health, 2022). Prevention has been the main focus. This has necessitated behaviour change. The government, non-governmental organisations, and private agencies set out to find Social and Behaviour Change Communication (SBCC) strategies at the start of the pandemic. Different strategies received different types of feedback. One strategy that has been proven time and time again to be effective in mass communication and education while entertaining is puppetry. It was, however, only partially utilised. This research sought to explore communication for social and behaviour change communication and how it was applied to curb the spread of COVID 19 using a case study of puppetry in Kenya. It attempted to answer the following questions: What types of puppets were used in Kenya for social and behaviour change communication? Which advocacy messages were communicated for social and behaviour change using puppetry? How was puppetry used for social mobilisation for social and behaviour change communication? What factors hindered puppetry's use for social and behaviour change communication? The theoretical base of this research was informed by the health belief model, which provides a framework for designing messaging that targets perceived barriers, benefits, self-efficacy, and threats; the social learning theory, which explains how behaviour is learned through observation; and the social marketing theory, which provides a framework for how behaviour change messages are designed using marketing principles. This study used a qualitative research design. It analysed past studies to give a framework and then used interviews and observation to collect current data by observation and key informant interviews for thematic analysis. The population chosen for this study was all the puppet shows created, digitally recorded, and aired for SBCC to communicate behaviour change as a prevention measure against COVID-19. For this research, the Dr Pamoja show was purposely chosen as the sample as it met all the criteria for this study. Coding was used for thematic analysis of the collected puppetry video samples from the Dr Pamoja show produced by Project hand up to communicate SBCC against COVID-19. The codes were derived using the deductive approach, and the show analysed both the latent and the semantic. The gaps in the data were informed by Key informants, including the Dr Pamoja show’s director, an AMREF representative, sixteen (16) puppeteers, a community leader, a health representative, and ten (10) parents. After collecting and analysing the data, findings showed that the main types of puppets used are glove puppets, and puppetry remains an effective tool for social and behavioural change communication in Kenya. It was found to be efficient in communicating advocacy messages through influence, persuasion, and social marketing, and also in social mobilisation at both the community level and national level by promoting health messaging that is personalised, normative, and identity-relevant and relies on people’s connections and sense of accountability. The data also showed that episodes translated to Kiswahili and Kikuyu were more popular than the other languages. It is, however, faced with social challenges such as perception, motivation, cultural, psychological, and production challenges such as financing. The study recommends better utilisation of puppetry for SBCC and incorporation of puppetry in communication by the government, non-governmental organisations, and mainstream media. It further recommends that further research be conducted on memory retention of new behaviours learned from puppetry, gender issues in puppetry, and the use of puppetry in other areas such as therapy, play, and education.
The article reflects on the sustainability and security perspectives of the South Caucasus region. While discovering the different approaches to the notion of “stateness” and its assessment methodologies, the article brings up the problems of insufficient clarification of the concept, the need for further work on its conceptual and functional formulations. As the assessment also covers the non-recognized states, the peculiarities, difficulties and possibilities of stateness assessment of non-recognized states are revealed. The article proposes a definition of stateness and an integral model for stateness assessment, which would make it possible to carry out the stateness assessment of both recognized and non-recognized states within the framework of one model. With the help of the developed ‘Peace Index’, the article comprehensively assesses the levels of stateness of the three recognized: Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan; and the three non-recognized states of the South Caucasus: Nagorno-Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia through all four fields of stateness – political, economic, social and security for the years of 2017 to 2022. On the basis of the carried-out assessment, the article articulates policy recommendations for the South Caucasus countries and the region as a whole - guiding how to handle the current delicate situation in this strategically and geopolitically important region. The article suggests a) an immediate regional integration, b) economic cooperation as a key for conflict resolution, c) change of peace mediation format, d) support to the reconsideration of government-civil society relations format, making the civil societies of the South Caucasus states the inner constant peace-demanders and development-forcers - as the package-wise steps to transfer the South Caucasus region from conflict to peace.
The concept of standard language has become highly controversial after the rise of the postmodernist paradigm. This article traces the roots of the concept in the studies of a group of European linguists who inquired into the spread of “common languages” and related it to the processes of modernization and the role of social elites and urban centers during the 1920s. It then reviews the central role it played in the studies on nationalism and nation-building after 1945 and discusses how the focus on structural, macro-historical processes as determinants of the emergence of standard languages came to be abandoned in classical and postmodernist approaches to language standardization. Finally, it suggests that Antonio Gramsci’s insights on the “language question” in Italy should be read on the background of the early research on common languages and suggests that a reconsideration of macro-historical approaches could contribute to the understanding of the spread of Global English.
We argue that education's effect on political participation in developing democracies depends on the strength of democratic institutions. Education increases awareness of, and interest in, politics, which help citizens to prevent democratic erosion through increased political participation. We examine Senegal, a stable but developing democracy where presidential over-reach threatened to weaken democracy. For causal identification, we use a difference-in-differences strategy that exploits variation in the intensity of a major school reform and citizens’ ages during reform implementation. Results indicate that schooling increases interest in politics and greater support for democratic institutions—but no increased political participation in the aggregate. Education increases political participation primarily when democracy is threatened, when support for democratic institutions among educated individuals is also greater.
Nationalism has long been a normatively and empirically contested concept, associated with democratic revolutions and public goods provision, but also with xenophobia, genocide, and wars. Moving beyond facile distinctions between 'good' and 'bad' nationalisms, the authors argue that nationalism is an empirically variegated ideology. Definitional disagreements, Eurocentric conceptualizations, and linear associations between ethnicity and nationalism have hampered our ability to synthesize insights. This Element proposes that nationalism can be broken down productively into parts based on three key questions: (1) Does a nation exist? (2) How do national narratives vary? (3) When do national narratives matter? The answers to these questions generate five dimensions along which nationalism varies: elite fragmentation and popular fragmentation of national communities; ascriptiveness and thickness of national narratives; and salience of national identities.
The recent resurgence of military coups in parts of Africa has revamped global scholarly attention on the causes of military intervention in politics and the consequences of military rule on the African continent. It must be emphasized that it is an understatement to say that military coups were in vogue in Africa between the 1950s and the late-1980s. Military coups were so rampant and were the most common way of carrying out regime change in many African nations in the past. As a result, Johnson et al. (1984) described the study of African politics as the study of military intervention and military rule. They also argued that military coups were the most frequent means of regime change in Africa (Johnson et al., 1984). Although military rule, in general, is seen as a bane to Africa’s democratic and economic development (Hyden, 2012; Oquaye, 1980), scholars are divided on whether there is a value for military regimes to Africa’s peace, stability, and development (McKinlay & Cohan, 1975; Nordlinger, 1970).
China's contemporary political economy features an emboldened role for the state as owner and regulator, and with markets expected to act in the service of party-state goals. How has the relationship between the state and different types of firms evolved? This Element situates China's reform-era political economy in comparative analytic perspective with attention to adaptations of its model over time. Just as other types of economies have generated internal dynamics and external reactions that undermine initial arrangements, so too has China's political economy. While China's state has always played a core role in development, over time prioritization of growth has shifted to a variant of state capitalism best described as, “party-state capitalism,” which emphasizes risk management and leadership by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Rather than reflecting long-held intentions of the CCP, the transition to party-state capitalism emerged from reactions to perceived threats and problems, some domestic and some external. These adaptations are refracted in the contemporary crises of global capitalism.This title is also available as open access on Cambridge Core.
Besides elaborating on various dimensions of ‘ideal of human unity’, the chapter explores the relevance of this concept for the contemporary world. Many of Sri Aurobindo’s reflections on international developments of his time including the rise and fall of the League of Nations, the establishment of the United Nations and its weakness, and the squabbling among the major powers, are relevant to a discussion on international politics in the twenty-first century world. Building on Sri Aurobindo’s integral perspective, it shows that in this perspective, individual’s inner development and their outward political organization and society are all interconnected, and a deeper understanding of them creates an enabling condition to build a peaceful society. In this context, the chapter examines concepts such as ‘national ego’ and ‘nation-soul’. It focuses on Auroville, the international township in South India. It also juxtaposes Sri Aurobindo’s ideal of human unity with the idea and practice of ‘global governance’.
Measuring the ability of governments to implement policy remains one of the most significant questions of political science. This paper presents the latest iteration of the Relative Political Capacity (RPC) dataset and introduces the Absolute Political Capacity measure. It then investigates the trends in political performance measures across time and space, and different political and economic characteristics. Covering 168 countries from 1960 to 2018, the RPC offers a comprehensive measure of state capacity that allows direct comparisons to be made across countries from all levels of development and will help researchers explore different dimensions of capacity and power.
The development of Marxist concepts of social conflict along with their connection with class struggle has been scarce and fragmentary. This vacant space is normally filled with categories borrowed from theories on collective action. The objective of this chapter is to attempt to determine the political composition processes in the working class from a critique of collective action theories. To that end, we will focus on some categories from the resource mobilization approach. We will propose that a Marxist analysis of the processes of class political composition cannot ignore the problem of collective action. We will base this problem on the process of subsumption of labor to capital and develop a work of critical appropriation of the categories: social infrastructure of mobilization, mobilization and organization.KeywordsCooperationCollective actionMarxism
This chapter, “Toward a Global Perspective on International Politics,” features chapters and articles published by Abdul Aziz Said in the 1960s. These selections highlight his engagement with classical International Relations thinking, his response to the “behavioral revolution,” his emphasis on the role of values and ideologies in politics, and his preoccupation not just with the dangers of the Cold War but also with cultural dynamics in international relations associated with decolonization and the “emergence of the non-West” on the global stage.
There is a need to use language in communication with a mass audience in ways that facilitate correct interpretation of the message. This Chapter evaluates the effectiveness of language use by MAMSER (Mass Mobilization for Self-reliance, Social Justice and Economic Recovery) in relation to its goal of mass information of its large heterogeneous target audience. The effectiveness of communication in the spoken medium was analyzed within the framework of rhetorical theory which permits the description of some contextual, linguistic and other devices contributing to or detracting from rhetorical effectiveness: audience analysis, interest and clarity. Findings from the study reveal awareness and mastery of the demands for which speaking situation has on speaking style and the audience. Furthermore, there is a high level of proficiency in the use of the language of communication.KeywordsAudienceCommunicationLanguage useRhetorical effectivenessSpeaking style
Scholars and practitioners seek development solutions through the engineering and strengthening of state institutions. Yet, the state is not the only or the primary arena shaping how citizens, service providers and state officials engage in actions that constitute politics and development. These individuals are members of religious orders, ethnic communities, and other groups that make claims on them, creating incentives that shape their actions. Recognizing how individuals experience these claims and view the choices before them is essential to understanding political processes and development outcomes. This Element establishes a framework elucidating these forces, which is key to knowledge accumulation, designing future research and effective programming. Taking an institutional approach, this Element explains how the salience of arenas of authority associated with various communities and the nature of social institutions within them affect politics and development. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
This compact volume covers the main developments in the social sciences since the Second World War. Chapters on economics, human geography, political science, psychology, social anthropology, and sociology will interest anyone wanting short, accessible histories of those disciplines, all written by experts in the relevant field; they will also make it easy for readers to make comparisons between disciplines. A final chapter proposes a blueprint for a history of the social sciences as a whole. Whereas most of the existing literature considers the social sciences in isolation from one other, this volume shows that they have much in common; for example, they have responded to common problems using overlapping methods, and cross-disciplinary activities have been widespread.
Despite calls to improve and systematize research on political participation in Latin America more than a decade ago (Kling 1964, Flores Olea 1967), the burgeoning literature on the subject has yet to achieve full recognition. Thus certain contradictory and incomplete traditional images still linger in the scholarly literature (Booth and Seligson 1978a). These treatments vary dramatically and almost bewilderingly: while one suggests that Latin Americans are becoming increasingly politically mobilized, two others hold that mass participation is very low and that most political activity is restricted to socioeconomic elites. Other images portray mass political participation as irrational and dwell upon political violence. Such familiar notions have often intertwined. For example, a common picture depicts most Latin Americans, and especially peasants, as politically passive and quiescent until provoked, when they may burst violently into the political arena (for example, see Forman 1971, Singelmann 1975, Handelman 1975b, Moreno 1970). Similarly Wiarda (1974, pp. 4–5) discusses how the image of mobilization often combines with that of violence, producing the notion that the rising political awareness and participation of Latin Americans leads inexorably to ever greater levels of conflict (e.g., Schmitt and Burks 1963, Hadley 1958, Petras and Zeitlin 1968, Petras 1968).
A general assumption of the modernization literature is that urbanized nations constitute more socially mobilized and therefore potentially demanding political environments (Thompson, p. 477; Deutsch, p. 498). The expansion of urban centers indicates the breakdown of traditional peasant society and the natural static political order that it represents. Consequently, Huntington (pp. 53–55) and others argue that nations undergoing the process of urbanization will tend to become more violent and politically unstable unless the new demands ultimately created by rural to urban migration are satisfied in the socioeconomic sphere or managed by capable political institutions.
On 11 September 1973, heavily armed troops attacked the Chilean Presidential Palace in Santiago and toppled the government of Dr. Salvador Allende. The military coup brought an end to Latin America's first democratically-elected Marxist government. Since the September military takeover, the Chilean armed forces have moved with unparalleled harshness to suppress the base of the Allende regime's popular support. The Allende government's efforts toward raising the consumption level of Chile's lower classes had earned his Popular Unity (Unidad Popular—UP) coalition a high degree of political support among the nation's working class and urban migrant population. Because his Socialist-Communist coalition had been actively competing since the 1960s with both the reformist Christian Democratic party (Partido Demócrata Cristiano—PDC) and the ultraradical Leftist Revolutionary Movement (Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria—MIR) for the support of the urban poor, Santiago's migrant shantytowns had an unusually high level of political mobilization. The squatter settlements outside of the capital provided some of the strongest support for Chile's various Marxist parties. Not surprisingly, since the military takeover many of Santiago's squatter communities have been subjected to mass arrests and even executions by the rightist government (Slaughterhouse, 1973; Terror, 1974).
Without exception, all studies of Caribbean industrial relations and the attendant conflicts have either been descriptive historical accounts of the emergence of labor movements and trade union parties or institutional analyses of the systems of collective bargaining developed in the postwar period. While these studies have been important in documenting industrial relations practices and the political dimension of Caribbean trade unionism, they lack both a rigorous comparative frame as well as a commitment to the measuring and testing of explanatory propositions. As a result, relevant behavioral data in this field remain crude, unanalyzed, and largely uncollected. Although the traditional emphases on historical, political, and institutional perspectives are desirable and important, particularly in view of the major social and political changes that both shaped and were influenced by the labor movement in the region, other perspectives are now necessary in coming to grips with the difficult task of comprehending and explaining patterns and variations in the relations between labor and capital in the Caribbean. These perspectives can only evolve through self-conscious attempts at both theory building and comparative analysis of quantitative data. This study represents a modest step in this direction that poses rather than answers some basic conceptual and theoretical questions, in view of the limits of the available data.
This chapter introduces a rejuvenated theory of pacted democracy. It returns to early writings on democratization inspired by the Third Wave, and investigates the rationalist thinking that might compel opposing political elites in a context of post-revolutionary struggle to compromise rather than endlessly battle. It proposes that in three interlocking contexts—namely extreme polarization, political parity, and normative diversity—political elites can seek positive-sum solutions to irreconcilable claims on power motivated by differing ideologies and divergent worldviews. It further argues that the situation in the Middle East and North Africa today is one ripe for pacting, as titanic conflicts for power between Islamist groups like the Muslim Brotherhood and non-Islamists like liberals will occur whenever sudden revolutionary uprisings weaken hegemonic dictatorships. These clashes also resemble the circumstances of pacting seen in other regions historically, such as Latin America and southern Europe. While pacting does not guarantee eternal democratic success, it gives democracy a fighting chance by helping to settle vicious ideological conflicts.
The empowerment of women is currently a vital issue appearing on political agendas at national and international levels. Accordingly, this research investigates the current situation regarding the use of social media (SM) by women in the Kingdom of Bahrain in terms of the preferences, purposes, and restrictions on using SM, the impact of SM, and women’s perception of the role of SM in empowering them economically, socially, and politically. A quantitative method was adopted by sending a total of 400 survey questionnaires to women distributed among the different governorates in the Kingdom of Bahrain. The results revealed that most SM use has a positive effect on the empowerment of women in the Kingdom of Bahrain, except for Snapchat and YouTube. The research findings include recommendations for training women in Bahrain to use SM to draw public attention to women’s rights, enhance the visibility of issues, and train gender promoters in strategic means for organizing online campaigns.
This dissertation investigates the causes for the divergent experiences of political and economic development of the provinces in Argentina. Despite the important fiscal and political resources less populated provinces receive, a large group of them are increasingly less dynamic economically and more dependent on fiscal resources coming from the national government. At the same time, local elites have tended to remain in power through patronage and have surpassed the autonomy of other powers, thus stagnating – and sometimes even reversing – the democratization process started in the country three decades ago. It proposes two explanatory variables that help to explain the sub-national democratization process in Argentina: the fiscal rentierism and the geographical distribution of resources within provinces. In the first case, it is used the theoretical framework of the “resource curse” that explain the paradoxical situation of oil exporting countries. Specifically it focuses on the mechanism through which this phenomenon operates looking to specific cases in detail. In trying to explain cases that have managed to escape the “curse”, it shows that in cases in which human and economic resources are dispersed, has helped those provinces to resist the centripetal forces of fiscal rentierism.
How does civil war affect citizen engagement with democracy? Civilians who live through warfare face numerous disruptions to everyday life that can have permanent effects on political engagement even after peace is achieved. This article analyzes the role of depressed living standards resulting from education loss during the Liberia Civil War as a case study of war-related deprivation. I argue that the negative effects of war on education and economic outcomes clash with the expectations that citizens have for postwar democracy, with adverse consequences for political participation. I demonstrate support for this argument using a mixed methods approach, combining qualitative interviews with census, voting, and Afrobarometer survey data. I leverage a difference-in-differences identification strategy to causally identify the negative impact of conflict on human capital for a generation of young adults, and on the downstream consequences of disruptions in education on political participation. Results indicate that children who were of school age during the civil war are differentially less likely to have any formal schooling by the end of the war. I further find that educational deficiencies disproportionately decrease postwar job prospects, breeding resentment against the newly elected government. This extends to political participation: those who lost out on educational opportunities due to war exhibit lower political engagement and less desire to engage with democratic processes.
Dünyada bir düzen vardır. Dünya düzeni siyasal düzenin bir parçasıdır. Siyaset biliminde düzene ilişkin teorilerin çatı kavramı olan siyasal düzen teorisi, dünya düzeninin ardındaki temel teoridir. Aynı zamanda siyasal düzen teorisi dünya siyasetinin bütüncül bir şekilde anlaşılması için önemli bakış açısı sunar. Siyasal düzen teorisinin bu kadar önemli olmasının nedeni, siyasal yapıların hâkim bir anlayış doğrultusunda gelişen bir siyasal düzen içerisinde var olduğu gerçeğidir. Siyasal düzen teorisi konusunda en kapsamlı bilimsel açıklamaları Samuel P. Huntington yapmıştır. Samuel Huntington 20. yüzyılın en önemli siyasal düşünürleri ve siyaset bilimcileri arasındadır. Siyasal düzen teorisinin ve Huntington’un bu önemine karşın, Huntington’da siyasal düzen teorisi literatürde yeterince açıklanmamıştır. Bu makalenin amacı, Samuel Huntington’un siyasal teorilerinin ve özellikle de siyasal düzen teorisinin bütüncül ve bilimsel bir şekilde açıklanmasına katkı sunmaktır. Bu doğrultuda yapılacak bir inceleme siyasal düzen olgusu ile teorisi arasındaki ilişkiyi ortaya koymayı da hedeflemektedir. Huntington’un siyasal düzen teorisi Amerikan hegemonyası savunusunun bir parçasıdır. Huntington yeni dünya düzeni döneminin teorisyenleri arasında yer alır. Bu doğrultuda, bu makale Amerikan hegemonyası savunucularının önemli tezlerini de açıklamaktadır. Huntington’un siyasal düzen teorisi dört başlıkta ele alınabilir: kurumsallaşma, ulusal siyasal düzenin unsurları, değişim karşısında siyasal düzen ve yeni dünya düzeni teorisi. Siyasal partiler, siyasal katılma ve siyasal kültür Huntington’a göre, ulusal siyasal düzenin temel unsurlarıdır. Sonuçta, Huntington’un siyasal düzen teorisi, dünyada devam eden siyasal düzen olgusunun ardında önemli bir teorik zemin olarak durmaktadır.
Pode-se constatar atualmente a abertura de um período mais propício a construção de Estado na África. Isso sugere uma tendência de ampliação do campo de estudo sobre África no Brasil, haja vista o crescente protagonismo do continente nas relações internacionais e na política externa brasileira.
Este livro procura contribuir para esse profícuo caminho. Trata-se de uma versão mais enxuta e atualizada da pesquisa de mestrado realizada entre 2009 e 2011 na Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS). Entre as reduções, estão algumas notas de rodapé de caráter mais teórico-analítico e originais de citações traduzidas para o português. Entre as atualizações estão o estudo sobre as origens históricas do Estado congolês, a descrição mais detalhada e atualizada da Segunda Guerra do Congo e do atual Estado de Violência e a seção que aborda as relações entre Brasil e RDC. O estudo também serviu de base para a pesquisa de doutoramento realizada no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Estudos Estratégicos Internacionais da UFRGS, vinculado ao Centro Brasileiro de Estudos Africanos (CEBRAFRICA).
The fifth chapter “The Armed Conflict in the Republic of
Macedonia in 2001: from the Escalation of Albanian Macedonian Conflict to the Signing the Ohrid Framework
Agreement” by Frosina Remenski analyses the nature, structure
and purpose of the Ohrid Framework Agreement (OFA) and the
process of negotiations that preceded its signing. Signed on Au�gust 13, 2001 by the major political parties in the country at that
time as well as by the President of the Republic of Macedonia and
the international mediators (Special Representative of European 19
Union in Macedonia and US Special Envoy), it put an end to the
ethnic conflict in the Republic of Macedonia, preserved the sovereignty, the territorial integrity and unitary nature of the state, and
established certain mechanisms of power-sharing and self-governance. However, the question remains whether the “Macedonian model” of conflict resolution is a success that could or
should be applied in other ethnic conflicts.
The chapter examines the role of the international community (EU, USA, OSCE and NATO) during the negotiations and
signing of the agreement and the institutional design established
by the OFA within the existing theories of conflict resolution (integrative and consociational theory). To this end, the chapter analyses the official documents and reviews the existing literature.
Based on the analysis, the chapter argues that the international
community played a significant role in preventing an escalation of
violence in Macedonia. The Macedonian case, thus, provides a
solid base for discussion of the crisis management capabilities of
regional organizations.
Nothing compels the reexamination of basic constitutional postulates so much as the possibility of their peaceful revision. Hence the much-advertised United Nations Review Conference underscores the need for contrasting the theoretical structure of the Charter with the reality of the practices which have evolved within its framework. Such an effort, while it might give support to those who strive for severe alterations of the structure, may also lead to the conclusion that even though the operational practices of international organization fail to meet the specifications of the Charter, peace might be more secure in the Cold War era if it is permitted to depend on operational vagaries rather than on legal precision. What, then, is the basic theory of the Charter and what the actual practice?
About the beginning of the present century, the economic historian Werner Sombart proposed an interesting generalization. The share of foreign trade in total national income, he said, was bound to decline in every country as it became more industrialized.
The organization of the world's ninety-odd states into various systems of competing and overlapping regional associations has now been a fact of international relations for over ten years. It cannot be said that as a fact it has gone unnoticed. On the contrary, regionalism has given rise to a floodtide of literature bitterly critical of the development or determined to justify it as a necessity for world security and a support for a sagging UN structure.
- Emerson
- Almond