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Certification meets NAFTA: More schizophrenia in the misguided war
Abstract
This paper traces the antecedents and implementation of the so-called US certification process in the Western Hemisphere. It portrays certification as an emblematic component of an ongoing, yet ultimately ineffective and counterproductive, hemispheric anti-drug war based upon supply-side policies and unilateralism. The paper illustrates how the apparently inconstant application of the process in the region reveals the continuing existence of some awkward contradictions within US narcotic foreign policy. It is argued that issues of trade and commerce have now replaced Cold War political considerations as a cause of inconsistent transnational anti-drug policy. A discussion of US–Mexico narco-diplomatic relations since the creation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) provides evidence of the systemically imposed and now well-ingrained practice of sacrificing drug control to other US foreign policy considerations.
... Il en est de même pour un État membre de la communauté internationale de l'onu. Le fait que certaines règles soient perçues injustes parce que construite par les États les plus puissants -tout comme le droit national est issu des rapports de force dans une société donnée, qu'il y ait des inégalités dans l'application de la loi -tout comme dans l'application du 7. La narcodiplomatie pour dénigrer, menacer, appauvrir et même attaquer des pays qui n'obtempèrent pas à leurs politiques s'est traduite aux États-Unis en processus de certification en matière de drogues qui, en fait, n'a rien à voir avec celles-ci (Beauchesne, 2006a;Bewley-Taylor, 1998;Brouet, 1991;Labrousse, 2001;Sauloy et Le Bonniec, 1992). droit national, que des membres de la communauté internationale ne se conforment pas à certaines règles -tout comme en droit national, ne signifie pas que l'on fait fi du droit et que les règles ne sont pas nécessaires. ...
Cet article a été écrit pour une revue brésilienne (Tempo social) afin d'expliquer les défis qui attendaient le gouvernement fédéral pour légaliser le cannabis tant au plan de la loi comme telle qu'au regard des conventions internationales sur les drogues.
... Il en est de même pour un État membre de la communauté internationale de l'onu. Le fait que certaines règles soient perçues injustes parce que construite par les États les plus puissants -tout comme le droit national est issu des rapports de force dans une société donnée, qu'il y ait des inégalités dans l'application de la loi -tout comme dans l'application du 7. La narcodiplomatie pour dénigrer, menacer, appauvrir et même attaquer des pays qui n'obtempèrent pas à leurs politiques s'est traduite aux États-Unis en processus de certification en matière de drogues qui, en fait, n'a rien à voir avec celles-ci (Beauchesne, 2006a;Bewley-Taylor, 1998;Brouet, 1991;Labrousse, 2001;Sauloy et Le Bonniec, 1992). droit national, que des membres de la communauté internationale ne se conforment pas à certaines règles -tout comme en droit national, ne signifie pas que l'on fait fi du droit et que les règles ne sont pas nécessaires. ...
On October 19th, 2015, the Liberal government of Canada, which was elected with a majority, had in its election promises the legalization of cannabis. He will follow through with this promise. A discussion paper was issued in June 2016 setting the stage for the Working Group on Legalization and Regulation of Cannabis, which issued its Report on November 30th 2016. This Report, the Government explained, will be one of the tools to develop its legislative framework and will serve as a basis for discussions with Provinces and Territories, as well as experts who will have to manage this regulatory framework. In this article, we will see the main political challenges facing the Government in these discussions with the Provinces and Territories, as well as experts, considering the questions posed on the five aspects of regulation in the Discussion Paper. To identify these challenges, in addition to the lessons learned from the studies regarding the situation in Colorado and Washington, will be grafted the learning of the studies on the current management of legal drugs. Firstly, the challenges related to the very arrival of this law are outlined. Subsequently, the challenges related to the public health objective, the production, processing and distribution system, the regulatory framework, and the more specific issue of cannabis for therapeutic purposes will be exposed. We will see why the application of this law will be complex, costly and can easily deviate from the original objectives. Short- and long-term monitoring will be required to ensure that the various levels of government retain the primacy of public health and consider the use of criminal justice as a last resort.
... There is a long history here rooted in complex relationships over time between the U.S. and Latin American countries, particularly Mexico. I do not propose to explore this history in any detail; it has been dealt with comprehensively in the literature (see, for example, Bewley-Taylor, 1998;Morris, 2003). It should be noted that, although the Majors List covers any country that fits the specific definition in the FAA, most debate in the U.S. Congress has revolved around the certification (or not) of Latin American countries and they, of all affected states, have been the harshest critics of the process (Latin America Working Group, 2000). ...
The use of a listing and certification process has been a critical part of coercive strategies used by the United States (U.S.) to further its drug control policies internationally. Through this process, the U.S. has conscripted drug-producing and drug-transiting states into the War on Drugs. Non-cooperative states have been threatened with a combination of aid and trade sanctions. Recently, changes were made to the certification process in response to both domestic pressures and widespread criticisms that the process was ineffective, hypocritical and unfair, fostered conflict, was applied inconsistently and arbitrarily, and emphasised military solutions to the drug problem at the expense of human rights. This paper explores those changes and questions whether they have answered these criticisms. The author concludes that the reforms are for the most part cosmetic, designed to ensure that the process is more palatable because it is more nuanced. The linkage now being made between the War on Drugs and the War on Terror ensures that decision-makers in the U.S. will continue to think of the drug problem as a national security issue and of U.S. drug policy as a weapon. Coercion remains fundamental to U.S. strategy for international illicit drug control. It is this that will ensure continued subscription by the majority of states to the tenets of the U.S.'s War on Drugs with ongoing implications for human rights and poverty in targeted countries.
Le gouvernement libéral du Canada élu majoritaire le 19 octobre 2015 avait dans ses promesses électorales la légalisation du cannabis. Il tiendra parole. Un document de discussion fut publié en juin 2016 donnant les assises au Groupe de travail sur la légalisation et la réglementation du cannabis qui a rendu son rapport le 30 novembre 2016. Ce rapport, a expliqué le gouvernement, sera un des outils pour élaborer son cadre législatif et servira de base aux discussions avec les provinces et territoires, de même qu’avec les experts qui auront à gérer ce cadre réglementaire. Dans cet article, nous verrons les principaux défis politiques, sociaux et économiques qui attendent le gouvernement dans ces discussions avec les provinces et territoires, de même qu’avec les experts en ce qui a trait aux recommandations du rapport. Il s’organise autour des questions posées sur les cinq aspects de la réglementation dans le document de discussion. Pour identifier ces défis, en plus des apprentissages retenus par les études sur la situation au Colorado et à Washington, se grefferont les apprentissages des études quant à la gestion actuelle des drogues légales. En premier lieu sont exposés les défis liés à l’arrivée même de cette loi, puis ceux qui touchent à l’objectif de santé publique, au système de production, de transformation et de distribution, au contrôle du cadre réglementaire, et enfin, à la question plus spécifique du cannabis à des fins thérapeutiques. Nous verrons pourquoi l’application de cette loi sera complexe, coûteuse et pourra aisément dévier des objectifs de départ. Une surveillance à court et à long terme sera nécessaire pour s’assurer que les différents niveaux de gouvernement conservent la primauté de la santé publique et considèrent l’usage du pénal en dernier recours.
This project attempts to examine the history, evolution, and rapid expansion of the drug trade industry in Mexico. Drug trafficking organizations have caused crime and violence to reach unprecedented levels on both sides of the border. As a result of economic and social struggle, a new form of Mexico’s capitalist state has emerged. This so-called Narco-state is battling a war against drugs which is ultimately failing due to the quickly evolving facets of organized crime. Drugs, human trafficking, and pirated property are all part of the multi-billion dollar import and export business. This generation’s culture of corruption has made its way to even the highest levels of the Mexican state government. As a result of intimidation, violence, and practically unlimited funds, the power struggle between government and organized crime has arguably been shifted in favor of the cartels. By summarizing and analyzing the points made in Ioan Grillo’s book El Narco, I attempt to provide a clear and accurate picture of the current issues involving the drug trade as well as our national response to it (or lack there of). It is necessary to educate ourselves regarding these often grim and sometimes overlooked current events in order to change them. By drawing examples from film, interviews, and music, this project may shed light on the evolving threat, proposed solutions, and the emerging culture of drug trafficking in Mexico.
The horrific events of September 11, 2001 led to calls for the deployment of state-of-the-art security systems and the creation of an “invisible shield” to protect America. Such proposals immediately triggered debate about the constitutional ethics of surveillance in the United States. While there has been widespread support for the surrender of some cherished civil liberties in the war against terror, surveillance, especially the visual variety, is still seen to be innately un-American. Technologies like biometric face recognition systems, critics argue, are not consistent with the values of an open society and should consequently be considered with great caution. The widespread introduction of such invasive technology, pundits claim, would signal a victory for the terrorists.
Many American commentators fail to recognize, however, that the United States, far from being the open society they imagine, has long been characterized by exclusion. Moreover, such exclusion is increasingly enforced by the same high technology of which biometrics is a part. In fact, for at least a decade before the declaration of the war on terror, the United States has been undergoing a multifaceted process of fortification both within its cities and at the US-Mexican frontier. Investigation of this phenomena reveals the central role of the US’s longest running concept war, the war on drugs. This paper argues that within this narrative biometric surveillance and the creation of “an invisible wall” should not be regarded as a break with American traditions but as the next organic phase of an ongoing process of fortifying the United States.
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The U.S. policy of "certifying" whether drug-trade nations are aiding interdiction efforts does little. Reducing domestic demand is better than attacking foreign supply.
This work argues the U.S. War on Drugs is a misnomer. We suggest, instead, that it is secondary to traditional anti-Communist foreign policy concerns. Thus, the war on drugs serves to mask the U.S. counter-intelligence and paramilitary presence abroad.
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