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CoJS Newsletter • March 2010 • Issue 5
24
New Developments in Aniconic Jaina Iconography
Peter Flügel
__________________________________________________________________________________
T
here are two principal ways in which the two main
objects of worship in the Jaina tradition, the liber-
ated Jinas and mendicants reborn in heaven, are mate-
rially represented: statues, bimbas, pratimās or mūrtis,
and footprint-images, caraṇa-pādukās. Numerous pub-
lications have been devoted to the study of Jaina portrait
statues and temples. However, the signicance of foot-
print images and other features of aniconic Jaina iconog-
raphy in contemporary Jainism has not been seriously
investigated.
1
U.P. Shah (1955), in his classic work Stud-
ies in Jaina Art does not even mention caraṇa-pādukās
in the context of his examination of aniconic symbols in
Jainism, nor does K. Bruhn (1994) in his article “Jaina,
Iconograa”.
2
In this brief report I will review the development of an-
iconic iconography in the originally anti-iconic or protes-
tant Śvetāmbara Jaina movements that emerged from the
15th century onwards: the Loṅkāgaccha, Sthānakavāsī
and Terāpanth Śvetāmbara traditions. While the role
of aniconic representations in the early history of Jaina
religious art remains uncharted territory, and probably
will continue to be, the re-emergence of selected forms
of image-worship in the aniconic Jaina traditions can be
reconstructed. There is no doubt about the explicit prohi-
bition of mūrtipūjā, image -or idol- worship, in all three
protestant Jaina traditions.
3
However, only few sub-sects
of the Sthānakavāsī tradition remain anti-iconic in their
practice to this day. The surviving segments of the Loṅkā
tradition, now almost extinct, the Terāpanth, and many
Sthānakavāsī traditions re-introduced forms of aniconic
iconography such as stūpas, footprint images, empty
thrones or sacred texts into the religious cult, which
resembles the repertoire of early Jaina and Buddhist
aniconic art. Sthānakavāsī mendicants, such as Ācārya
Vijayānandasūri (1837-1897), who reverted to full iconi-
cism were absorbed into the Mūrtipūjaka tradition.
In the history of the protestant Jaina traditions a devel-
opment from charismatic to routinised forms of religion
is noticeable. It is characterised by a progressive replace-
ment of a radical anti-iconic – though never iconoclastic
– orientation by a doctrinally ambiguous aniconic cult
with focus on non-anthropomorphic ritual objects. Broad-
ly three phases can be distinguished: (1) The dominance
of anti-iconic movements between the 15th to 18th cen-
turies; (2) the consolidation of a physical infrastructure
of upāśrayas or sthānakas and isolated funerary monu-
ments in the late 18th and 19th centuries; and (3) the full
development of sectarian networks of sacred places and
1 In the Study of Religions the term “icon” refers to an artistic repre-
sentation of a sacred being, object or event. The term “aniconic” is of-
ten used is as a synonym of the words “anti-iconic” and “iconoclastic”
which designate the rejection of the creation or veneration of images,
and the destruction of images of a sacred being, object or event. In Art
History, the word “aniconic” is used in a less loaded way as a symbol
that stands for something without resembling it. Because of these
ambiguities, the specic attributes of an “aniconic tradition” therefore
need to be identied in each case.
Bakker (1991: 3, 8, 30) traced archaeological evidence for
(viṣṇu) padas from the rst centuries CE.
3 Flügel (008: 1ff.). There is no evidence of Islamic inuence.
of an aniconic Jaina iconography, including the internet,
during the revival of Jainism in the 0th and early 1st
centuries. The following observations focus on the un-
precedented construction of tīrthas, places of pilgrimage,
in contemporary aniconic Jaina traditions.
Burial ad sanctos
A most remarkable development of the last hundred
years, not yet recorded in the literature, is the emergence
of the phenomenon of the necropolis in the aniconic Jaina
traditions, which in certain respects serves as a functional
equivalent of the temple city in the Mūrtipūjaka and Dig-
ambara traditions, though on a smaller scale. For anicon-
ic Jaina traditions, which by doctrine are not permitted
to worship images and to build temples, the mendicants
are the only universally acceptable symbols of the Jaina
ideals and the focus of religious life. It is not surprising,
therefore, that in those aniconic traditions that permitted
the erection of samādhis for renowned mendicants sacred
sites with multiple funeral monuments developed. Two
contemporary examples will sufce to demonstrate how
the Jaina cult of the stūpa
4
can become the seed of an
aniconic cult of the tīrtha.
5
The Mahān Gurūo Jain Samādhi Sthal next to the
Mahākālī temple in Ambālā features no less than twenty-
ve samādhis for Sthānakavāsī mendicants of which at
least ten are dedicated to sādhvīs (some are unmarked).
The suspicion that most of the samādhis are relic stūpas
is supported by a plaque which records that the cost of
the relic vessel, kalaśa, and the dome, samādhi guṃbad,
was paid for by an Osvāl from Ludhiyānā in memory of
the virtues, puṇya smṛti, of his deceased wife. This is also
common knowledge and orally conrmed by local Jains.
The samādhis are tightly packed together, forming a
melange of different architectural styles. Four architec-
tural types, reecting developmental stages, can be dis-
tinguished. Twelve smaller solid or hollowed out shrines
See Flügel (010).
5 Cf. Schopen (1994:362).
Fig 1 Samādhi Sthal of Tapasvī Sudarśan Muni (1905-1997) and
other “Great Gurus” in Ambālā
CoJS Newsletter • March 2010 • Issue 5
25
with niches for oil lamps or offerings, some of them with
domed chatrīs, all painted in pink and red, form a sty-
listic ensemble. According to inscriptions, most of them
were constructed in the 1960s and 1970s. The two oldest
and most important shrines, of Tapasvī Lālcand, a native
of Ambālā, a poor shoemaker from a low caste who be-
came a Sthānakavāsī monk under Muni Uttamcand of an
unknown Sthānakavāsī lineage and died in 183 through
the religious rite of voluntary self-starvation, santhārā,
and of “Pañjāb Kesarī” Ācārya Kāṃśīrām (188-195),
one of the most important leaders of the Pañjāb Lavjī Ṛṣi
Sampradāya, were renovated in the same modern style
in which the funerary monument of Kāṃśīrām’s monas-
tic great-grandson disciple, prapautra, Tapasvī Sudarśan
Muni (1905-1997) was constructed. (Fig.1) These mod-
ern buildings are not solid structures but feature interior
shrines with caraṇa-pādukās; in the case of Lālcand a
two-storey marble-clad building with spaces for circu-
mambulation of the footprint-image on the upper oor
and of prints with detailed instructions on the mode of
worship and its “miraculous” benets on the ground oor.
The perceived importance of the deceased is reected
in the relative size of the stūpa. Some older unmarked
smaller shrines, painted in white, the third type, were in-
tegrated in the shrine of Kāṃśīrām with a new common
roof. The three most recent relic shrines, for Tapasvinī
Sādhvī Svarṇa Kāṃtā (199-001) and two of her associ-
ate nuns, are marked by small interconnected platforms,
cābutarās, made of shiny marble and attached posters
with their photos and biographical data. The combined
shrine is covered with a roof made of corrugated iron.
Key to the site are the enduring belief in the miracle
working power of Muni Lālcand and of his remains,
and the connection with the line of the Pañjāb Lavjī Ṛṣi
Sampradāya of Ācārya Kāṃśīrām and his disciples, for
whom the Hariyāṇā town of Ambālā, the “Gate to the
Pañjāb” with its strategically important upāśraya, be-
came a preferred place for performing the Jaina rite of
death through self-starvation, known as sallekhanā or
santhārā. Many mendicants of the Pañjāb Lavjī Ṛṣi tra-
dition came to spend their old age in Ambāla in the aus-
picious presence of Lālcand in order to benet from his
“good vibrations”, as the present writer was told, that is,
to derive inspirational strength for the wilful performance
of a good death, paṇḍita- or samādhi maraṇa. Though
cremations are now performed outside the sprawling city,
the bone relics of the mendicants are buried ad sanctos
next to Lālcand. In this way, a veritable Jaina necropo-
lis emerged over the last century. It is a signicant de-
velopment in the Jaina tradition, nowhere more evident
than at this site in Ambālā, that an increasing number of
sādhvīs are honoured with funerary monuments, reect-
ing changing social values.
The second example is a site known as Samādhi Bha-
van, located at Pacakuriyāṃ Mārg in Lohā Maṇḍī, a
small town which is now part of Āgrā. The site is owned
by the local Jaina Agravāl organisation, which from the
eighteenth century onwards was closely associated with
the Sthānakavāsī Manohardās-Tradition, and still serves
as a cremation ground for both laity and mendicants.
Laity is cremated in a large dugout called svargadhām,
heavenly paradise, that is fortied with bricks, and their
remains are discarded in the Yamunā River, while men-
dicants are incinerated on a permanent raised platform
constructed on the lawn in the small park adjacent to
the main cremation ground. Their remains are entombed
on site. Seventeen samādhis are currently identiable,
many of them unmarked. At least two are dedicated to
named nuns Sādhvī Campakmālā (190-1995) (Fig. )
and Sādhvī Vuddhimatī (died 1997). The name of the
site is derived from the 197 renovated shrine of the
principal local saint Muni Ratnacandra or Ratancand
(1793-186), a well-known scholar born in a Rājpūt fam-
ily near Jaipur who held debates with European Jesu-
its and members of other religions. He belonged to the
Nūṇakaraṇ line of the Manohardās Sampradāy.Since the
male line of this tradition, which for a while was well
integrated into the Śramaṇasaṅgha, has now died out,
the necropolis is an enduring monument to its memory
(even if some of the few unmarked monuments may have
been built for mendicants of other Sthānakavāsī lineag-
es). All samādhis feature caraṇa-pādukās. The recently
renovated samādhis additionally display portrait photo-
graphs and supplementary texts and/or colourful reliefs
which narrate the life story of the saints. The samādhis,
renowned for their wish-fullling qualities, are venerated
daily by individual members of the local Sthānakavāsī
community. However, since the funerary park is distant
from the main Bāzār area where many Jaina Agravāls
still live, a small commemorative shrine, a glass cabinet
containing a printed reproduction of a painting of Ratan-
cand and a rajoharaṇa was created in the main sthānak
of Lohā Maṇḍī. The colourfully painted assembly hall
of the sthānaka features an empty throne, gaddī, made
of marble and an imposing Namaskāra Mantra relief as
the main aniconic objects of veneration. This seat is not
Fig Footprint image of Sādhvī Campakmālā (190-
1995) with Namaskāra Mantra and photo at the
Samādhī Bhavan site in Lohā Maṇḍī
CoJS Newsletter • March 2010 • Issue 5
26
a personalised “relic of use”, like the surviving gaddīs
of the Loṅkāgaccha yati Ācārya Kalyāṇacandra (1833-
1887) or of famed Sthānakavāsī ācāryas in Gujarāt, but
a generalised symbolic object, explicitly dedicated to the
ve Jaina parameṣṭīs.
Like in Ambālā, in Lohā Maṇḍī the development of
the necropolis as a sacred site is historically linked to the
attempt of a locally dominant monastic sub-lineage to es-
tablish durable institutional roots in a dynamic sectarian
milieu. A motivating factor is the belief in the continuing
powers of a deceased saint and the ensuing practice of
burial ad sanctos. While avoiding outright idol-worship,
two-dimensional iconic images and three-dimensional
aniconic images are systematically used for this purpose.
Most signicant are the footprint-images which only
mark cremation or burial sites in the aniconic traditions.
They are rarely openly displayed, but housed in shrines
of different shapes and sizes - sometimes older struc-
tures being wrapped in layers of later, grander structures
through successive renovations. The shrines are gener-
ally worshipped individually once a day through infor-
mal rituals involving touch, bowing and silent prayers
or meditation. Occasionally, worship –performed both
for soteriological and for instrumental purposes or sim-
ply out of habit- involves the application of owers, but
despite many parallels, there is never an elaborate pūjā
ritual as at the dādābāṛīs of the Kharatara Gaccha tradi-
tion studied by J. Laidlaw (1985: 60f.) and L. A. Babb
(1996: 17).
The structural relationship between sthānaka and
samādhi sthal in the two examples selected from the
great variety of aniconic Jaina traditions resembles the
relationship between upāśraya and mandira in the idol-
worshipping Jaina traditions. But in contrast to the image-
worshipping traditions, in the aniconic Jaina traditions
the main symbolic representations of the Jaina ideals re-
main the living mendicants rather than anthropomorphic
statues of the Jinas (photos or drawings of Jina statues
are widely used by followers of the aniconic traditions
but peripheral to their religious culture). A problem for
the cult of the samādhi and of the multi-shrined necropo-
lis is that it invokes primarily the example, values and
powers of a particular deceased mendicant and of his or
her lineage or monastic order, not of the Jaina tradition
in general. This limits the potential for symbolic univer-
salisation within the aniconic traditions and propels them
back toward either idol-worship or imageless meditation
– or both.
Pilgrimage Places
One of several new ecumenical shrines intended to serve
as a common reference point for all branches of the
Sthānakavāsī and Mūrtipūjaka Śvetāmbara traditions in
the Pañjāb, which seems to underscore these conclusions,
is the Ādiśvara Dhām that is currently under construc-
tion in the village of Kuppakalāṃ next to the Ludhiyānā–
Māler Koṭlā highway. It was inspired by the late Vimal-
muni (19-009), a politically inuential modern monk
of the Sthānakavāsī Pañjāb Lavjī Ṛṣi tradition, who af-
ter leaving the Sthānakavāsī Śramaṇasaṅgha received
an honorary ācārya title from Upādhyāya Amarmuni at
Vīrāyatan in 1990. The unique design of the religious site
was agreed in 199 with Ācārya Vijaya Nityānanda of
the Mūrtipūjaka Tapā Gaccha Vallabha Samudāya II and
Ācārya Dr Śivmuni of the Śramaṇasaṅgha, the leaders
of the two main rival Jaina traditions in the Pañjāb, who
both supported the project. The main shrine combines a
traditional Ādiśvara temple in the Mūrtipūjaka style on
the rst oor of the tower of the main shrine, prāsāda,
with a large Sthānakavāsī style assembly cum medita-
tion hall (which is usually situated in a sthānaka). The
rst oor of the hall features a “mūrti gallery” which also
holds an image of the tīrthaṅkara Sīmandhara Svāmī
“currently living” in Mahāvideha, and a plate with the
Trimantra of the Akram Vijñān Mārg.
The design of the shrine is quite unusual. Though
based on classical paradigms in the Śilpaśāstras, in this
case the Śilpa Ratnākara by Nardā Śaṅkara, creative
modications were introduced. Vimalmuni insisted on
a disproportionately large temple hall, maṇḍapa, which
dominates the tower, śikhara, housing the main shrine.
The allocation of the garbhagṛha with the Ādiśvara im-
age to the rst oor further changed the symmetries of
the classical paradigm. Yet, the key innovation is the con-
struction of two additional underground levels not found
in any other shrine. Located below the central pravacana
hall is a large meditation hall oriented toward a covered
aperture at the centre. A barely visible ight of stairs,
locked with iron gates, leads to a second underground
level, the so-called guru mandira. The visitor arrives
rst in a square antechamber, facing two rows of quasi
naturalistic portrait statues of six famous Pañjābī monks
of the last two centuries, four of the Sthānakavāsī Lavjī
Ṛṣi Sampradāya, one of the Sthānakavāsī Nāthurām
Jīvrāj Sampradāya, and one of the ex-Sthānakavāsī
Mūrtipūjaka ācārya Vijayānandasūri. (Fig 3) An adja-
cent platform features portrait statues of three renowned
sādhvīs of the Pañjāb Lavjī Ṛṣi tradition, amongst them
Sādhvī Svarṇa Kāṃtā.From the antechamber, a meander-
ing passage leads to the central shrine, a medium-sized
Fig 3 Portrait statues of renowned Pañjābi Sthānakavāsī monks and
of Ācārya Vijayānandasūri inside the Ādiśvara Dhām in Kuppakalāṃ
CoJS Newsletter • March 2010 • Issue 5
27
spherical room located right underneath the central point
of the meditation hall above to which it is connected with
an oblique round opening in the ceiling. In a series of
niches along the wall from left to right eleven portrait
statues of Sthānakavāsī monks are displayed. The rst of
the ve ācāryas of the Pañjāb Lavjī Ṛṣi Sampradāya are
followed by the three deceased Śramaṇsaṅgha ācāryas,
including two non-Pañjābīs, and nally three further
renowned Pañjābī Sthānakavāsī monks. On the marble
pedestal at the centre of the room, containing a collec-
tion box, are portrait statues of Vimalmuni’s three im-
mediate predecessors presented underneath the opening
towards the meditation hall above.The two underground
chambers housing this unique ensemble of statues are
constructed in such as way as to amplify sounds in order
to invite meditative humming in front of the statues. The
sound travels through the opening in the ceiling from the
bedrock of the shrine upwards to the larger meditation
hall. Pūjā is not to be performed.
This so-called guru mandira was inaugurated on 18
May 005 by Ācārya Dr Śivmuni and Ācārya Vimal-
muni. Next to the Ādiśvara Dhām are four other build-
ings: two administrative blocks, one vast upāśraya which
will serve as a “retirement home” for old nuns, and a
Dhyāna Sādhanā Sādhu-Sādhvī Sevā Kendra, construct-
ed on request of Ācārya Dr Śivmuni for the practice of
meditation as outlined in his books. Plans for a samādhi
for the late Vimalmuni await approval from Ācārya Dr
Śivmuni.
Ecumenical shrines such as this were rst devised by
the Jaina Diaspora (which also contributes funding for
the Ādiśvara Dhām). Yet, few iconographic innovations
were introduced by NRIs. Already half a century ago, if
not earlier, it became customary in most aniconic tradi-
tions in India to display photographs of prominent monks
and nuns in upāśrayas, samādhis and in the homes of
disciples for commemoration if not for worship. Often
photographs of deceased saints are displayed in conjunc-
tion with a two or three-dimensional aniconic cult object,
such as an empty or occupied “lion throne” or siṃhāsana.
6
The ensuing controversy over the religious status of two-
dimensional representations such as photographs, line
drawings and reliefs still divides the aniconic Jaina tradi-
tions. Yet, three-dimensional statues such as those dis-
played in the subterranean vaults of the Ādiśvara Dhām
presenting recently deceased monks and nuns as objects
of meditative worship were previously only produced
by the Mūrtipūjaka and Digambara traditions.
7
Despite
protests, in the last decade portrait statues were set up of
the Sthānakavāsī Upādhyāya Amarmuni (1903-199) at
Vīrāyatan in Rājagṛha (Fig ) and of the Terāpanth Ācārya
Tulsī (191-1997) in Bikaner (in a hospital) and in a com-
memorative shrine at New Delhi. The three portrait stat-
ues of Sthānakavāsī nuns in Kuppakalāṃ may be the rst
stone images of female mendicants in the aniconic tradi-
6 The chatrī of the indoor “Ānanda Siṃhāsana” shelters a four-sided
pillar featuring a portrait photo and inscriptions of the Namaskāra
Mantra, etc., in memory of Ācārya Ānandṛṣi’s cāturmāsa in Māler
Koṭlā of 1968. On conventional Jaina siṃhāsana iconography, see
Hegewald (010: 11ff.).
7 For examples of guru mandiras, see Hegewald (009: 8-7).
tions. Physical worship is prevented in all cases across
sects by either encasing the images with glass covers or
making access as unattractive as possible. In reply to the
question of the legitimacy of worshipping photographs,
citra, and other physical representations of Sthānakavāsī
mendicants, Jñānmuni (1958/1985 II: 366f.), a leading
intellectual of the Śramaṇasaṅgha, in his book Hamāre
Samādhān, Our Solution, stated the following view. From
the historical perspective, aitihāsik dṛṣṭi, such images are
of great benet, baṛe lābh. But venerating, vandana, and
worshipping, pūjā, is not right. If this is not done and pic-
tures are used only for spreading information then even
from a scriptural point of view, saiddhāntik dṛṣṭi, there is
no fault: “The Sthānakavāsī tradition is not opposed to
images but to image-worship”(sthānakavāsī paramparā
kā virodh mūrti se nahīṃ hai balki mūrtipūjā se hai) (ib.,
p. 367).
Conclusion
Originally, all Loṅkā, Sthānakavāsī and Terāpanth
Śvetāmbara traditions explicitly rejected image wor-
ship, and many still do. The Jñānagaccha or the Kacch
Āṭh Koṭi Nānā Pakṣa and other Sthānakavāsī traditions
in Rājasthān and Gujarāt, though reliant on a network
of sthānakas, remain orthodox in their rejection of all
“lifeless” material representations, including all print
publications. I have therefore used the term “idol-wor-
ship” advisedly as contextually a more appropriate, albeit
old fashioned, translation of mūrtipūjā, given that many
originally anti-iconic traditions came to accept and wor-
ship certain aniconic images, such as relic shrines, empty
thrones or stylised footprints, that is, real or simulated
relics of contact, and hence have become, to varying de-
grees, “image-worshipping” traditions in their need and
desire to establish networks of abodes and of sacred sites,
whether labelled tīrtha, dhām or aitihāsik sthal, as du-
rable institutional foundations. This is often done in the
Fig Portrait statue of Upādhyāya Amarmuni (1903-
199) at Vīrāyatan in Rājagṛha
CoJS Newsletter • March 2010 • Issue 5
28
name of material security in particular for nuns and old
mendicants, the stalwarts of the Śvetāmbara Jaina tradi-
tion. Without an institutional base supported by devout
laity, even the potential alternative to image worship of
an aniconic cult of the holy book is difcult to realise.
When in 1930, the strategically placed rst book publica-
tion featuring images of Mahāvīra and Bāhubali wear-
ing Sthānakavāsī mukhavastrikās appeared (“Picture for
Information, Not for Veneration”),
8
the resolution for the
creation of a nationwide institutional framework for all
Sthānakavāsī mendicants taken at the Ajmer Sammelan
was only two years away. In one respect the cult of the
sacred text is the most signicant innovation in the rep-
ertoire of aniconic Jaina iconography. In all shrines of
the aniconic traditions physical representations of the
Namaskāra Mantra are centrally displayed, carved in
marble, cast in bronze, painted or printed, on the wall or
on a stele. Increasingly popular is the use of the so-called
tīrtha kalaśa, which elsewhere is known as maṅgala
kalaśa, or auspicious pot. (Fig 5) It is a silver vessel in-
scribed with the Namaskāra Mantra and sealed with an
auspicious silver coconut, representing the fruits of Jaina
practice both in the other world and in this world. It is
portable, like the Jina statues used for processions, and
can be utilised as a tangible cult object in variable con-
texts. Only in combination with the “Navkār Mantra”
relic shrines, footprint images or photographs of indi-
vidual Jaina saints can gain universal appeal and become
potential tīrthas or crossing points over the ocean of suf-
fering.
8 Śaṅkar Muni (1930).
Fig 5 Tīrtha kalaśa in front of a painting of Ācārya
Ātmārāma (188-196) in the Ātma Smṛti Kakṣa,
Jain Dharmaśālā, in Ludhiyānā
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