No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.
The “Poodle Theory” and the Anglo-American “Special Relationship”
Abstract
A familiar aspect of the criterion against Britain and Prime Minister Tony Blair's staunch support for America in the recent war against Iraq most relates to the “theory” that Blair is but a mere “poodle” of George Bush; a subservient lieutenant at the beck and call of his master in Washington. A related but more perceptive criticism, shared by many scholars and analysts is the charge that Blair's subservience to Washington is a potent indication that Britain has lost its freedom of manoeuvre in foreign policy. That Britain's close diplomatic, intelligence and defence cooperation with, and dependence on, America have deprived it of the ability to oppose America. The myth of the “special relationship” has condemned Britain to the rank of a mere vassal in the American empire. However, critics may have overstated their case because Blair's choices were influenced substantially by his own strongly held political principles and convictions.
... Indeed, from Blair to Johnson, the poodle narrative has been reproduced in press coverage almost every time a US President has met a UK Prime Minister, influencing constructions of the "special relationship" by framing it within the disastrous story of the Iraq war. Despite this, most scholarship has, within a more positivist tradition, been more concerned with establishing whether Blair acted like Bush's poodle ( Sharp 2004 ;Azubuike 2005 ;Dunn 2008 ;McHugh 2010 ;Porter 2010 , 360) than with whether the narrative has functioned as a political myth that has shaped US-UK diplomatic relations and behavior since 2002. This article is only concerned with the latter, less studied, issue. ...
This article introduces the concept of political myth to foreign policy analysis. It explains how myth can influence the construction of foreign policy events and decisions and creates a new lens that analysts can use to study this. To do that, this article draws upon conceptual literature on political myth to explain what myth is and how it shapes discursive constructions of the world. Adopting an interpretivist approach, it then uses the concept as a lens to analyze the impact that the Blair Poodle myth has had on the construction of the US–UK “special relationship” from 2002 to 2022 and considers how this has influenced the diplomatic behavior of five UK prime ministers. It finds that the myth has been integral to negative constructions of the “special relationship” over the past twenty years and has inspired political action, including protests, resignations, and more formal diplomatic engagement with the United States.
... The heuristic nature of metaphoric and narrative frames means that facts can be omitted, distorted, or misremembered, and citizens can draw incorrect inferences. For example, viewing former British Prime Minister Tony Blair as "America's lapdog" during the Iraq War underestimates the role his own convictions and motivations played in his decision making (see, e.g., Azubuike, 2005). Similarly, the narrative of US Senator and former presidential hopeful John McCain as a "maverick" may disproportionately attribute his political successes to his assertive, rebellious attitude when his capacity to forge political relationships was likely to be just as important. ...
In general, citizens use a number of cognitive tools to efficiently navigate the
uncertainty, ambiguity, and complexity of the political world. Metaphor and narrative are not
simply linguistic flourishes or persuasive devices in political rhetoric; they are effective
reasoning tools in civic cognition. Both devices provide constructs for categorizing and
making sense of incoming information and experiences in the political world, satisfying our
need for cognitive coherence. Despite similarity in the cognitive functions of metaphor and narrative, few attempts have been made to integrate the two concepts into a unified
cognitive model. This chapter will review why metaphor and narrative are important for civic
reasoning and cognition, how they are similar, and how they are likely to be related. The
discussion will highlight the cognitive nature of language, the need for an integrated model of
civic cognition that includes both metaphor and narrative, prospects for the more explicit
incorporation of metaphor and narrative in civic education, and the inextricability of political
cognition from its social context. Because they shape political identities, frame political
issues, and offer the potential to enhance civic tolerance and reflection, metaphor and
narrative feature prominently in civic cognition and merit further investigation.
Tony Blair tried throughout the preparatory phase of the US-led Iraq intervention in 2003 to influence US policy on the Middle East Peace Process. This article tries to understand how Blair fared in this endeavour. Using newly declassified documents, it examines the circumstances under which the US administration listened and engaged with British ideas and when and why it ignored British requests. The study shows that Blair was able to extract the greatest US concessions on the Middle East Peace Process in moments when Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq campaign was the most uncertain. The findings promote fresh thinking on how, when and why the United Kingdom can influence US decision-making.
After analysing merits and drawbacks of the traditional categorisation of different schools, the first section of this chapter puts forward an updated version of categorisation of different schools. In comparison to the traditional categorisations, this new categorisation can better represent nuanced arguments of scholars of Anglo-American relations. The second section explains why it is appropriate and imperative to construct a new theory of alliance persistence and to what extent it has more explanatory power than explanations other scholars have offered in helping unpack the puzzle that the Anglo-American special relationship (AASR) has persisted to date. The third section puts emphasis on explaining the key variables of this new theory of alliance persistence and how they relate to the persistence of the AASR.
The aftermath of the invasion of Iraq has been characterised by continued instability and insecurity. In the midst of all this certain questions have been recurrently asked. Why has Tony Blair, given such unwavering support to the US invasion of Iraq, against the wishes of the UN, Britain's key European partners, and a majority of public opinion? What, in short, is the overwhelming British interest that an invasion was supposed to protect? This essay argues that the key to understanding Britain's persistent support of the US lies mainly in the notion of the "special relationship".
Denmark appears far more successful in managing its ‘special’ relationship with the USA than the UK since 9/11. By doing exactly the same as the UK, but on a much smaller scale and at much lower cost in terms of blood, treasure and domestic controversy, Denmark has succeeded in generating more American public gratitude than the UK. While London has been accused of losing Basra and Musa Qaleh, Copenhagen has been showered with praise and top-posts in NATO. This article explains why demonstrating how the differences in size and reputation gave rise to different expectations of the special relationship both in Washington and at home. Britain disappointed Washington by failing to make a difference in stabilising Afghanistan and Iraq, whereas Denmark by merely engaging in combat and taking casualties far exceeded Washington's expectations. Likewise, the failure to significantly influence decision-making in Washington was a source of great frustration in London but a non-issue in Copenhagen, which never expected it in the first place.
This book examines US hegemony and international legitimacy in the post-Cold War era, focusing on its leadership in the two wars on Iraq.
The preference for unilateral action in foreign policy under the Bush Administration, culminating in the use of force against Iraq in 2003, has unquestionably created a crisis in the legitimacy of US global leadership. Of central concern is the ability of the United States to act without regard for the values and interests of its allies or for international law on the use of force, raising the question: does international legitimacy truly matter in an international system dominated by a lone superpower?
US Hegemony and International Legitimacy explores the relationship between international legitimacy and hegemonic power through an in depth examination of two case studies – the Gulf Crisis of 1990-91 and the Iraq Crisis of 2002-03 – and examines the extent to which normative beliefs about legitimate behaviour influenced the decisions of states to follow or reject US leadership. The findings of the book demonstrate that subordinate states play a crucial role in consenting to US leadership and endorsing it as legitimate and have a significant impact on the ability of a hegemonic state to maintain order with least cost. Understanding of the importance of legitimacy will be vital to any attempt to rehabilitate the global leadership credentials of the United States under the Obama Administration.
This book will be of much interest to students of US foreign policy, IR theory and security studies.
Der Dritte Golfkrieg – apostrophiert als „Spaltpilz Europas“ (Hacke 2003: 11) – leitete bereits lange vor seinem eigentlichen
Beginn eine Krise der transatlantischen Beziehungen ein und ließ diese schwer beschädigt zurück. Seit den Terroranschlägen
des 11. Septembers 2001 wurden die außenpolitischen Debatten auf internationaler Ebene von dem durch die USA ausgerufenen
„Krieg gegen den Terror“ dominiert. Die Mehrzahl der Mitglieder der internationalen Gemeinschaft zeigte sich unter dem Eindruck
der Anschläge zunächst solidarisch mit den USAmerikanern, so auch die Bundesrepublik Deutschland und Großbritannien. Schließlich
beteiligten sich beide Länder im Rahmen der International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) auch an dem Feldzug in Afghanistan im November 2001, der die militärische Bekämpfung des internationalen Terrorismus
einläutete.
Kelly McHugh describes Tony Blair's failed attempts to use his friendship with George W. Bush to influence U.S. foreign policy in the run-up to the 2003 Iraq war. She finds that although Blair was often successful in persuading Bush in private meetings, he was outmaneuvered by Vice President Dick Cheney, who opposed Blair's advocacy of multilateralism and diplomacy.
The transatlantic chasm is formidable and deeply embedded in different conceptions of actors, means, and motives in the international arena. At Prague and beyond, NATO and EU enlargement will be secondary to the real need: redefining a Euroatlantic community.
The chairman of the House International Relations Subcommittee on Europe and his senior policy adviser argue that the United States needs a strong European partner to help promote common interests in Europe and the world beyond.
Will the United Kingdom's membership in the European Union ultimately imperil its special relationship with the United States?
Europe is worried that the United States is trying to play God in the volatile Middle East. Even more serious is European suspicion of the secular version of missionary zeal they see in the vast social and political engineering project of democratizing the Muslim world.
Differences over Iraq policy have revealed deep U.S.- German value gaps over multilateralism, nationalism, and the role of force in international relations. Cooperation in four areas of mutual importance can help compensate for them.
The Discipline of Power: Essentials of a Modern World Structure The Special Relationship: A Political History of Anglo-American Relations since 1945, pp. 15457 Anglo-American Defence Relations
- Evangelization 1 Ball
- George W Bodley Head
- C J Bartlett
- Longman
- John Baylis
Evangelization, The Review of International Affairs, vol. 3, no. 1. BALL, GEORGE W. 1968. The Discipline of Power: Essentials of a Modern World Structure. London: Bodley Head. BARTLETT, C.J. 1992. The Special Relationship: A Political History of Anglo-American Relations since 1945, pp. 15457. New York/London: Longman. BAYLIS, JOHN. 1984. Anglo-American Defence Relations, 19391984. London: Macmillan. . 1998. The Special Relationship: A Diverting British Myth?, in Cyril Buffet and Beatrice Heuser (eds), Haunted by History: Myths in International Relations, pp. 119125. Oxford: Berghahn Books. BEREUTER, DOUG and JOHN LIS. 200304. Broadening the Transatlantic Relationship, The Washington Quarterly, vol. 27, no. 1. BRAITHWAITE, RODRIC. 2003. End of the Affair, Prospect (May), pp. 2023. CAMPBELL, DUNCAN. 1986. The Unsinkable Aircraft Carrier: American Military Power in Britain.
Allies: The United States, Britain, Europe and the War in Iraq Atlantic Books. SYLVESTER, RACHEL. 2003. Blair Left Reeling by Rumsfeld Bombshell, Daily Telegraph A Big Unhappy Family: How Friendly can Europe be with US? International Herald Tribune
- London: Politicos
- William Shawcross
- February
- Wintour
- Martia Patrick
- Kettle
London: Politicos. SHAWCROSS, WILLIAM. 2003. Allies: The United States, Britain, Europe and the War in Iraq. London: Atlantic Books. SYLVESTER, RACHEL. 2003. Blair Left Reeling by Rumsfeld Bombshell, Daily Telegraph, 13 March. VINOCUR, JOHN. 2003. A Big Unhappy Family: How Friendly can Europe be with US? International Herald Tribune, 19 February. WINTOUR, PATRICK and MARTIA KETTLE. 2003. Blairs Road to War, The Guardian, 26 April. at UNIV OF BRAZIL on May 8, 2014 isq.sagepub.com Downloaded from
The Great Rapprochment: England and the United States, 18951914. London: Victor Gollancz Ltd. POND, ELIZABETH. 2003. European Shock and Awe
- Bradford Perkins
PERKINS, BRADFORD. 1969. The Great Rapprochment: England and the United States, 18951914. London: Victor Gollancz Ltd. POND, ELIZABETH. 2003. European Shock and Awe, The Washington Quarterly, vol. 26, no. 3 (Summer).
Nuclear Diplomacy & the Special Relationship: Britains Deterrent & America Oxford: Clarendon Press. COOK, ROBIN. 2003. The Point of Departure
- London
- Paladin Books
- Ian Clark
London: Paladin Books. CLARK, IAN. 1994. Nuclear Diplomacy & the Special Relationship: Britains Deterrent & America, 19571962. Oxford: Clarendon Press. COOK, ROBIN. 2003. The Point of Departure. London: Simon and Schuster. DANCHEV, ALEX. (ed). 1998. On Specialness: Essays in Anglo-American Relations. London: Macmillan. . 2003. Greeks and Romans: Anglo-American Relations after 9/11, RUSI Journal (April).
Iraqs stockpile/development of WMD, has been finally discredited. References ALLEN, H.C. 1954. Great Britain and the United States: A History of Anglo-American Relations (17831952) London: Oldhams Press Race and Rapprochement: Anglo-Saxonism and Anglo-American Relations
- Anderson
- Suart
Moreover, Blairs chief moral argument for war, Iraqs stockpile/development of WMD, has been finally discredited. References ALLEN, H.C. 1954. Great Britain and the United States: A History of Anglo-American Relations (17831952). London: Oldhams Press. ANDERSON, SUART. 1981. Race and Rapprochement: Anglo-Saxonism and Anglo-American Relations, 18951904. London: Associated University Presses. AZUBUIKE, SAMUEL. 2003. Still Buying Insurance? The Realism Behind Tony Blairs Post-September