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Human ecology, ethnobotany and traditional practices in rural populations
inhabiting the Monte region: Resilience and ecological knowledge
A.H. Ladio
*
, M. Lozada
CONICET, Universidad Nacional del Comahue, Laboratorio Ecotono, Quintral 1250, Bariloche 8400, Rı
´o Negro, Argentina
article info
Article history:
Received 16 April 2007
Received in revised form 20 December 2007
Accepted 8 February 2008
Available online 2 April 2008
Keywords:
Edible wild plants
Ethnobotany
Patagonia
Traditional ecological knowledge
Transhumance
abstract
In this study, we looked for insights on how human populations inhabiting the Monte, interact with arid
environments and how they use ecological knowledge on wild plants for their subsistence. Rural
communities living in the Monte region have been undergoing extreme changes in both social and
ecological scenarios. Most of them are agro-pastoral societies living under precarious conditions, and
whose land shows marked signs of degradation. Wild plants represent an important part of their dietary
components; i.e. these resources probably act as a sustenance buffer in periods of seasonal scarcity. In the
present study, we analyzed some ethno-ecological strategies undertaken by these rural communities.
The ethnobotanical knowledge of greatest cultural and nutritional significance includes the use of many
wild plants such as Prosopis spp., Schinus spp., Ephedra spp., Condalia and Larrea spp., among others. Since
ancestral times, these xeric species have been utilized as edible, medicinal, tinctorial, fodder and fuel
resources. Many rural populations not only maintain wild plant use, but they also practice cattle
transhumance, a tradition which tends to reduce over-grazing, allowing for the recovery of most
palatable plants. Cattle transhumance, also an ancient practice, is based on landscape patchiness use.
Both practices appear to be associated with an adaptive and resilient natural resource management. We
refer to resilience as the capacity to cope with disturbances and changes, prevalent features in pop-
ulations inhabiting this arid region. We also explore, through a study case in Patagonia, the present use of
wild edible plants, its relationship with summer-cattle-transhumance, and the most salient socio-
cultural factors affecting these practices. Summer-transhumance contributes to the utilization of
a greater richness and quantity of wild edible plants. This activity, which used to be a family tradition,
seems to be changing given that nowadays it is mainly carried out by single family members. Wild plant
gathering and summer-transhumance traditions tend to be diminishing at present, probably caused by
acculturation processes and socio-economic pressures. Consequently, by abandoning these ancestral
customs, a negative impact on the resilience capacity of these rural communities might be occurring. This
erosion process leads to a decrease in their long-term wellbeing as well as an increase in their socio-
ecological vulnerability.
Ó2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction
Human communities inhabiting the dry Monte region share
similar living experiences while enduring harsh desert conditions.
Different populations with diverse cultural identities have settled
in this region from north to south. Over the years these people have
overcome extreme ecological conditions, allowing for the devel-
opment of several strategies, which have helped them to cope with
this hostile arid land.
Throughout the years, this region has experienced conspicuous
changes in both social and ecological scenarios. The ecological
transformation of the land through irrigation has been one of the
main conversion factors in northern-central Monte. Since the end of
the 19th century, in Mendoza and San Juan provinces important
hydric infra-structural constructions have been built, using old ditch
networks made by pre-historic dwellers (Ba
´rcena, 2001). This land-
scape transformation also occurred in the provinces of Salta, La Rioja,
Neuque
´nandtheRı
´oNegrovalley(Fig. 1). These improvements
favored fruit and wine industries, which became crucial for the
economic bases of these settlements, and so the majority of the
populationtended to concentrate around these areas. For example, at
present,irrigated oases sustain98.5% of Mendoza’s inhabitants and in
fact, Mendoza’s landscape is regarded as bountiful vineyards or roads
flanked by trees and irrigation ditches (Montan
˜aetal.,2005).
However, irrigated oases make up only a restricted part of the-
Monte territory, forming islands in an immense matrix of
*Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: aladio@crub.uncoma.edu.ar,aladio2002@yahoo.com.ar
(A.H. Ladio).
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Journal of Arid Environments
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jaridenv
0140-1963/$ – see front matter Ó2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.jaridenv.2008.02.006
Journal of Arid Environments 73 (2009) 222–227
unproductive and uncultivated land. Due to insufficient levels of
precipitation, cattle raising has been the principal means of survival
in the desert (Ladio and Lozada, 2004a;Morelo, 1958;Ojeda et al.,
1998;UNC, 1986). Moreover, ‘‘pastoral’’ societies in these dry areas
endure severe conditions, in terms of scarcity of both socio-
economical and physical resources. Consequently, away from irri-
gated oases, the land suffers from rigorous pressure factors,
showing different levels of degradation and even severe signs of
desertification (Ojeda et al., 1998;Portal, 1996).
As mentioned above, smallholders from the North and central
Monte survive in precarious conditions. This also occurs in the
Southern Monte region of Rı
´o Negro and Neuque
´n provinces
(Fig. 1), where many are settled on fiscal lands of scarce produc-
tivity and noticeable geographic isolation (Menni, 1999;UNC,
1986). Livestock is difficult to commercialize, so some of the Monte
inhabitants simply exchange it for basic goods with local salesmen,
while others must bear exploitation by a long chain of middlemen,
which contributes to the marginalization of their families.
Furthermore, most Monte dwellers lack property titles. This fact
induces other people to illegally occupy their land and, in some
cases, even become owners by moving fence lines. This chronic
insecurity, in addition to a pronounced desertification process and
the widespread impoverishment of the Monte people, promotes
high levels of emigration towards urban centers (Menni, 1999).
However, many populations remaining in this desert, known as
‘‘travesı
´a’’, could survive by diversifying their activities and by
practicing ancestral and culturally important customs, such as
vegetable gardens, and wild plant gathering and hunting (Ba
´rcena,
2001;Ladio, 2006;Ladio and Lozada, 2004a). The Monte dwellers
build wells, known as ‘‘jahueles’’, from where they obtain water
from great depths with buckets, as their ancestors did to resist
extreme conditions of water scarcity and shortage of natural
springs. Nevertheless, this precarious infra-structure, as well as the
depletion of water sources, hampers maintenance of vegetable
gardens and cattle raising at present. Moreover, many shepherds
work in temporary jobs (as day laborers) or permanently in other
cities, sell handcrafts or receive funding from national assistance
programs. These activities impede their carrying out improvements
on the land, their productive systems and therefore, in their quality
of life (Gru
¨nwaldt et al., 1995).
In the following sections, background information on past and
present human ecology and ethnobotany of rural communities
living in the Monte region are described. We also analyze some
ethno-ecological strategies undertaken by these communities
considering a study case conducted in the Patagonian Monte.
2. Ancient indigenous people living in the Monte
Due to the vastness of the Argentinean Monte, this region has
been inhabited by diverse aboriginal groups since 10,000 BC (Ba
´r-
cena, 2001). Hunter-gatherer groups such as: Huarpes and Cal-
chaquı
´es (from the Northern Monte) and Puelches, Pehuenches,
Ranqueles and Tehuelches (from the Center and South Monte,
respectively), represent a small part of the Monte cultural richness
at the time the Spaniards arrived. From pre-historic times, hunting
was associated with transhumance practices, given that human
populations followed seasonal animal migrations (Ba
´rcena, 2001;
Musters, 1964). They hunted different animals such as guanacos
(Lama guanicoe), rhea or n
˜andu
´(Pterocnemia pennata), vizcachas
(Lagostomus maximus), piche (Chaetophractus vellerosus), chin-
chillo
´n(Lagidium viscasia), hares, and fish from lakes and lagoons
(Ba
´rcena, 2001;Ladio, 2006;Ladio and Lozada, 2004a;Steibel,
1997). Their settlements were always close to water courses, or to
permanent or transient lagoons (Ba
´rcena, 2001;Mandrini, 1997).
Aboriginal groups from the provinces of Salta, Catamarca, La
Rioja, Mendoza and San Juan (Fig. 1) had been totally conquered by
the second half of the 16th century, whilst the Mapuche people
began to inhabit the Monte areas in the 17th century. They were
described as horticulturist-gatherers, of great cultural influence in
the central and southern Monte region. In the Southern Monte in
particular, within the provinces of La Pampa, Neuque
´n, Rı
´o Negro
and Chubut (Fig. 1), the colonization process took longer and
became definitive only after the ‘‘Desert campaign’’, a violent
military offensive which took place at the end of the 19th century.
As in the North, most aboriginal populations have been decimated
and practically extinguished. Their lands were expropriated and
redistributed, forcing them to settle in confined and unproductive
areas (Falaschi, 1996).
Fig. 1. Location map showing the Monte region and the different provinces discussed
in the text that comprised the North, Central and South region. Color shading indicates
the biogeographical area.
A.H. Ladio, M. Lozada / Journal of Arid Environments 73 (2009) 222–227 223
It is interesting to note that in the Northern region, the Huarpes
and Calchaquies’ territory, conquerors found advanced communal
systems of cultivation under irrigation, made up of ditches and
gutters linked to main rivers (Ba
´rcena, 2001). The most relevant
cultivated species were squashes, pumpkins, beans, corn, and
quinoa. The Ranqueles from La Pampa province (Central Monte)
also cultivated these species, although they had no complex irri-
gation systems. This horticulturist tradition was inherited from
their contact with the Mapuche people (Steibel, 1997). In contrast,
the Tehuelches from the south did not have agricultural practices,
mainly basing their subsistence on hunting or gathering activities
(Casamiquela, 1996).
As early as the 17th century, local communities incorporated
horses (Equus caballus), sheep (Ovis aries), goats (Capra hircus),
mules and cattle (Bos taurus), brought to the area by Spanish
settlers. Thereafter, they became cattle breeders, adapting their
seasonal circuits for hunting and also for moving livestock for
grazing. From there on, indigenous people suffered important
economic, socio-political and cultural transformations which ten-
ded to generate a kind of pastoral specialization as well as clear
economic dependence on market societies. According to Mandrini
(1997), this type of land use imitated the developmental model of
rich and humid ‘‘pampas’’ of other areas, though in the Monte, it
could never be practiced in a sustainable way, given the lower
capacity of this arid land to sustain dense animal biomass.
3. Ethnobotany of the Monte
Since ancestral times, xeric species of the Monte have been
principally used as edible, medicinal, tinctorial, fodder, construction
and fuel resources for different aboriginal societies. Table 1 shows
only some of the most important resources utilized (50 spp.), which
although incomplete, illustrates the great plant richness which is
part of the Monte inhabitants’ traditional ecological knowledge.
The main useful plant families coincide with the principal plant
families, which dominate this phytogeographical region, such as:
Fabaceae, Asteraceae, Zygophyllaceae and Anacardaceae (Table 1).
As found in other arid zones (i.e. Almeida et al., 2005;Gragson,
1997) the use of trees, shrubs, and subterranean organs is more
frequent than the use of herbs. This pattern indicates that envi-
ronmental characteristics deeply influence plant selection in
human populations (e.g. Ladio et al., 2007).
Wild plants seemed to represent significant diet components for
many aboriginal groups; i.e. these resources probably functioned as
dietary supplements and as sustenance buffers in periods of
seasonal scarcity. For example, among the Huarpes, Calchaquies,
Ranqueles and Tehuelches, the use of wild edible plants of ample
geographical distribution in the Monte was very important. They
used diverse species such as: algarrobo (Prosopis flexuosa DC. flex-
uosa), molle (Schinus johnstonii Barkley), and chan
˜ar (Geoffroea
decorticans (Gillies ex Hook. & Arn.) Burkart) for preparing drinks
and food (Table 1). Several authors have pointed out the great
cultural and nutritional importance of these plants (Ragonese and
Martı
´nez-Crovetto, 1947;Steibel, 1997). Many traditional uses are
still preserved nowadays and some of these species are commer-
cialized in local markets as candy and sweets.
The utilization of fleshy fruit was an important strategy docu-
mented among the Ranqueles, Techuelches and Mapuches of the
Monte, such as: yaoyin (Lycium chilense Miers ex Bertero var. chi-
lense), piquillı
´n(Condalia microphylla Cav.) and solupe (Ephedra
ochreata Miers) (Table 1). In addition, the use of roots, rhizomes and
bulbs, such as the macachin (Arjona tuberosa Cav.), papa del monte
or mamull pon
˜i(Prosopanche bonacinae Speg.), and chupasangre
(Maihueniopsis darwinii (Hensl.) J.F. Ritter var. hickenii), shows
a profound learning process related to subterranean organs
(Martinez-Crovetto, 1983;Steibel, 1997;Vignati, 1941,Table 1).
Moreover, medicinal plant use has also been extensively docu-
mented among different communities of the Monte region since
the Spanish conquest (Casamiquela, 1996;Michieli, 1983;Steibel,
1997). Numerous chronicles recorded vast indigenous knowledge
of medicinal plants, acquired in childhood; for example the use of
chilca (Baccharis salicifolia (Ruiz & Pav.) Pers.) for stomach ailments,
jarilla (Larrea spp.) for fever and rheumatic disorders, ala de loro
(Monttea aphylla (Miers) Benth. & Hook. var aphylla ) for hepatic
ailments, chan
˜ar (G. decorticans (Gillies ex Hook. & Arn.) Bukart) for
asthma, coughs, colds, etc. (Table 1). This local knowledge, whose
efficacy surprised the conquerors, was applied for family health
care or for ceremonial purposes, both traditions being practiced
within a spiritual context, deeply rooted in their culture (Jardı
´n
Bota
´nico de la Patagonia Extraandina, 2002;Martı
´nez-Crovetto,
1983). At the same time, the utilization of flexible materials for
making domestic utensils was based on the use of plants coming
from rivers and lagoon coasts, such as: junquillo (Sporobolus rigens
(Trin.) E. Desv. var rigens), carrizo (Phragmites australis (Cav.) Trin.
ex Steud.), and totora (Typha angustifolia L.), mainly utilized for
weaving baskets and rafts (Ba
´rcena, 2001;Steibel, 1997)(Table 1).
Due to climatic harshness, plant selection for fuel use was an
important source of traditional ecological knowledge and learning
in the Monte from pre-historic times (Casamiquela, 1996;Jardı
´n
Bota
´nico de la Patagonia Extraandina, 2002;Steibel, 1997)(Table 1).
This was particularly true in the Northern Monte, where the advent
of the viticulture industry led to the overexploitation of diverse
species such as molle (Schinus polygamus (Cav.) Cabrera var poly-
gamus), jarilla (Larrea divaricada Cav., Larrea cuneifolia Cav., Larrea
nitida Cav.), zampa (Atriplex lampa (Moq.) D. Dietr.), algarrobo
(P. flexuosa DC. flexuosa), and retamo (Bulnesia retama (Gillies ex
Hook.) Harms). These were selected to construct vineyards or
supply greater fuel demands due to the increase in economic
activities (Tanquilevich,1973). Several historical references indicate
the importance of the ‘‘jarilleros’’ (firewood gatherers, mainly of
Larrea spp.) in the previous century, showing how this practice
generated irrecoverable levels of deforestation around the Men-
doza province (Portal, 1996).
Moreover, it is interesting to highlight the great diversity of
tinctorial species utilized by these dwellers (Table 1). This wild
plant use might be related to their pastoral lifestyle, where a variety
of textile goods are produced from animal fibers (e.g. ovine,
caprine, and camelids). The extensive use of clothing has probably
allowed for a thorough exploration of the dying properties of these
plants species. The various colors obtained by these Monte inhab-
itants, highly appreciated for their esthetic value represent an
important attribute of their cultural heritage and identity (Demaio
et al., 2002).
4. Study case: Mapuche transhumance in the
Patagonian Monte
Cattle transhumance has been practiced since ancient times by
Mapuche communities of Patagonia, who inhabited the southern
region of the Monte desert. This practice is based on landscape
patchiness use. Transhumance groups arise in two periods of
settlement in ecologically distinct environments, combining alti-
tude differences with summer–winter seasons. Shepherds move
from the Monte seasonally along with their cattle and personal
belongings, using specific routes, in order to find new pastures in
the Andean pre-Cordillera, 50km away (UNC, 1986).
They also search for useful and culturally significant wild plants,
which are important both for their sustenance and cultural heri-
tage. This is the case of the Mapuche community of Paineo, whose
members still practice summer cattle transhumance known as the
‘‘veranada’’ (Ladio and Lozada, 2004a). They make use of these long
journeys to the A. araucana (Mol.) C. Koch (Pehue
´n, Araucariaceae)
A.H. Ladio, M. Lozada / Journal of Arid Environments 73 (2009) 222–227224
Table 1
Most important useful resources of the Monte region.
Scientific name (common name) Family Distribution Uses Source
1. Acacia aroma Gill. ex Hook. et Arn.
(tusca)
Fabaceae N Medicinal (leaves, bark); fodder (leaves),
edible (fruit)
Demaio et al. (2002)
2. Acacia caven (Mol.) Mol. (espinillo) Fabaceae N-C Tinctorial (fruit) Trillo and Demaio (2007)
3. Acantholippia seriphioides (A. Gray)
Moldenke (tomillo silvestre)
Verbenaceae C-S Edible, medicinal (stems, leaves) Jardı
´n Bota
´nico de la Patagonia Extra-
andina, 2002;Ladio and Lozada, (2004a);
Rapoport et al. (2003);Ruiz Leal (1972)
4. Allenrolfea vaginata (Grisebach) Kuntze
(jume)
Chenopodiaceae N-C Tinctorial (stems, leaves) Trillo and Demaio (2007)
5. Arjona tuberosa Cav. (macachı
´n,
yaukuna, chaquil)
Santalaceae C-S Edible (roots) Jardı
´n Bota
´nico de la Patagonia Extra-
andina, 2002,Ladio and Lozada (2004a,
Rapoport el al. (2003),Vignati (1941)
6. Atriplex lampa (Moq.) D. Dietr. (zampa,
selkal, chilpe
´, yerba del diablo)
Chenopodiaceae E Fodder, edible, fuel, tinctorial, magic (stems,
leaves)
Gandullo et al. (2004),Jardı
´n Bota
´nico de la
Patagonia Extra-andina (2002),Ladio and
Lozada (2004a),Portal (1996),Tanquilevich
(1973)
7. Baccharis sagitalis (Less.) DC. (carqueja) Asteraceae E Medicinal, tinctorial (stems, leaves) Trillo and Demaio (2007)
8. Baccharis salicifolia (Ruiz & Pav.) Pers.
(chilca, chilca amarga, arim)
Asteraceae E Medicinal, tinctorial (stems, leaves) Portal (1996),Ruiz Leal (1972),Steibel
(1997),Trillo and Demaio (2007)
9. Bougainvillea spinosa (Cav.) Heimerl
(monte negro, mata negra)
Nyctaginaceae E Fodder (stems, leaves) Bisigato and Bertiller (1997)
10. Bulnesia retama (Gillies ex Hook. &
Arn.) Griseb. (retamo, retamilla,
retamillo)
Zygophyllaceae N-C Fuel, construction, vinegar (stems), wax
(resin), tinctorial (bark); medicinal (stems)
Capparelli and Raffino (1997),Demaio et al.
(2002),Ruiz Leal (1972),Tanquilevich
(1973),Trillo and Demaio (2007)
11. Capparis atamisquea Kuntze (atamisqui) Capparaceae N-C Tinctorial (stems, leaves) Trillo and Demaio (2007)
12. Cercidium praecox(Ruiz et Pav. ex Hook.)
Harms glaucum (brea, chan
˜ar brea)
Fabaceae E Glue (gum), medicinal (flowers),
construction (stems)
Demaio et al. (2002),Ruiz Leal (1972)
13. Cercidium praecox (Ruizet Pav. ex Hook.)
Harms praecox (brea, chan
˜ar brea)
Fabaceae N Glue (gum) Portal (1996)
14. Chuquiraga erinacea D. Don erinacea
(chilladora, chispiadora, ardegras, trifrif
mamull)
Asteraceae E Fuel, medicinal (stems, leaves), smoke
signals (ash)
Jardı
´n Bota
´nico de la Patagonia Extra-
andina (2002),Portal (1996)
15. Condalia microphylla Cav. (piquillı
´n,
truka)
Rhamnaceae E Edible (fruit), tinctorial (roots), fodder, fuel
(leaves, stems)
Jardı
´n Bota
´nico de la Patagonia Extra-
andina, 2002,Ragonese and Martı
´nez-
Crovetto (1947),Ruiz Leal (1972),Steibel
(1997)
16. Ephedra ochreata Miers (solupe, fruta
del bicho, jamku, kupara)
Ephedraceae E Edible (fruit), fodder, medicinal (stems) Jardı
´n Bota
´nico de la Patagonia Extra-
andina (2002),Rapoport et al. (2003),
Steibel (1997)
17. Ephedra triandra Tul. emend. J. H. Hunz.
(frutilla del campo)
Ephedraceae N-C Edible (fruit), fodder, medicinal (stems) Ruiz Leal (1972)
18. Geoffroea decorticans (Gillies ex Hook. &
Arn.) Burkart (chan
˜ar, chical, chukal)
Fabaceae E Construction, fuel (stems), edible (fruit,
seeds), medicinal (leaves, flowers, bark),
tinctorial (bark), fodder (leaves, stems)
Ba
´rcena (2001),Capparelli and Raffino
(1997),Demaio et al. (2002),Jardı
´n Bota
´nico
de la Patagonia Extra-ndina (2002),
Rapoport et al. (2003),Ruiz Leal (1972),
Trillo and Demaio (2007)
19. Grindelia chiloensis (Cornel.) Cabrera
(melosa, boto
´n de oro, antu rayen)
Asteraceae C-S Medicinal (leaves, flowers, latex),
ornamental (flowers)
Jardı
´n Bota
´nico de la Patagonia Extra-
andina (2002),Portal (1996)
20. Jodinia rhombifolia (Hook. et Arn.)
Reissek (peje, sombra de toro)
Santalaceae N Medicinal (leaves, bark), magic (tree) Demaio et al. (2002)
21. Larrea cuneifolia Cav. (jarilla macho,
kohue, muya)
Zygophyllaceae E Fuel (stems), medicinal, veterinary (leaves),
roof construction, vinegar construction
(stems); tinctorial (leaves and stems)
Portal (1996),Ruiz Leal (1972),Tanquilevich
(1973),Steibel (1997)
22. Larrea divaricata Cav. (jarilla hembra,
jarilla del cerro)
Zygophyllaceae E Fuel (stems), medicinal, veterinary (leaves),
vinegar, construction (stems), tinctorial
(leaves, stems)
Ruiz Leal (1972),Portal (1996),Tanquilevich
(1973),Trillo and Demaio (2007)
23. Larrea nitida Cav. (kohue, jarilla macho,
jarilla fina, jarilla de la sierra)
Zygophyllaceae E Fuel (stems), (medicinal, veterinary (leaves),
vinegar, construction (stems); tinctorial
(leaves and stems)
Portal (1996),Ruiz Leal (1972),Tanquilevich
(1973)
24. Lycium chilense Miers ex Bertero var.
chilense (llaollı
´n, yauyı
´n, chayem)
Solanaceae E Fodder (all), edible, tinctorial (fruit) Gandullo et al. (2004),Rapoport et al
(2003),Ruiz Leal (1972)
25. Maihueniopsis darwinii (Hensl.) F. Ritter
var. hickenii (chupasangre, n
˜iumwi)
Cactaceae C-S Edible (roots) Portal (1996),Rapoport et al. (1999),Steibel
(1997)
26. Monttea aphylla (Miers) Benth. & Hook.
var. aphylla (matasebo, ala de loro)
Plantaginaceae E Fuel (stems), medicinal (stems, leaves), gum
(gum), smoke signals (ash)
Jardı
´n Bota
´nico de la Patagonia Extra-
andina (2002),Ruiz Leal (1972),Portal
(1996),Steibel (1997)
27. Opuntia sulphurea Gillies ex Salm-Dyck
var. pampeana (penca, tuna, quiscalora,
kochen)
Cactaceae C Edible (stems) Steibel (1997)
28. Phragmites australis (Cav.) Trin. ex
Steud. (Carrizo, rankul)
Poaceae E Construction (stems), edible (rhizomes) Ba
´rcena (2001),Ruiz Leal (1972),Steibel
(1997),Rapoport et al. (2003),Ladio (2006)
29. Prosopanche americana (R. Br.) Baill.
(guaycuru
´, flor de tierra, huachar, pon
˜u)
Hydnoraceae N-C Edible (fruit), medicinal (rhizomes, fruit) Ragonese and Martı
´nez-Crovetto (1947),
Ruiz Leal (1972),Martı
´nez-Crovetto (1983)
30. Prosopanche bonacinae Speg. (guaycuru
´,
flor de tierra, huachar, pon
˜u)
Hydnoraceae C-S Edible (fruit), medicinal (rhizomes, fruit) Rapoport et al. (2003);Ragonese and
Martı
´nez-Crovetto (1947)
31. Prosopis alpataco Phil.(alpataco, soi
mamull)
Fabaceae E Edible (seed pot), fodder (stems, leaves,
fruit)
Portal (1996),Rapoport et al. (2003)
(continued on next page)
A.H. Ladio, M. Lozada / Journal of Arid Environments 73 (2009) 222–227 225
forests by collecting their edible seeds in autumn. This gathering
tradition was inherited from their ancestors, ancient dwellers of the
Pehuen forests (Pehuenches), who based their subsistence
primarily on Pehuen seeds (Aagesen, 1998;Mo
¨sbach, 1992).
Summer cattle transhumance not only tends to reduce over-
grazing, allowing for the recovery of most palatable plants, but also
contributes to increasing the total richness and quantity of wild
plants utilized by the Paineo population. In addition to Pehue
´n
seeds, other wild edible plants (more than 42 edible species) from
different ecological environments are collected and transported
back to the community (Ladio and Lozada, 2004a, b). The most
frequently utilized plant found in the community area are the
leaves of wild thyme (Acantholippia seriphioides (A. Gray) Mol-
denke, Verbenaceae), ‘‘paico arrastrado’’ leaves (Chenopodium
oblanceolatum (Speg.) Giusti, Chenopodiaceae), and ‘‘solupe’’ fruit
(E. ochreata Miers, Ephedraceae), (Table 1).
Nevertheless, this transhumance practice, which used to be
a family tradition, seems to be changing, given that nowadays it is
mainly carried out by a single family member, principally men (only
25% are women). At present, women stay near their homes with
their children, who must attend school during summertime.
Moreover, it has been observed that the number of edible wild
plants known per person increases with age (Spearman correlation
coefficient r¼0.35, n¼41, p>0.05, Ladio and Lozada, 2004b). Older
people mentioned a higher variety of plants than younger people.
This fact, along with others discussed above, contributes to wild
plant knowledge erosion among the young.
In Paineo, the maintenance of cattle transhumance and wild
plant utilization might be associated with an adaptive capacity and
resilience, while surviving in the arid Monte. Resilience is referred
to as the capacity to cope with disturbances and changes (Berkes
and Folke, 2002), prevalent features in populations inhabiting this
region. Unfortunately, these practices are significantly diminishing
at present, probably due to acculturation processes and socio-
economic pressures, which are part of a global trend of deagraria-
nization that many rural communities are suffering all over the
world. Consequently, by abandoning these ancestral customs,
a negative impact on their resilience capacity might be occurring.
5. Conclusions
Generally speaking, the Monte inhabitants still preserve their
traditional ecological knowledge utilizing many wild plant species
for their subsistence in spite of harsh desert conditions. However,
Table 1 (continued)
Scientific name (common name) Family Distribution Uses Source
32. Prosopis chilensis (Molina) Stuntz
emend. Bukart (algarrobo blanco)
Fabaceae N-C Fuel, construction, vinegar (stems), edible
(seed pot)
Capparelli and Raffino (1997),Ragonese and
Martı
´nez-Crovetto (1947),Demaio et al.
(2002)
33. Prosopis denudans Benth. (algarrobo) Fabaceae S Edible (seed pot), fodder (stems, leaves,
fruit)
Ragonese and Martı
´nez-Crovetto (1947),
Ladio and Lozada (2004a),Aguero et al.
(2006)
34. Prosopis flexuosa DC. flexuosa
(shoi witru, algarrobo dulce)
Fabaceae N-C Fuel, construction, vinegar (stems, leaves),
edible (seed pot), tinctorial (resin)
Ruiz Leal (1972),Tanquilevich (1973),
Ba
´rcena (2001),Capparelli and Raffino
(1997),Steibel (1997),Ojeda et al. (1998),
Trillo and Demaio (2007)
35. Prosopis strombulifera (Lam.) Benth.
(retortun
˜o, pata de loro, chowel)
Fabaceae E Medicinal (fruit), tinctorial (roots,
rhizomes)
Steibel (1997),Trillo and Demaio (2007)
36. Prosopis torquata (Cav. Ex Lag.) DC.
(tintitaco)
Fabaceae N Construction (stems), fuel (stems), fodder
(leaves), tinctorial (root bark)
Demaio et al. (2002);Trillo and Demaio
(2007)
37. Pterocactus tuberosus (Pfeiff.) Britton &
Rose (cola de piche, chupasangre)
Cactaceae E Edible (roots) Rapoport et al. (1999),Steibel (1997)
38. Pyrrhocactus strausianus (K. Schum.) A.
Berger (tuna)
Cactaceae S Edible (stems) Ladio and Lozada (20 04b)
39. Salix humboldtiana Wild (sauce criollo) Salicaceae N-C Medicinal (bark), tinctorial (bark), fuel,
construction (stems),
Demaio et al. (2002),Trillo and Demaio
(2007)
40. Schinus johnstonii F. A. Barkley (molle,
anek, muchu)
Anacardiaceae C-S Edible (fruit), fuel (stems, roots, and leaves),
medicinal (latex), construction (stems), glue
(resin), tinctorial (roots)
Jardı
´n Bota
´nico de la Patagonia Extra-
andina (2002),Ladio and Lozada (2004b),
Rapoport et al. (2003)
41. Schinus polygamus (Cav.) Cabrera var.
polygamus (molle, incienso)
Anacardiaceae C Fuel, construction, vinegar (stems), edible
(fruit)
Ragonese and Martı
´nez-Crovetto (1947),
Tanquilevich (1973)
42. Schoenoplectus californicus (C. A. Mey.)
So
´jak var. californicus (junco, pichi
tromen, salma)
Cyperaceae E Edible (rhizomes), construction, musical
instruments, baskets (stems)
Martı
´nez-Crovetto (1963),Steibel (1997),
Rapoport et al. (2003)
43. Senna aphylla (Cav.) H. S. Irwin &
Barneby (pichana, pichanilla, monte de
la perdiz, escoba dura, retamilla)
Fabaceae E Fuel, fodder, construction (stems, leaves),
tinctorial (root bark)
Portal (1996),Gandullo et al. (2004),Trillo
and Demaio (2007)
44. Sporobolus rigens (Trin.) E. Desv. var.
rigens (junquillo, junco, unquillo)
Poaceae E Baskets (stems), edible (seeds) Ruiz Leal (1972),Portal (1996),Ba
´rcena
(2001),Steibel (1997),Gandulloet al. (20 04)
45. Suaeda divaricada Moq. (vidriera, jume) Chenopodiaceae E Fodder, tinctorial (stems, leaves), soap (ash) Portal (1996),Steibel(1997),Jardı
´n Bota
´nico
de la Patagonia Extra-andina (2002)
46. Tessaria dodoneifolia (Hook. & Arn.)
Cabrera (chilca dulce)
Compositae N-C Edible (stems), tinctorial (stems, leaves) Ruiz Leal (1972),Trillo and Demaio (2007)
47. Trixis divaricada (Kunth) Spreng. Subsp.
Discolor (D. Don) Katinas (contrayerba)
Asteraceae N-C Tinctorial (stems, leaves) Trillo and Demaio (2007)
48. Typha angustifolia L. (totora, trapal) Thyphaceae E Edible (rhizomes, flowers, polen),
construction (stems)
Ba
´rcena (2001),Rapoport et al. (2003)
49. Zuccagnia punctata Cav. (jarilla macho,
pupo)
Fabaceae N Fuel, construction (stems) Ruiz Leal (1972),Tanquilevich (1973),
Capparelli and Raffino (1997)
50. Ximenia americana L. (albarillo,
albaricoque, pata del monte)
Olacaceae N Tinctorial (root bark), construction (stems),
edible (fruit)
Demaio et al. (2002),Trillo and Demaio
(2007)
Distribution, C: Central (Mendoza, La Pampa, San Luis provinces) S: Southern (Neuque
´n, Rı
´o Negro, Chubut provinces), N: Northern (San Juan, Catamarca, Salta provinces), E:
entire Monte. See Fig 1 for more details. Source of plant names: Zuloaga, F. O. & O. Morrone (Eds.), 2004. Cata
´logo de las Plantas Vasculares de la Repu
´blica Argentina. II. <http://
www.darwin.edu.ar/Publicaciones/CatalogoVascII/CatalogoVascII.asp>[accessed November 2007].
A.H. Ladio, M. Lozada / Journal of Arid Environments 73 (2009) 222–227226
they do not seem to have maintained many other resilient prac-
tices. For example, the practice of cattle transhumance is presently
diminishing, or is maintained only in certain places. Even when
conducted, it has limited resilient effects due to long lasting
degradation of the land. Most of these communities might have lost
other sustainable ancestral knowledge, acquired through hundreds
of years of cultural learning, or trial and error experimentation. This
fact could have been initially related to the Spanish conquest and
then, to consecutive national policies. Since the beginning of this
land occupation, a model of cultural domination has been estab-
lished, in which local knowledge has been totally rejected or
ignored. This model of appropriation and redistribution of
productive lands has forced most poor rural communities to settle
in confined areas with little opportunity to use and unfold their
traditional ecological knowledge as their ancestors did.
It is probable that the severe conditions of the Monte might not
have favored their capacity to deal with these traumatic changes. At
present, living under these hostile circumstances might require
strengthening social organizations and community management
programs aid in order to guarantee help to withstand this adversity.
Collective action and local institutions have been recognized as
important for biodiversity conservation and management (Pretty,
2003). It has been demonstrated the usefulness of community
participation through group formation in all forms of development
intervention (e.g. Kenny-Jordan et al., 1999). We consider that an
integration between Monte dwellers’ community participation along
with policy makers could support collective management of these
resources which could improve land use and reduce desertification
and over-grazing, while encouraging the development of sustainable
practices associated with traditional ecological knowledge.
Acknowledgments
The authors gratefully acknowledge financial support from
Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Cientı
´ficas y Te
´cnicas, the
Universidad Nacional del Comahue of Argentina (Grant 04/B 102),
and the FONCYT (Grant PICT 03-1-13593).We also wish to thank the
two anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments of the
manuscript. Special gratitude is expressed to the families from
Paineo for their kind hospitality.
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