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10.1177/0022022103253183 Article
JOURNAL OF CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY
Kemmelmeier et al. / CULTURE AND AUTHORITARIANISM
INDIVIDUALISM, COLLECTIVISM, AND
AUTHORITARIANISM IN SEVEN SOCIETIES
MARKUS KEMMELMEIER
University of Nevada
EUGENE BURNSTEIN
University of Michigan
KRUM KRUMOV
PETIA GENKOVA
Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”
CHIE KANAGAWA
Koshieu University
MATTHEW S. HIRSHBERG
University of Canterbury
HANS-PETER ERB
University of Halle
GRAZYNA WIECZORKOWSKA
Warsaw University
KIMBERLY A. NOELS
University of Alberta
Building on Hofstede’s finding that individualism and social hierarchy are incompatible at the societal level,
the authors examined the relationship between individualism-collectivism and orientations toward author-
ity at the individual level. In Study 1, authoritarianism was related to three measures of collectivism but
unrelated to three measures of individualism in a U.S. sample (N = 382). Study 2 used Triandis’s horizontal-
vertical individualism-collectivism framework in samples from Bulgaria, Japan, New Zealand, Germany,
Poland, Canada, and the United States (total N = 1,018). Both at the individual level and the societal level of
analysis, authoritarianism was correlated with vertical individualism and vertical collectivism but unrelated
to horizontal collectivism. Horizontal individualism was unrelated to authoritarianism except in post-
Communist societies whose recent history presumably made salient the incompatibility between state
authority and self-determination.
Keywords: individualism; collectivism; authoritarianism; cultural values
Cultural theorists generally agree that values championed by a society are the product of a
complex historical process involving all domains of social, economic, and political life.
From an adaptionist angle, cultural systems can be examined as the product of the interaction
of a people with their ecological, geographical, and climatic environment (e.g., Cohen, 2001;
304
AUTHORS’ NOTE: Many thanks to Jessica Cameron, Adena Cytron, Richard Denzel, Marjorie Knepp, John McCoy, Kaori
Moritomo, Paresh Patel, Larry Wong, and Laura Zettel for their assistance in collecting and coding the data of Study 1. We are
indebted to Takahiko Masuda, Izumi Sakamoto, Piotr Winkielman, Grzegorz Król, and Katharina Seidler for their assistance with
Study 2. Many thanks to Heather Gillespie, Cath Byrne, Shannon Curtis, and Aleksandra Kozlowska for their help in preparing this
article. Address correspondence concerning this article to Markus Kemmelmeier, Interdisciplinary Ph.D. Program in Social Psy
-
chology, Department of Sociology, Mail Stop 300, University of Nevada, Reno, Reno, NV 89557, USA; markusk@unr.edu.
JOURNAL OF CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY, Vol. 34 No. 3, May 2003 304-322
DOI: 10.1177/0022022103253183
© 2003 Western Washington University
Diamond, 1997; Harris, 1968). Emphasizing more the dynamics of cultural evolution,
modernity theorists, starting with Karl Marx (1973), have proposed that cultural values
evolve along a predictable trajectory (e.g., Hofstede, 1980; Inkeles & Smith, 1974). As tradi
-
tional societies advance technologically, they assume new modes of production, leading to a
revolution in the nature of work and an increase in societal wealth (Bell, 1973; Inglehart,
1997). Such far-reaching economic transformations are thought to be reflected in dramatic
changes in people’s priorities, shifting them from concerns about survival and economic
security to the goal of self-actualization. Specifically, in the social realm modernity theorists
propose that traditional values emphasizing adherence to social norms and submission to
established authority give way to values focusing on individual self-determination
(Inglehart, 1990, 1997).
Even though cultural change is certainly not uniform across different societies (e.g.,
Inglehart & Baker, 2000), this trend from tradition to modernity is exemplified in the emer
-
gence of individualist values, which typically occurred on the background of a restrictive
social order. Historically, individualism is a product of the ideology of liberalism whose
emphasis on civic liberties and freedom emerged in opposition to authoritarian oppression
during the late 18th and 19th century, especially the American Revolution and French revo-
lution (cf. Gelfand, Triandis, & Chan, 1996; Lukes, 1973; Triandis, 1995). The central idea of
these and similar political movements was the recognition of individual self-determination,
individual human rights, and the limitation of state control over the individual—ideas that
form the philosophical cornerstone of today’s civic democracies. As a consequence, the cul-
tural ideology of individualism appears to be diametrically opposed to the notion of confor-
mity to the group and subordination to authority.
Indeed, results of Hofstede’s (1980) seminal multination study on cultural values are con-
sistent with this idea. Examining data obtained in 40 societies, he found a pronounced nega-
tive correlation (r = –.67) between individualism and power distance, a construct referring to
the degree to which relationships between individuals of a society are hierarchical. Thus,
Hofstede demonstrated that the greater the level of power distance, the lower the level of
individualism in a society. Other analyses demonstrated that individualism and power dis
-
tance loaded on the same factor, suggesting that they are opposite ends of an underlying con
-
tinuum (Hofstede, 1980, chap. 5).
1
These findings support the notion that at the cultural level,
individualism and adherence to authority and hierarchy are incompatible. Because Hofstede
considered collectivism the opposite of individualism, his findings also implied that power
distance and hierarchy are inherently linked to collectivism.
DISTINGUISHING LEVELS OF ANALYSIS
One of the central lessons of cultural psychology is that individual and societal levels of
analysis have to be carefully distinguished and findings obtained using societies as units of
analysis do not necessarily correspond to findings obtained in studies using individuals (e.g.,
Diener & Diener, 1995; Kemmelmeier, Król, & Kim, 2002). This is most apparent in the rela
-
tionship between the constructs of individualism and collectivism. Because individualism
and collectivism appear to be semantic opposites, early research assumed them to define
opposite ends of the same psychological dimension such that societies high in individualism
are simultaneously low in collectivism and vice versa (e.g., Hofstede, 1980; Hui, 1988).
However, when individualism and collectivism were assessed as aspects of an individual’s
belief system, and not as cultural-level phenomena, a different pattern emerged. At the indi
-
vidual level of measurement, the two constructs were found to constitute orthogonal
Kemmelmeier et al. / CULTURE AND AUTHORITARIANISM 305
dimensions, implying that individuals high in individualism are not necessarily low in col
-
lectivism and vice versa (e.g., Bontempo, 1993; Oyserman, 1993; Rhee, Uleman, & Lee,
1996; Singelis, 1994; Triandis, Bontempo, Villareal, Asai, & Lucca, 1988; cf. Trafimow,
Triandis, & Goto, 1991).
2
Whereas at the societal level, individualism-collectivism consti
-
tute a single bipolar dimension, at the individual level they form two independent unipolar
dimensions and individuals may simultaneously endorse both individualist and collectivist
values without contradiction (Leung, 1989; Triandis, 1989).
What does the independence of individualism and collectivism imply for people’s orien
-
tation toward authority? Although individualism may be incompatible with hierarchy and
submission to authority at the cultural level, it is not clear that individuals’ beliefs about
authority are equally incompatible with their individualist values. Therefore, in this study,
we examine the relationship between individualism, collectivism, and authoritarianism. We
propose that there is considerable similarity between collectivist and authoritarian beliefs,
causing them to be highly correlated; at the same time, we propose that there is no such rela
-
tionship between individualism and authoritarianism.
COLLECTIVISM AND AUTHORITARIANISM
The concept of collectivism emphasizes interdependence between the self and one’s
group or community, implying that collectivists place more value on collective goals and are
guided more by group norms and traditional authority figures (Oyserman, Coon, & Kemme-
lmeier, 2002; Triandis, 1995). Cross-cultural studies have shown that members of collectiv-
ist societies are more concerned about conforming to social norms than are members of indi-
vidualist societies. For example, a meta-analysis of conformity research showed that people
from collectivistic societies were more influenced by a majority than those in individualistic
societies (Bond & Smith, 1996). Schwartz (1994a) corroborates this idea with evidence that
collectivistic cultures endorse traditional (and conservative) values more than do individual-
istic societies. Further research suggests that individuals with a collectivistic background are
more likely to base behavioral decisions on group norms and others’ expectations than on
own preferences (e.g., Peng, Kemmelmeier, Burnstein, & Manis, 1996). Moreover, there is
evidence that people from collectivist societies, more than those from individualist societies,
feel a sense of obligation to in-group members, defer to in-group authorities, draw a firmer
distinction between in-group and out-group members, and show greater in-group bias (e.g.,
Cha, 1994; Earley, 1989; Triandis, 1989; Wheeler, Reis, & Bond, 1989; see Oyserman et al.,
2002, for a recent review). Similar findings have been obtained at the individual level of anal
-
ysis, that is, when the relationship between social behavior and endorsement of collectivist
beliefs of members of the same society was examined (e.g., Jackson & Smith, 1999; Triandis
et al., 1988; Ybarra & Trafimow, 1998).
These features of collectivism reveal a striking similarity to those of authoritarianism, a
construct originally introduced by Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik, Levinson, and Sanford
(1950). Presently, the most comprehensive and widely accepted theory of authoritarianism is
that proposed by Altemeyer (1988, 1996; but see Martin, 2001). Altemeyer defines authori
-
tarianism as a value syndrome that comprises three distinct elements: conventionalism, sub
-
mission to authority, and authoritarian aggression. Authoritarians (a) adhere to conventional
morality and value compliance with social norms, (b) emphasize hierarchy and deference to
authority figures, and (c) possess a “law and order” mentality that legitimizes anger and
aggression against those who deviate from social norms and conventions. There is ample
306 JOURNAL OF CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY
research supporting this conception of authoritarianism (see Altemeyer, 1988, 1996, 1998,
for comprehensive reviews). First, studies show that authoritarianism is consistently related
to conformity behavior and compliance with perceived norms, including religious teachings
(e.g., Altemeyer, 1988; Johnson & Steiner, 1967). Second, authoritarians are often submis
-
sive (Meloen, Van der Linden, & De Witte, 1996) and obedient to authority, even when this
implies inflicting injury on others (e.g., Elms & Milgram, 1966; Vaughan & White, 1966).
Last, authoritarians support harsh punishments for those who violate social conventions or
disobey authorities (Altemeyer, 1988; cf. Smith & Winter, 2002).
As this brief overview makes clear, the authoritarian emphasis on compliance with social
norms and deference to in-group authority has its parallel in the collectivist attention to in-
group expectations and respect for status and tradition (cf. Gelfand et al., 1996). At the same
time, the concepts of authoritarianism and collectivism are dissimilar with regard to confor
-
mity and deference behavior: Whereas hostility against in-group deviants and out-groups is
an integral component of authoritarianism, intra- and intergroup aggression is not explicitly
included in the concept of collectivism.
Beyond the considerable conceptual similarity and overlap in empirical findings, Duckitt
(1989) has proposed a more specific link between collectivism and authoritarianism.
According to his theory, authoritarianism, at its core, entails the belief that in-group goals are
superordinate to individuals’ private pursuits. This establishes the primacy of social norms
and group authority and gives the in-group license to enforce norms and punish deviants.
Duckitt argues that historically, authoritarian regimes promoted a sense of commitment to
the group and of self-sacrifice for the common good, which in turn was used to justify sanc-
tions against dissenters. This tendency to subjugate individual rights and goals to those of a
dominant collective is exemplified in the fascist regimes in Germany and Italy during the
1930s and 1940s or the totalitarian regime in the Soviet Union. Although we hold that there is
no empirical evidence of an inherent connection between collectivism and aggression,
Duckitt’s hypothesis highlights that both authoritarianism and collectivism stress the ideas
of group commitment and priority of group interest over self-interest (cf. Gelfand et al.,
1996).
INDIVIDUALISM AND AUTHORITARIANISM
Where in many respects, collectivism appears to be compatible and even similar to
authoritarianism, we argue that individualism and authoritarianism are different and unre
-
lated, notwithstanding the apparent semantic incompatibility discussed earlier. Although
there is little doubt that authoritarian ideology is antidemocratic and antiliberal, at the psy
-
chological level it is less clear whether authoritarians necessarily de-emphasize individual
rights, self-determination, and the pursuit of self-interest, all central aspects of individual
-
ism. A review of the literature reveals that with regard to social and political attitudes, author
-
itarians do champion individual self-determination on some issues yet oppose it on others.
For example, in the United States, authoritarians support laissez-faire policies regarding reg
-
ulation of the domestic economy and oppose government intervention (McFarland, Ageyev,
& Abalakina-Paap, 1992).
3
In Canada and the United States, authoritarianism is associated
with rejecting efforts by collective institutions to control and limit individual gun ownership
(Altemeyer, 1996; Nelson & Milburn, 1999). Moreover, in Canada, individuals high in
authoritarianism strongly support freedom of choice in schooling (Altemeyer, 1996). How
-
ever, on other issues, authoritarians resist individual self-determination. For example, they
Kemmelmeier et al. / CULTURE AND AUTHORITARIANISM 307
tend to oppose freedom of choice when it comes to abortion (Altemeyer, 1996; Duncan,
Peterson, & Winter, 1997; Peterson, Doty, & Winter, 1993) and physician-assisted suicide
(Kemmelmeier, 2001; Kemmelmeier, Burnstein, & Peng, 1999; Kemmelmeier,
Wieczorkowska, Erb, & Burnstein, 2002). Although as philosophies, authoritarianism and
individualism are incongruous, whether they are incompatible at the psychological level,
say, as personal value constructs, is ambiguous at best. In light of the inconsistent findings
reviewed above, it is more cautious to assume that there is no systematic and stable relation
-
ship between authoritarian and individualist beliefs.
SEMANTIC RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN INDIVIDUALISM,
COLLECTIVISM, AND AUTHORITARIANISM
To date, only one published study has systematically researched the relationship between
individualism, collectivism, and authoritarianism at the individual level. Focusing on the
naïve understanding of these constructs, Gelfand et al. (1996) had 38 undergraduate students
judge the similarity between various terms chosen to represent individualist, collectivist, and
authoritarian values (e.g., “choosing your own goal” for individualism, “devoutness” for
authoritarianism, and “respect for tradition” for collectivism). The authors found in a multi
-
dimensional scaling analysis that a two-dimensional solution best accounted for the data.
The first dimension was defined by the polar opposites individualism and authoritarianism,
and the second dimension reflected an orthogonal collectivism dimension. That is, Gelfand
et al. (1996) found support for the notion that individualism and authoritarianism were per-
ceived to be incompatible. Yet, contrary to expectations, collectivism was not positively
related to authoritarianism but unrelated to both individualism and authoritarianism.
Gelfand et al.’s (1996) study provides valuable insight into how individuals perceive the
semantic relationships between these value constructs. However, it is clear that naïve con-
ceptions of the three constructs may not be consistent with the constellation of individual-
ism, collectivism, and authoritarianism when they are measured in the “living object.”
Although research has shown that patterns of empirical self-descriptions often follow the
semantic similarity of self-descriptive terms (e.g., Borkenau, 1992; Gara & Rosenberg,
1981), the intuitive understanding of the relationship between value concepts does not neces
-
sarily reflect the empirical relationship between the same concepts. Indeed, a recent study by
Triandis and Gelfand (1998, Study 4) used an individual difference approach and showed
authoritarianism to covary with some aspects of collectivism. Unfortunately, individualism
was not reported in this study; hence, the full constellation between the three value constructs
remains unclear (see also Rudy & Grusec, 2001; Urban, 1998).
THE PRESENT SERIES OF STUDIES
In the present studies, we choose an individual difference approach to assess the relation
-
ship between individualism, collectivism, and authoritarianism. Consistent with modern
conceptions of individualism and collectivism, the two concepts are assessed with separate
measures. In Study 1, conducted in the United States, we selected three sets of measures that
allowed assessment of individualism-collectivism as distinct dimensions and explored their
correlation with a standard measure of authoritarianism. Study 2 used a refined measure of
individualism-collectivism and examined the cross-cultural generality of our findings. This
study also allows an examination of authoritarianism and individualism-collectivism at the
societal level.
308 JOURNAL OF CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY
STUDY 1
METHOD
Respondents
The data came from five different samples collected at the University of Michigan
between 1996 and 1997. We ascertained that each respondent was included in only one of the
five samples. Overall, there were 518 undergraduate students (236 men, 281 women; 1
unspecified). The mean age was 19.3 years and the majority of participants were of European
American/Caucasian background (approximately 70%).
Because the data were originally collected for other purposes, samples varied with regard
to the particular set of measures they completed. Only 57 participants received the complete
set of four measures; others received subsets of two or three measures. Yet, because the main
purpose of the present study was to assess the correlations between various measurement
instruments, the maximum number of participants was included to estimate a particular cor-
relation coefficient. Before collapsing the samples, we examined the reliability coefficients
and patterns of correlations for those samples that received the same pairs of measures but
found no differences. Also, because no gender differences were obtained, this variable is not
discussed further.
Measures of Individualism-Collectivism
Oyserman (1993). For her study of multiculturalism, Oyserman constructed two scales
measuring the orthogonal dimensions of individualism and collectivism.
4
Sample items
include “To know who I really am, you must examine my achievements and accomplish-
ments” (individualism) and “If you know what groups I belong to, you know who I am” (col-
lectivism). The reliability of the 12-item individualism scale and the 10-item collectivism
scale was α = .63 and α = .72, respectively.
Bontempo (1993). In a methodological study comparing the translation fidelity of
Triandis et al.’s (1988) INDCOL scale, Bontempo discovered that the scale comprised two
independent subscales, one assessing individualism and one assessing collectivism. The
present investigation used a slight modification of his scales removing the one item per
subscale that was unrelated to the total subscale score. The reliability of the 10-item individ
-
ualism scale was α = .66. The reliability of the 5-item collectivism scale, however, turned out
to be compromised, α = .56. Sample items include “One does better working alone than in a
group” (individualism) and “Aging parents should live at home with their children” (collec
-
tivism).
Singelis (1994). We also used Singelis’s scales to measure independent and interdepen
-
dent self-construals (Markus & Kitayama, 1991), which represent a central feature of indi
-
vidualism and collectivism. Each of the scales comprised 12 items. Sample items include “I
enjoy being unique and different from others” (independence) and “I will sacrifice my self-
interest for the benefit of the group I am in” (interdependence). Internal consistencies were
α = .69 and α = .72, respectively.
Kemmelmeier et al. / CULTURE AND AUTHORITARIANISM 309
Authoritarianism. We used Altemeyer’s (1988) Right Wing Authoritarianism scale
(RWA) (α = .90). Altemeyer (1988) defined authoritarianism in terms of authoritarian sub-
mission, aggression, and conventionalism. This scale is generally considered state-of-the-art
(e.g., Eckhardt, 1991; Winter, 1990) and has been used extensively in the literature (e.g.,
Doty, Winter, Peterson, & Kemmelmeier, 1997; Tarr & Lorr, 1991). Of our total sample, only
57 participants received the full version of the scale (α = .90). The remainder was adminis-
tered a 10-item short version developed by Haddock, Zanna, and Esses (1993) (α = .73). The
correlation between the short and full versions of the scale was r = .87.
RESULTS
The correlation coefficients between our measures of individualism, collectivism, and
authoritarianism are displayed in Table 1. First, the three measures of individualism were
unrelated to the three collectivism scales. The only exception was an unexpected negative
correlation between Bontempo’s (1993) individualism and Singelis’s (1994) interdependent
self-construal scales. This pattern is consistent with the general claim that individualism
and collectivism constitute orthogonal dimensions when assessed at the individual level.
Second, all three individualism measures were significantly correlated with each other,
and the same was true for the three collectivism measures, thus providing evidence for the
convergent validity of the different scales. Finally, even though the various individualism-
collectivism scales converged, the level of association clearly shows that the measures of
individualism and collectivism employed in this study are not redundant. Indeed, the conver
-
gent correlations have to be considered somewhat low in light of the fact that the all individu
-
alism measures and all collectivism measures were designed to tap the same underlying
dimension. This is a reflection of the diverse conceptualizations of individualism and collec
-
tivism on the part of Bontempo, Oyserman (1993), and Singelis, which is typical for the
310 JOURNAL OF CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY
TABLE 1
Intercorrelations Between Scales (Study 1)
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
RWA –.11
a
(57) .03
a
(57) .01
b
(375) .53
a
*** (57) .33
a
* (57) .29
b
*** (375)
Oyserman (1993)
(1) Individualism .45** (193) .28* (54) –.05 (193) –.08 (193) –.22 (54)
Bontempo (1993)
(2) Individualism .27* (54) .01 (193) –.02 (193) –.31** (54)
Singelis (1994)
(3) Independence .20 (54) .17 (54) –.07 (382)
Oyserman (1993)
(4) Collectivism . 26*** (193) .53*** (54)
Bontempo (1993)
(5) Collectivism . 44** (54)
Singelis (1994)
(6) Interdependence
NOTE: Numbers in parentheses indicate the number of respondents on which the coefficient is based. Correlation
coefficients indicating convergent validity of the various scales are italicized. RWA = right wing authoritarianism.
a. Thirty-item full version of RWA scale; 134 participants who only received the short version of the scale are not
reported here. However, the pattern of correlations observed for this sample was identical.
b. 10-item short version of RWA scale.
*p < .05. **p < .01; ***p < .001.
cultural-psychological literature (Kagitçibasi, 1997; Oyserman et al., 2002). Yet, despite
stark differences, the present data clearly show that conceptualizations of individualism and
collectivism are each configured around a common core.
5
Regarding the associations between individualism-collectivism and authoritarianism, we
found RWA was correlated with all three measures of collectivism/interdependence, a find
-
ing consistent with the hypothesis that there is a conceptual overlap between authoritarian
-
ism and collectivism. As expected, there was no correlation between RWA and any of the
individualism measures. This supports our hypothesis that the two constructs are unrelated
in the United States.
In a more focused analysis of the relationship between authoritarianism and individual
-
ism-collectivism, correlations were computed between Oyserman’s (1993) measures and
each of the 30 items of the full RWA scale (n = 57) to examine which of the three elements of
authoritarianism is responsible for this association with collectivism. Because Altemeyer
(1988) did not provide a classification of items, the first and second author coded each of the
30 items of the RWA scale according to whether it reflected (a) authoritarian aggression, (b)
submission, or (c) conventionalism or any combination of the three (see Smith & Winter,
2002, for a similar approach). To ensure objectivity, once an agreement had been reached, a
research assistant repeated the classification. Intercoder agreement was very high (96%): For
all but one case, classifications were identical, and the discrepancy was resolved in discus-
sion. As a result, 21 items received one code, and 9 items received two codes. In examining
the relationship between collectivism and different aspects of authoritarianism, we found
Oyserman’s collectivism to be significantly correlated with 3 of 8 aggression items (38%), 8
of 14 submission items (57%), and 12 of the 17 conventionalism items (71%).
6
The lower
level of correlation with authoritarian aggression indicates that this aspect is much less rele-
vant to collectivism than are submission and conventionalism, as over half the items referring
to these components of authoritarianism had a significant relationship with collectivism.
This supports the notion that both authoritarianism and collectivism are concerned with con-
formity and obedience to in-group authority relationship. In contrast, Oyserman’s (1993)
individualism scale was only related to 2 of the 17 conventionalism items and to none of the
submission or aggression items. Again, this finding confirms the assumption of dimensional
independence between individualism and authoritarianism.
STUDY 2
We explored the cross-cultural generality of the relationship between individualism and
authoritarianism. Arguably, the ideology of liberalism and individualism emerged in the
context of oppressive rule, in which the will of the individual was subjugated to the will of
authorities, such as the monarch (Triandis, 1995). This suggests that oppression is an impor
-
tant and perhaps necessary condition to render salient the incompatibility between individu
-
als’self-determination and adherence to the social and political order. In Study 1, the respon
-
dents were from a society with a long democratic tradition and whose citizens are relatively
free to pursue their individual interests within an established legal and political system.
Therefore, the absence of an open antagonism between the political order, on one hand, and
individual freedom and self-determination, on the other hand, may be responsible for the
absence of any correlation between individualism and authoritarianism. This might well be
different in societies that are experiencing or have recently experienced totalitarian regimes.
Kemmelmeier et al. / CULTURE AND AUTHORITARIANISM 311
In these societies, adherence to the social order may well be construed as incompatible with
personal freedom and self-determination.
To test this hypothesis, we collected data in two post-Communist countries, Poland and
Bulgaria. Until 1989, both countries were ruled by a Communist regime that severely limited
individual freedom and self-expression. We also gathered data in two countries that experi
-
enced totalitarian regimes during the first half of the 20th century, namely Germany and
Japan. In addition to the United States, we selected two countries, Canada and New Zealand,
which had never experienced any kind of totalitarian regime. If totalitarianism shapes the
constellation between individualist and authoritarian beliefs, we anticipated that psycholog
-
ical individualism and authoritarianism would be negatively correlated in societies whose
historical experience includes oppression.
Study 2 also relies on a recent reconceptualization of individualism and collectivism pro
-
posed by Triandis and his colleagues (Singelis, Triandis, Bhawuk, & Gelfand, 1995; Triandis,
1995, 1996; Triandis & Gelfand, 1998). This framework is inspired by Fiske’s (1992) analy
-
sis of elementary forms of human relationships and involves a horizontal-vertical dimension
reflecting whether individualistic or collectivistic values pertained to equal status or to hier-
archy (cf. Hofstede, 1980). In brief, the psychological concept of vertical individualism (VI)
values competition and outperforming others (cf. Spence, 1985); horizontal individualism
(HI) characterizes the desire to be unique and different from equal others; vertical collectiv-
ism (VC) includes valuing tradition and respect for the family; last, horizontal collectivism
(HC) entails a sense of interdependence and connection with in-group members.
Because the authoritarian emphasis on conformity and submission to authority explicitly
refers to power differences, we anticipated the vertical dimension in Triandis’s (1995, 1996)
model to be related to authoritarianism. Specifically, we expected that authoritarians would
endorse the traditional authority structure of the family, resulting in a positive correlation
between authoritarianism and VC. At the same time, authoritarianism is likely to be con-
nected to in-group members’ sense of interdependence with and connectedness to others.
Even though authoritarians strongly identify with their group (e.g., Duckitt, 1989), attach-
ment to the collective is psychologically distinct from attachment to individual in-group
members (e.g., Hogg & Abrams, 1987). In short, HC mainly refers to interpersonal
connectedness, not social identification with a collective, and thus should not be associated
with authoritarianism. We expected this pattern to hold across all societies studied.
With regard to individualism, it is important to note that the concept of HI emphasizes per
-
sonal uniqueness and self-determination and is very similar to Singelis’s (1994) concept of
independent self-construals as well as Oyserman’s (1993) individualism construct (cf.
Triandis & Gelfand, 1998). Based on our findings in Study 1, therefore, we expected HI to be
unrelated to authoritarianism except in those societies with a recent history of totalitarian
-
ism. As outlined earlier, we anticipated authoritarianism to be negatively related in post-
Communist countries and, perhaps, in Germany and Japan as well.
Last, concerning VI, there is considerable evidence that authoritarians prefer competition
to cooperation (Kelley & Stahelski, 1970; Kuhlman & Marshello, 1975) and believe in natu
-
ral hierarchies and the “survival of the fittest” (Altemeyer, 1996; Pratto, Sidanius, Stall
-
worth, & Malle, 1994). Consequently, we predicted authoritarianism to be positively corre
-
lated with preference for competition, the primary component of VI.
Although Study 2 hopes to extend the individual-level findings of Study 1, it also allows
an investigation of our hypotheses at the cultural level. That is, beyond exploring associa
-
tions between authoritarianism and individualism-collectivism within each subsample, we
examine our predictions using societies as units of analysis.
312 JOURNAL OF CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY
METHOD
Respondents
The data were collected between November 1997 and March 1999. In the United States,
192 undergraduate psychology students (82 males, 109 females; 1 unspecified) participated
in the present study in exchange for course credit (mean age 18.8 years). The sample was eth
-
nically mixed with 64% describing themselves as European American/Caucasian, 12% as
African American, 10% as Asian American, and 4% as Latino. In Bulgaria, we obtained data
from 322 university students (72 men, 247 women, 3 unspecified). The majority were in the
1st years of their studies (89%). The Japanese sample consisted of 86 undergraduate students
in a psychology class (45 men, 41 women) with a mean age of 20.0 years. The Polish sample
comprised 123 psychology students (69 men, 54 women) with a mean age of 22.5 years. In
Germany, 102 psychology students completed our materials (23 men, 79 women). The mean
age was 24.1 years. The German data were obtained at a university in former West Germany
and only a minority of participants (< 10%) had come of age in former East Germany. The
Canadian sample comprised 96 undergraduates (38 men, 54 women, 4 unspecified). The
mean age was 19.3 years, with the majority of students being of a European cultural back-
ground. Finally, the sample from New Zealand comprised 111 undergraduate students in a
political science class (54 men, 57 women), most of whom described themselves as of Euro-
pean origin (83%). No age information was available for this sample.
Measures
We used items provided by Triandis (1995) to measure VI, HI, VC, and HC. There were
eight items each to measure VI (e.g., “It is important for me that I do my job better than oth-
ers”), HI (e.g., “I enjoy being unique and different from others in many ways”), VC (e.g., “I
would sacrifice an activity that I enjoy very much if my family did not approve of it”), and HC
(“It is important for me to maintain harmony within my group”). As in Study 1, we used
Altemeyer’s (1988) RWA scale to assess participants’ level of authoritarianism, but all sam
-
ples completed the full 30-item version of the scale.
English versions of the measures were used in the United States, New Zealand, and Can
-
ada. For Japan, Poland, Germany, and Bulgaria, the materials had to be translated into the
respective national language. In Germany and Bulgaria, the common back-translation
method was used (Brislin, 1986). In the case of Japan and Poland, translations were prepared
collaboratively by at least three bilingual research psychologists. Because some of the items
on the authoritarianism scale assume a Christian cultural background, it was necessary to
slightly modify item content to adapt the scale to the Japanese cultural context.
RESULTS
First, we examined the internal consistency of our measures in different samples. As
shown in Table 2, in many cases the Cronbach’s alpha coefficients were somewhat lower
than the .70 standard proposed by Nunnally (1978). However, whereas reliability coeffi
-
cients below .70 are not uncommon in the measurement of individualism and collectivism
(see reviews by Coon & Kemmelmeier, 2001, and Oyserman et al., 2002), such low values
indicate the presence of additional error variance. As a result, correlational analyses based on
Kemmelmeier et al. / CULTURE AND AUTHORITARIANISM 313
these scales are likely to underestimate the true correlation coefficients between constructs
(Cohen & Cohen, 1983).
We present two sets of analyses. Individual-level analyses explore the cross-cultural gen
-
erality of the findings of Study 1. In addition, we conducted a set of analyses using societies
as units of analysis to explore the relationship between authoritarianism and individualism-
collectivism at the aggregate level.
Individual-Level Analyses
To examine the relationship between individualism-collectivism and RWA, we used mul-
tiple linear regression models. Within each sample, we regressed RWA on VI, HI, VC, and
HC, while controlling the influence of respondent age and gender. The standardized regres-
sion coefficients obtained for each sample, as well as the zero-order correlations, are summa-
rized in Table 3. Our interpretation focuses on the regression results because, in contrast to
Pearson correlations, beta coefficients are adjusted for possible redundancies between the
four facets of Triandis’s (1995, 1996) horizontal-vertical individualism-collectivism model.
As expected, we found that VC was consistently related to RWA in all seven samples.
Replicating our findings from Study 1, the more individuals valued tradition and respected
family authority, the higher they were in authoritarianism. At the same time, there was no
positive relationship between RWA and HC, implying that the extent to which participants
viewed themselves as embedded in their group and connected to others was generally unre
-
lated to authoritarianism. We even obtained a negative association in our Bulgarian sample
between HC and RWA, showing that interpersonal connectedness was at least in part incom
-
patible with authoritarianism. The differential association of RWA with VC but not HC is
additional evidence for the notion that both RWA and VC emphasize submission to in-group
authority.
With regard to individualism, we found that in the United States, as well as in the other
two English-speaking countries, HI was not related to RWA. Given that the individualism
measures used in Study 1 are similar to HI, this null finding represents a conceptual replica
-
tion of our results. The results for Germany and Japan resembled those found for the English-
speaking countries, presumably because the strong democratic traditions established in the
second half of the last century replaced the experience of authoritarian rule. However, as pre
-
dicted, the correlation between HI and RWA was negative and significant in the post-
314 JOURNAL OF CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY
TABLE 2
Cronbach’s Alpha Reliabilities of Measures (Study 2)
RWA VI HI VC HC
Bulgaria (n = 322) .79 .60 .54 .69 .59
Canada (n = 96) .63 .80 .66 .47 .68
Germany (n = 102) .88 .77 .53 .67 .55
Japan (n = 86) .75 .75 .45 .75 .47
New Zealand (n = 111) .90 .79 .70 .61 .52
Poland (n = 109) .81 .67 .70 .70 .63
United States (n = 192) .80 .82 .68 .56 .63
NOTE: RWA = right wing authoritarianism; VI = vertical individualism; HI = horizontal individualism; VC = verti
-
cal collectivism; HC = horizontal collectivism.
Communist countries, Bulgaria and Poland. This supports the notion that the historic experi-
ence of authoritarian rule renders the psychological dimensions of authoritarianism and indi-
vidualism incompatible. Last, we found only partial evidence for the notion that authoritari-
anism and competitiveness are positively associated. Only in the U.S. and New Zealand
samples was there a reliable association between RWA and VI. Although this pattern is con-
sistent with earlier research on the relationship between authoritarianism and competitive-
ness, in the majority of societies examined in this study, authoritarianism and competitive-
ness were unrelated.
For a stricter test of our predictions concerning the differential association between
individualism-collectivism and authoritarianism, we used meta-analysis to aggregate the
regression coefficients pertaining to each type of country (Cooper & Hedges, 1994). That is,
we generated combined correlation estimates separately for post-Communist countries,
countries that experienced totalitarian rule in the 20th century, and those who never experi
-
enced any totalitarian rule. The weighted aggregated regression coefficients are shown in
Table 4. Across all three types of countries, there was a reliable association between RWA
and VC but no relationship between RWA and HC. The association between VI and RWA
was nonsignificant only in formerly totalitarian societies, despite the fact that the combined
correlation was slightly greater than for post-Communist societies. Finally, only in post-
Communist countries there was a negative correlation between RWA and HI, supporting the
notion that this value constellation demonstrates the impact of recent history.
Even though the general pattern of findings is compatible with our predictions, it can be
viewed as preliminary evidence only. As is apparent in Table 4, within each column the con
-
fidence intervals of the aggregate correlation coefficients overlap, implying that none of the
comparisons between combined coefficients of different types of societies approached con
-
ventional levels of statistical significance. Thus, presumably because of the relatively small
number of societies in the present sample and the resulting lack of statistical power, our
hypotheses concerning differential correlations in post-Communist, former totalitarian, and
never totalitarian societies has not been supported.
Kemmelmeier et al. / CULTURE AND AUTHORITARIANISM 315
TABLE 3
Relationship Between Individualism-Collectivism Scales and RWA:
Individual-Level Analyses (Study 2)
Individualism Collectivism
VI HI VC HC
r β r β r β r β
Bulgaria (n = 322) .11* .07 –.14** –.14** .35*** .40**** .03 –.14**
Canada (n = 96) .05 –.04 –.11 –.09 .35*** .37*** .06 .09
Germany (n = 102) .24** .10 –.05 .00 .31*** .35*** –.05 –.12
Japan (n = 86) .10 .13 .05 –.06 .43**** .44**** .21** –.06
New Zealand (n = 111) .28*** .27*** –.10 –.14 .44**** .53**** –.08 –.18*
Poland (n = 109) .09 .18* –.13 –.21** .35**** .29*** .14 .08
United States (n = 192) .17** .17** –.06 –.06 .23*** .16** .18** .15*
NOTE: RWA = right-wing authoritarianism; VI = vertical individualism; HI = horizontal individualism; VC = verti
-
cal collectivism; HC = horizontal collectivism. Table entries represent zero-order Pearson correlation coeffi
-
cients and standardized regression coefficients. The latter were obtained by regressing RWA on all individualism-
collectivism variables simultaneously, while controlling for age and gender.
*p < .10. **p < .05. ***p < .01. ****p < .001.
Societal-Level Analyses
Despite the fact that Study 2 included only data from seven societies, we explored the
relationships between RWA and individualism-collectivism at the societal level. For this
purpose, we computed sample means for each variable weighted for gender to correct for
the somewhat different distribution of men and women in the seven samples. We chose
Pearson product-moment correlation to examine the association between constructs as the
number of societies and the presence of collinearity did not allow for the use of multiple
regression modeling. These societal-level analyses showed that RWA was strongly related to
VC, r = .89, p < .01, and somewhat related to VI, r = .71, p < .08. This pattern confirms that
societal-level authoritarianism is linked to the vertical dimension in Triandis’s (1995, 1996)
individualism-collectivism model. In societies with comparatively high levels of authoritari-
anism, there was a greater emphasis on inequality and status differences between individu-
als. This is consistent with the notion that authoritarianism is a value system inherently
linked to social hierarchy.
Although coefficients were also positive, there was no significant relationship between
RWA and HC, r = .61, p > .14, and HI, r = .45, p > .31. The fact that societal-level HI was not
reliably correlated with RWA further supports our notion that there is no consistent relation
-
ship between individualism and authoritarianism. Similarly, the absence of a correlation
between HC and RWA is also expected because a sense of interconnectedness with in-group
members is distinct from valuing tradition and respect for the family (e.g., Triandis, 1995).
7
DISCUSSION
The purpose of our studies was to examine the relationships between the constructs of
individualism, collectivism, and authoritarianism. The present findings illustrate that
authoritarianism is associated with collectivism across different measures of the construct
and different societies. In particular, both at the individual level and the societal level,
Study 2 demonstrated that authoritarianism is associated with only those aspects of collectiv
-
ism referring to hierarchy and submission to in-group authority. Yet other aspects of collec
-
tivism, namely those emphasizing closeness and interpersonal connection with in-group
316 JOURNAL OF CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY
TABLE 4
Relationship Between Right Wing Authoritarianism and
Individualism-Collectivism: Combined Effect Sizes (Study 2)
Individualism Collectivism
VI HI VC HC
Types of societies β (CI) β (CI) β (CI) β (CI)
Post-Communist .10 (.01/.19) –.16 (–.25/–.07) .38 (.29/.45) –.09 (–.18/.01)
Former totalitarian .11 (–.03/.26) –.03 (–.17/.12) .39 (.26/.51) –.09 (–.24/.05)
Never totalitarian .15 (.06/.25) –.09 (–.19/.01) .32 (.23/.41) .05 (–.05/.14)
NOTE: VI = vertical individualism; HI = horizontal individualism; VC = vertical collectivism; HC = horizontal col
-
lectivism; CI = confidence interval. Standardized regression coefficients (standardized semipartial correlation coef
-
ficients) were Fisher’s z transformed, aggregated, and retransformed into standardized regression coefficients.
Aggregated standardized regression coefficients that are reliably different from 0 are italicized. Post-Communist
societies include Bulgaria and Poland, former totalitarian societies include Germany and Japan, and never-totalitarian
societies comprise Canada, New Zealand, and the United States.
members, are unrelated to authoritarianism. This confirms our hypothesis of a conceptual
overlap in the definition of authoritarianism and collectivism: Both constructs stress the
adherence to social norms and submission to legitimate in-group authority. However, as
shown in Study 1, the similarity of these constructs primarily occurs for these two content
areas, as the association between authoritarian aggression and collectivism is substantially
weaker.
At the same time, our results do not demonstrate a pervasive inverse relationship between
individualism and authoritarianism. Specifically, the present findings do not mirror the pro
-
nounced negative relationship between individualism and power distance reported by
Hofstede (1980) for the aggregate level. In other words, even if the experience of hierarchy
and status inequality in a society is incompatible with the pursuit of self-determination, indi
-
vidual beliefs about authority and social convention are not necessarily at odds with an indi
-
vidualist orientation. This finding also confirms individualism-collectivism as an exception
to the widely observed trend that the dimensional structure of self-ratings parallels the
semantic similarity between dimensions (e.g., Borkenau, 1992; Gara & Rosenberg, 1981).
Whereas Gelfand et al. (1996) showed that the concepts of individualism and authoritarian-
ism are perceived to be semantic opposites, the present analyses revealed that this was not the
case for self-ratings on the same value dimensions. Overall, the findings corroborate our ear-
lier contention that there is no clear relationship between individualism and authoritarianism
when they are assessed as individual value orientations.
There were, however, two exceptions to this pattern. First, in the two post-Communist
societies included in Study 2, Bulgaria and Poland, higher levels of authoritarianism were
significantly related to lower levels of individualism when the latter reflected an emphasis on
personal self-determination and uniqueness. Comparisons of this association between post-
Communist societies and other societies were not statistically significant, but the overall pat-
tern of results is consistent with our prediction. Individualist values may be incompatible
with authoritarian values when the historical experience highlights the conflicts between
self-determination and expressions of personal uniqueness with the political structure.
Because Bulgaria and Poland emerged from Communist rule only little over a decade ago,
we argue that the citizens of these societies may still view adherence to law and order as
potentially antithetical to their personal freedom. In brief, although research has often argued
that value patterns tend to be relatively stable across cultures (e.g., Inglehart & Baker, 2000;
Schwartz, 1994b), we submit that the effects of history should not be ignored when examin
-
ing the meaning of and relationships between values.
Second, despite the fact that both Gelfand et al.’s (1996) and Hofstede’s (1980) findings
might lead one to expect a negative relationship between individualism and authoritarian
-
ism, we found evidence for a positive relationship between authoritarianism and vertical
individualism (VI), both at the individual level as well as at the societal level. The discrep
-
ancy between the present data and those earlier findings is hardly surprising as Gelfand et al.
(1996) and Hofstede (1980) did not conceive of competition and competitiveness as aspects
of individualism. Although the positive correlation between VI and authoritarianism con
-
ceptually replicated earlier studies conducted in the United States (Kelley & Stahelski, 1970;
Kuhlman & Marshello, 1975), the cross-cultural generality of this finding is not yet entirely
clear. In spite of similar effect sizes and the absence of any significant differences between
different types of societies, we did not find a statistically reliable association between these
constructs in our samples from post-Communist societies. Future research will need to
explore this issue further.
Kemmelmeier et al. / CULTURE AND AUTHORITARIANISM 317
Where the present article focuses on authoritarianism, other research in psychology has
examined the relationship between individualism-collectivism and other sociopolitical ori
-
entations toward hierarchy. In this regard, some might wonder to what extent the present
findings for authoritarianism are similar to those found for social dominance orientation
(Pratto et al., 1994). Often suspected to be redundant, the constructs of authoritarianism and
social dominance orientation are empirically quite distinct (e.g., Altemeyer, 1998; Heaven &
Bucci, 2001; Pratto et al., 1994; Whitley, 1999). Indeed, recent findings by Strunk and Chang
(1999) on the relationship between horizontal-vertical individualism-collectivism and social
dominance orientation in the United States do not fit well with our results. These authors
found social dominance orientation to be inversely related to HC but unrelated to VC. That
is, social dominance orientation was incompatible with a sense of connection and interde
-
pendence to other group members but neutral with regard to conformity and submission to
authority. Yet social dominance orientation resembled authoritarianism in that it was unre
-
lated to HI but positively related to VI.
In summary, our findings establish that self-ratings on the dimensions of individualism,
collectivism, and authoritarianism parallel neither the pattern found at the aggregate level
(Hofstede, 1980) nor the pattern found for naïve perceptions of similarities and differences
between the three concepts (Gelfand et al., 1996). This highlights that individual beliefs
about the relationship between value constructs may not correspond to the empirical rela-
tionships between them and that findings obtained at one level of analysis cannot automati-
cally be generalized to other levels. Even though there are many instances in cultural psy-
chology where different levels of analysis converge (e.g., Kemmelmeier et al., 2002; Nisbett
& Cohen, 1996), the present findings serve as a reminder that cultural researchers need to pay
close attention to the meaning and implications of their concepts at various levels of analysis.
It is only by considering cross-cultural and within-cultural patterns simultaneously that a full
understanding of cultural values can be reached.
NOTES
1. Hofstede’s (1980) decision to treat individualism and power distance as separate constructs was motivated by
conceptual considerations and occurred despite strong statistical evidence for a single underlying dimension
(p. 221).
2. There is, however, one known exception. Rhee, Uleman, and Lee (1996) showed that individualism and col
-
lectivism constitute a single bipolar dimension when these constructs exclusively refer to family.
3. It is interesting to note that in Russia authoritarianism is associated with opposition to laissez-fair individual
-
ism (McFarland, Ageyev, & Djintcharadze, 1996). Along similar lines, Romanian authoritarians do not embrace the
expansion of personal freedom that has become available in the post-Communist era (Krauss, 2002).
4. Because Oyserman (1993) constructed a series of similar scales, we selected the one that was suitable to be
used in the United States. This scale has since been used in the United States where it demonstrated good
psychometric properties (Kemmelmeier, 2001; Kemmelmeier, Burnstein, & Peng, 1999).
5. As pointed out by a reviewer, the fact that Oyserman’s (1993) collectivism scale is more strongly correlated
with right wing authoritarianism (RWA) than with Bontempo’s (1993) collectivism scale challenges the
discriminant validity of the collectivism measures, as they should be expected to relate more strongly to measures of
the same underlying construct than to any third variable (Campbell & Fiske, 1959). In the present context, we view
this as further evidence of the enormous heterogeneity in the conceptualization of the construct.
6. Although not intended by Altemeyer (1988), we also combined the items pertaining to each component into
subscales (Cronbach’s α aggression, .65, submission, .82, and conventionalism, .83). Following Meng, Rosenthal,
and Rubin (1992) in comparing correlated correlation coefficients, we found that both the correlation between RWA
and submission (r = .54, p < .001) and the correlation between RWA and conventionalism (r = .56, p < .001) were
greater than the correlation between RWA and aggression (r = .35, p < .01), Z = 2.28 and Z = 2.07, both, p < .05. The
318 JOURNAL OF CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY
comparison between the correlations of RWA with submission and RWA and conventionalism was not signifi
-
cant, Z = .26, ns.
7. In contrast to the individual-level analyses reported above, the present exploratory analyses at the societal
level assume that the various translations of the measures used in this research possess scalar equivalence (see van
de Vijver & Leung, 1997). Not only is it implied that all measures tap into the same underlying construct, but it is
also assumed that different versions have identical measurement properties allowing the comparison of scale scores
between societies. Because scalar equivalence has not been empirically ascertained, the present analyses only war
-
rant tentative conclusions.
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Markus Kemmelmeier received his Ph.D. in psychology from the University of Michigan in 2001. He is
currently an assistant professor in the interdisciplinary Ph.D. program in social psychology at the Uni
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versity of Nevada. His research focuses on culture, attitudes, and social-cognitive processes in interper
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sonal interaction.
Eugene Burnstein received his Ph.D. in social psychology from the University of Michigan in 1960. At pres
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ent he is a professor emeritus at the University of Michigan and senior research scientist at the Research
Kemmelmeier et al. / CULTURE AND AUTHORITARIANISM 321
Center for Group Dynamics, Institute of Social Research. His research interests are evolutionary psychol
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ogy, group processes, and interpersonal relations.
Krum Krumov is a professor at the Department of Social Psychology and a director of the University Center
for Conflict Management and Organizational Research, Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski.” He has
conducted many research projects implemented in cooperation with European and American scientists and
contributed numerous articles to European and American Journals.
Petia Genkova received her M.A. in psychology and cultural anthropology from the University in Sofia, Bul
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garia, where she subsequently taught as an assistant professor. In 2002, she received her Ph.D. from the
Ruhr University in Bochum, Germany. After working as an applied researcher, she is now an assistant pro
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fessor at the University of Passau, Germany. Her research interests include cultural psychology, gender
roles, prosocial behavior, stereotyping, and prejudice.
Chie Kanagawa received her Ph.D. from Osaka University in Japan and is a professor of psychology at
Koshien University in Japan. Her research interests include cross-cultural comparison of self-concept,
development process of self, and the function of the self.
Matthew S. Hirshberg holds a Ph.D. from the University of Washington and is a senior lecturer in political
science at the University of Canterbury in New Zealand. He is author of Perpetuating Patriotic Perceptions
and is currently completing a critical book on American democracy.
Hans-Peter Erb received his Ph.D. in psychology from the University of Heidelberg in 1996. He is currently
an assistant professor at the psychiatric clinic of the University of Halle-Wittenberg in Germany. His
research interests include judgment and decision making, social influence, and information processing in
psychiatric patients.
Grazyna Wieczorkowska received her M.S. in mathematics and Ph.D. in psychology from Warsaw Univer-
sity. She is a professor of psychology at Warsaw University and at the Warsaw School of Advanced Social
Psychology. Her main areas on interest are the psychology of motivation, cognitive-behavioral strategies in
adaptation to changes, and cross-cultural differences.
Kimberly A. Noels (Ph.D., University of Ottawa) is an associate professor in the social and cultural psychol-
ogy area in the Department of Psychology at the University of Alberta, Canada. Her research concerns the
social psychology of language and communication processes, with a focus on intercultural communication.
Her publications include articles on motivation for language learning, the role of communication in the pro
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cess of cross-cultural adaptation, and intergenerational communication from a cross-cultural perspective.
Her research has been recognized through awards from the Modern Language Association, the Interna
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tional Association of Language and Social Psychology, and the Society for the Psychological Study of Social
Issues.
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