Political Socialization
... This is because the political culture is determined or shaped by political socialization as agreed by many scholars. Langton [9] extends the meaning of political socialization with reference to the continuity of a political culture that are handed down from generation to generation. Political socialization is able to make the norms and tradition of political institutions to be a form of belief. ...
... Family influence plays a role in shaping their relationships with neighbors, other people, the local law and society in general. Langton [9], said that the family is the first social group to influence the life of a child. Parents and relatives were among the closest to educate and interact with them in this socialization process. ...
... Formal education will differentiate between those who have learned with those who do not. Langton [9] supports this argument by saying " the school's role is to instill confidence in formal politics through conscious planning and informally through experience " . In conclusion, political socialization is very relevant in influencing one's education and education of a country. ...
The main issue discussed is on the role of education system in the process of nation building as a means in uniting different community ethnics which later on, hoped to shape the future ethnic relation of this country. It is generally known that political socialization experienced by each ethnic community has given birth to a vernacular education system, separated along the ethnic line. Every community shapes their own education system based on their respective mother tongue language, however all are based on the same curriculum. As a result the role of education as a uniting force is not significantly effective. Historically, it has been shown that government efforts to unite the country education system under the wing of national education system (national school) is not that successful since every community (Chinese) will defend the existence of their community education system because they want to spur their mother tongue language. The clash between national education system and vernacular education system is the root cause of stalemate in the ethnic relation in Malaysia and it always becomes a flash point when the issue is raised. The question now is what is the best solution to enhance the national education system in multiethnic Malaysia?
... Although some theories conceive of political socialization as "society's modeling of the child to some a priori model, usually one perpetuating the status quo" (Kinder & Sears, 1985: 714), other conceptualizations leave space for action that disrupts current norms (Kuterovac-Jagodić, 2000;Langton, 1969). Adopting Hyman's micro-level approach to political socialization, related to intergroup relations, this study investigates two questions: (1) Are political socialization processes relevant to supporting or disrupting the current system of politically-relevant social relations? ...
... Peers, educational settings, and the media also play roles in the political socialization of young people (Langton, 1969), but are often filtered by parental influences. For example, parents may direct their children's friendships and dating relationships (Munniksma, Flache, Verkuyten, & Veenstra, 2012). ...
... Peer groups may transmit or reinforce the culture of the wider society or foster behaviors that contradict these values. They provide a social system in which individuals learn new behaviors and attitudes (Langton, 1969), potentially influencing the development of political attitudes (Dubow, Huesmann & Boxer, 2009), as well as reinforcing learned political behaviors (Dishion, Andrews, & Crosby, 1995). Such associations might exacerbate the negative impact of exposure to ethno-political violence among young people or operate to mitigate negative stereotypes and political orientations (Dubow et al., 2009). ...
... Although there are sometimes slight differences in the wording, they refer to the same, unidirectional process of gaining information about the political system, both at the individual (learning) and community (cultural transmission) level (Dawson & Prewitt, 1969, p. 13). Furthermore, psychologists as Hess and Torney (1967), Greenstein (1965) and Langton (1969) have argued that political socialization takes place early in life, and stops nearly afterwards: 'the earlier the person adopts a given set of political orientations, the less likely it is that these orientations will be eroded later in life', also called the primacy principle (Dennis, 1968, p. 99). Others, mostly political scientists, argued that 'The formation of political attitudes continues after the individual becomes an adult and enters his political role' (Almond & Verba, 1965, p. 363). ...
... Although behaviour was referred to in almost every definition of political participation, political socialization research has neglected political behaviour for a long time (Marsh, 1971, p. 455). The classical political socialization studies paid virtually no attention to political behaviour, and focused almost exclusively on political attitudes, political opinions or party identification (Easton & Dennis, 1969;Greenstein, 1965;Hess & Torney, 1967;Langton, 1969). Tapper (1976, p. 62) explained this 'negligence' by the fact that most studies that focused on political participation used adult samples and voting as an indicator, while most political socialization studies were based on studies among children (who do not yet vote). ...
It is general knowledge that some groups of people (men, higher educated, citizens) are more likely to participate in politics than others (women, lower educated, non-citizens). On the other hand, there is not much knowledge why some groups are less likely to participate, already at a young age. Therefore, this article aims to investigate to which extent political socialization agents (parents, peers, media, voluntary associations and school) explain the differences between these groups. Using the data from the Belgian Political Panel Survey 2006-2008, it is tested to which extent political socialization effects differ. First, it is proven that political socialization agents do have a significant effect on political participation. Second, the results indicate that it is not the effect of the political socialization agents that differ between different groups of young people.
... Hyman (1959) proposed his own concept of political socialization, which naturally concerns learning; in particular, his learning of the social trends which correspond to his social positions as mediated through diverse social agencies. Langton (1969) defines politics as a mechanism mediated by various societal agencies, in which an individual acquires political significance in his attitudes and behaviour. The environmental categories of these organizations include family, peer group, education, adult and mass media organisations. ...
The Barisan Nasional (BN), Malaysia's dominant coalition party that has ruled since 1957, lost the 14th general election. Various analyses were conducted, and many discussions centred on Chinese voters who had switched to opposition, Pakatan Harapan, and rejected BN entirely. This situation raises an interesting discussion about what prompted Chinese voters to make drastic changes in this ethnic-based country's politics. This study, therefore, focuses on whether political socialization in social media will build a political opportunity for Malaysian Chinese. In investigating how social media propaganda can provide Malaysian Chinese a political viewpoint, these studies argue that the internet and social media have led to unparalleled complexity in Malaysia's political socialization process. A bottom-up, constructivist approach is used to decide how social media played their position as Malaysian political socializers.
... Political interest of an individual is an important feature for the involvement in the active politics. Langton (1969) and Massialas (1971) have identified the importance of the political interest and political attachment. Political knowledge and political awareness are interconnected with each other. ...
Vote bank of almost all the political parties in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) is fluctuating in every general election. It is believed that a significant ratio of floating voters exists in KP. These voters play a significant role as key deciders in every general election. But the basic question is "who are the floating voters and how do they influence the outcomes of the general elections in KP? This study is an attempt to test the floating voters' hypothesis in KP. For testing this hypothesis, a four variable scale that includes, decision to vote; political awareness; satisfaction from the performance of the political party and interest in political and/or party affairs is used. Data collection is done through a closed-ended survey questionnaire and a multi-stage sampling technique is used for this purpose. Data is collected from three geographical regions of KP i.e., North, Centre, and South. The study population is total voters of KP, and a representative sample of 1200 respondents is determined through a statistical formula. Chi-Square test is used for the correlations of independent and dependent variables. The analysis of data confirmed the "floating voters' hypothesis" and identified a significant ratio of floating voters in the KP.
... Lin and Hsieh [12] deem that the Taiwanese people's public discontent with Mainland China already exists and would aggravate the uncertainty of cross-strait relations. 4) Political socialization: Political socialization is the process by which political culture can be transferred from one generation to the next [13]. Since Taiwan's cross-strait policies are entangled with public opinion, the impact of the U.S. attitude on cross-strait issues cannot be omitted. ...
This study utilized the newly-designed Bayesian equal part regression (BEPR) model to analyze the Taiwan National Security surveyed data from 2015 in order to construct a model of Taiwanese people’s regime acceptance of Mainland China and U.S governments. The study also used the Bayesian Regression model to make a comparison with the BEPR model results and attempted to explore the fluctuations of post mean and post probability of non-zero coefficients for each independent variable in the BEPR model. The major findings are as follows: First, the first equal part of respondents who believe that China would coerce Taiwan to make concessions have the lesser negative level of the regime acceptance of Mainland China, while the second equal part of the respondents who have the same attitude have the higher negative regime acceptance level. The second equal part of respondents who deem the higher possibility of unification have the lesser positive view on the regime acceptance level. Additionally, the first equal part of respondents who have higher evaluation of cross-strait relations have lesser positive impact on the regime acceptance of Mainland China. Second, we obtain the results that the second-third of Taiwanese respondents who have the optimistic household economic outlook or agree to reduce the purchase of U.S. military weapons if Mainland China withdraws its missiles have a higher negative impact on the regime acceptance of the U.S. However, the third equal part of Taiwanese respondents who agree with the current “R.O.C.” country name have a higher negative regime acceptance level of the U.S.
... At one time, almost all political psychologists began with the assumption that both parents and schools exert major impact on young people's support for the system and on their social and political attitudes, but research has consistently found that such effects are relatively small (Hess & Torney, 1967;Langton, 1969;Hyman, 1959;Sidanius & Ekehammar, 1979;Thomas & Stankiewicz, 1974). Although the strength of association between the attitudes of parents and children varies somewhat depending upon the type of attitudes being studied and the precise social characteristics of the families (Jennings & Niemi, 1974), the weakness of results contributed to a gradual decrease in attention devoted to the study of political socialization. ...
... October 25, 2016. 8 Also see Langton (1969) and Valentino & Sears (1998). 9 It is a well established custom within JI affiliated families. ...
Family is an important agent for transmission of the norms and values of a dominant culture. It both imparts and preserves the culture and value system of a society or a community. Alongside family, political parties in Pakistan also try to inculcate certain values in the members of the society in general, and their party members in particular. The available literature shows that Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) an important religio-political party in Pakistan, has its own clear perspective regarding an ideal Muslim society and the role of individuals in that society. This paper focuses on the role of JI-affiliated families to examine the manner in which children are politically socialized. It tries to investigate the question whether the family influences the future political orientation of the children? The paper utilizes the fieldwork conducted in district Dir (Lower), Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, which has been the only electoral winning bastion of JI in Pakistan for the last fifty years. Based on the data collected through interviews from JI affiliates, the study validates the argument that family plays very significant role in politically socializing its young members. Political and social concepts along-with religious ideas found in members of JI are thus transmitted to younger generation more through parents in the family then educational institutions, peer groups or mass media. Socialization in politics is a complex, disordered and an untied process which is difficult to pin point in a particular phase of an individual's life. Broadly speaking, it is the transmission of political culture, attitudes and values to the coming generations, generally accepted by the citizens in a specific society (Almond & Verba, 1963, pp. 323-374). The fundamental question before us is how and why attitudes, values, beliefs and behaviors need to be transmitted to the coming generations in a given society and political culture. Almond and Coleman (1960, p.27) opined that culture, traditions, values, behaviors and attitudes are not something which can be transmitted through genes. Rather, these are requirements and social obligations on an individual who is a member of a community or a society. These requirements and obligations are fulfilled through learning processes for individuals to acquire their role in the society (Conover, 1991). Hahn (1998, p.31) termed these processes as political learning processes which include not only the active ways and techniques but the passive ways as well. Citizens learn about the generally accepted attitudes, values and behaviors in formal and informal ways. They adopt and develop behaviors and attitudes which help them identify and locate themselves within their political environments. These developments also help them understand the political and social nature of the society and system. This learning starts from the very childhood of the individuals when they align themselves with political structure of the society, which helps comprehend the politics and government (Dawson & Prewit, 1968, pp.23-47). Such comprehension in turn, helps people in becoming 'good citizens'. These are normally one-way processes of learning and gaining attitudes through interactions with other fellow beings and through different means.
... Research on political socialisation began in the 1950s because of the studies on political behaviour (Bouche, 2011). In the following 20 years, there was a rise in literature about political socialisation (e.g., Dawson, 1966;Dawson & Prewitt, 1969;Greenstein, 1965;Hyman, 1959;Jaros, 1973;Langton, 1969;Sigel, 1965), followed by mixed periods of stagnation and progress in the field of political socialisation (Wasburn & Adkins Covert, 2017). Bouche (2011) emphasises that the definition of 'socialisation' is related to two key terms: (1) The first key term is 'process'. ...
Schools as agents of political socialisation are important in the context of building democratic political culture. Hence, it is relevant to research which citizen orientations indicate a well-functioning and stable democracy. Recent studies have revealed that self-expression values have considerable impact on the existence and functioning of democracy. Based on the theoretical examination of self-expression values, the aim of this paper is to demonstrate that self-expression values reflect human dignity. The analysis is substantial since the concept of human dignity is considered a foundation of democratic political culture. Thereby, schools should put a larger emphasis on strengthening human dignity, which is reflected by values that drive democratic performance. Keywords: School, education, political socialisation, values, democracy, self-expression, human dignity, political culture.
... The study of political socialization has focused on how external determinants and personality attributes lead to different modes of political attitude and behavior (Langton, 1969;Hyman, 1959). Although the focus has been on structurally determined national identity, individual agency is important because national identity ts only one of multiple identities from which individuals mix and match (Lebow, 2012, chapter 1 ). ...
Nationalism continues to be an important ideology that informs the way state elites formulate and implement foreign policy. The relationship between nationalism and foreign policy is complex: there are many relevant levels of analysis and multiple causal pathways linking nationalism and foreign policy. Scholars have identified national masses, elite policymakers, and the nation-state itself as units of analysis. The causal mechanisms that relate nationalism and foreign policy have also been wide ranging: nationalism has been treated as an independent variable that drives foreign policy decision making but also as endogenous to international factors and a country’s foreign policy. Moreover, the causal relationship between nationalism and foreign policy has also been conceptualized as an interactive one.
This eclecticism is noticeable in the study of nationalism and war. The war proneness of nationalism may be a function of the type of nationalist ideology being used. The nation-state as a product of the ideology of nationalism may be inseparable from war making. And the international system, ordered upon nationalist principles of self-determination and popular rule, may endogenously produce political violence. More recently, the role of nationalist protests in interstate crisis diplomacy has become more salient, especially in post-Soviet and China studies. Are nationalist protests manufactured by the government, or are governments forced to adopt certain foreign policies because of public pressure? The conundrum about nationalism being endogenous or exogenous again rears its head.
Nationalism studies is an interdisciplinary field, but within political science interest in nationalism has largely been confined to comparative politics. International relations theory does incorporate nationalism as an important independent variable, but too often this is done in an ad hoc fashion. All in all, there has not been enough systematic theorizing about nationalism in foreign policy analysis.
... Schools play a pivotal role in the formation of identities and in the political socialization of youth (Banks & Roker, 1994;Langton, 1969). The school is seen to carry out political socialization through three major channels: the curricula and textbooks, the school climate, and the teachers ( Bar-Tal & Harel, 2002). ...
Schools play a pivotal role in the formation of identities and in the political socialization of youth. This study explores the social representations of European integration in French and English school textbooks and shows how the social representations are discursively used to construct national and European identities. By analysing the history and civics textbooks of major educational publishers, this study aims to demonstrate how European integration is understood, made familiar and concretized in the school textbooks of the two influential but different European countries. The findings suggest some shared and some diverse patterns in the way the two European countries portray and construct the political project of European integration. These representations, constructed around French Europe in French textbooks and ambivalent Europe in English textbooks, share the images of a strong European economy and a French-led political Europe. However, they position themselves differently with respect to the United States, motivation for the European unification process and the significance of common values and heritage. In both countries textbooks draw upon memories that are important for group identity. While the French textbooks make European integration meaningful in reference to a shared post-war collective memory and to a cultural memory based on a more ancient idea of Europe, shared values and heritage, the English textbooks anchor it more strongly to domestic policy.
... An understanding of the political process and methods of participation in this process increases the likelihood of participation. Like schools, students' home environment plays an important role in their civic upbringing, and numerous studies (e.g., Andolina et al. 2003; Niemi 1968, 1974; Jennings, Stoker, and Bowers 2009; Langton 1969) have explored the role parents play as agents of political socialization. As Verba, Schlozman, and Brady (1995, 448) indicated , there are three youth experiences that affect later civic participation: education, " political stimulation in the home, " and involvement in high school activities. ...
Concerns regarding political knowledge and participation among young people continue to spur research into effective civic instruction. Through a quasi-experiment involving 361 students in four high schools as well as the parents of 152 of these students, we measured the effects of incorporating news magazines and discussion into social studies curricula on students’ levels of news consumption and political knowledge. We found that reading and discussing news at home and in school positively affected news consumption and political knowledge for students who were not in honors or advanced placement courses. This was also true for political knowledge when taking into account parents’ knowledge of politics. Students outside of honors and advanced classes, and whose parents had low levels of knowledge, were among those most likely to benefit from the intervention. 2016
... At one time, almost all political psychologists began with the assumption that both parents and schools exert major impact on young people's support for the system and on their social and political attitudes, but research has consistently found that such effects are relatively small (Hess & Torney, 1967;Langton, 1969;Hyman, 1959;Sidanius & Ekehammar, 1979;Thomas & Stankiewicz, 1974). Although the strength of association between the attitudes of parents and children varies somewhat depending upon the type of attitudes being studied and the precise social characteristics of the families (Jennings & Niemi, 1974), the weakness of results contributed to a gradual decrease in attention devoted to the study of political socialization. ...
... Many authors believe that the family is the most important determinant of young people's attitudes and behavior (Davies 1965;Langton 1969;Bronfenbrenner Voluntas 1979). Parents play an important role in their children's socialization (Hyman 1959;Jennings et al. 2001). ...
The objective of this paper is to analyze the factors determining volunteerism among Spanish young people and children, with a particular emphasis on the influence of voluntary and social activities performed by parents. The database used is the 2002–2003 Time User Survey from the Spanish Statistical Office. We estimated the determinants influencing young people and children to become volunteers as a two-part decision: first, whether to volunteer or not, and second, to decide the amount of time they will spend volunteering. The results show that the most influential variables for all age groups are parents volunteering as examples, and parents’ educational level. We consider this a relevant topic for identifying the role of public policies in promoting volunteerism, or organizations’ activities for encouraging youth participation. © 2014, International Society for Third-Sector Research and The Johns Hopkins University.
... While citizenship education can be seen as a conscious and rather narrow means of transmitting political knowledge in societies, a more unconscious and broader way in which individuals acquire political cognition, attitudes and behaviors is through the process of socialization. The political socialization literature (see Langton, 1969;Renshon, 1977, for more information) views political learning as a developmental process that begins in childhood and continues throughout life. Social institutions like schools, families, churches, youth groups, community organizations, and the mass media all play a role in the development of an individual's civic orientations such as their loyalties, their civic virtues, their tolerance, their political self development, and their political participation and civic behavior. ...
... A part of the Greek social and political history has been "written" in universities, either by imprinting social, ideological and political trends and judgment or as modelling political action and interaction. In general terms, citizens have invariably conceived universities as the stepping stone for political action and involvement or even "interpenetration" with the authorities (Kyridis et al, 2004; Makrinioti & Solomon, 1998; Atkin, 1981; Banks & Roker, 1994; Easton & Dennis, 1969; Koutouzis et.al., 2008; Hess & Torney, 1967; Jennings, 1993; Langton, 1967 Langton, & 1969). ...
The first years after restoration (metapolitefsis) the Third Greek Democracy was seem to be stabilized and consolidated so at the level of social and political institutions as in terms of collective consciousness of the people. But today, after thirty years from the collapse of dictatorship, there are signs of political pathogenicity, which are reflected in the political life of the country (see scandals, economic crisis) and the collective consciousness of the people (electoral abstention, political apathy, disdain the political system and policies). In our research we attempt to record the attitudes and beliefs of students in Greek universities towards politics, politicians and democracy as expressed in the Greek political system. We used a questionnaire, which includes a specially weighted scale of attitudes (Cronbach's alpha = 0,872), questions recorded demographic characteristics of the sample as well as variables related to political culture. The results showed negative attitudes towards politicians and politics and also towards to the modern Greek expression of democracy.
... 4. For instance, Jon Elster—who is often cited in the contemporary class analysis literature (e.g., Herring and Agarwala 2008, 2)—defines a class as " a group of people who by virtue of what they possess are compelled to engage in the same activities if they want to make the best use of their endowments (i.e., tangible property, intangible skills, and cultural traits) " (1985, 331). 5. Education measures sometimes predict conservative views (Kaufmann 2002) and sometimes predict liberal views (Mariani and Hewitt 2008; Newcomb 1958). Family social class measures are mostly uncorrelated with policy preferences once individuals' adult class positions are taken into account (Barber 1970; Langton 1969, chap. 2). ...
Working-class citizens have been numerically underrepresented in policymaking institutions throughout most of America's history. Little is known, however, about the political consequences of this enduring feature of our democratic system. This essay examines the relationship between legislators' class backgrounds and their votes on economic policy in the House of Representatives during the twentieth century. Like ordinary Americans, representatives from working-class occupations exhibit more liberal economic preferences than other legislators, especially those from profit-oriented professions. These findings provide the first evidence of a link between the descriptive and substantive representation of social classes in the United States.
... Political Efficacy and Political Participation Langton (1969) stated that research overwhelmingly attests to the link between political efficacy and political participation . The research of Jennings and Niemi (1974) supported the relationship . ...
This study examines the role of internal factors in curricular decisions of elementary teachers regarding current events instruction. A sample of elementary teachers answered survey questions that included items measuring their attention to current events. A construct called news awareness was developed. Additional items in the survey had teachers report on how frequently they taught about current events. A Chi-square analysis indicated that the frequency of teaching current events increases as the level of news awareness increases. The causes of poor teacher news awareness are discussed. Recommendations include efforts in the areas of teacher training, testing, and recruitment, and the mandating of current events instruction.
... A person's education level is an excellent predictor of many forms of civic engagement (e.g., Verba, Schlozman, and Brady 1995), but education's effect on people's political values and opinions is less clear (e.g., Kaufmann 2002; Mariani and Hewitt 2008; Newcomb 1958). Among people in similar adult social classes, there also seems to be no relationship between the social classes of their parents and their own political views (Barber 1970; Langton 1969, chap. 2). ...
Does it matter that working-class citizens are numerically underrepresented in political offices throughout the world? For decades, the conventional wisdom in comparative politics has been that it does not, that lawmakers from different classes think and behave roughly the same in office. In this article, we argue that this conclusion is misguided. Past research relied on inappropriate measures of officeholders’ class backgrounds, attitudes, and choices. Using data on 18 Latin American legislatures, we show that lawmakers from different classes bring different economic attitudes to the legislative process. Using data on one least likely case, we also show that pre-voting decisions like sponsoring legislation often differ dramatically along social class lines, even when political parties control higher-visibility decisions like roll-call votes. The unequal numerical or descriptive representation of social classes in the world's legislatures has important consequences for the substantive representation of different class interests.
Netizen Basis Democracy Volunteers are one of the community groups that carry out election socialization activities and educate democratic values to their segments of society or Netizens in the 2019 Elections. This study discusses the election socialization activities carried out by Netizen Basis Democracy Volunteers. The purpose of this research is to analyze the patterns of election socialization using the variable of political socialization. The author uses qualitative methods, data collection through interviews, documentation and literacy studies. The results showed that Netizen-Based Democracy Volunteers carry out election socialization activities using media and non-media facilities through volunteer and personal account posts. There are four patterns of socialization of Netizen-Based Democracy Volunteers, namely: Opening information posts, hanging out with Netizens, posting on social media and giveaway. For some people, especially Millennials, consider the Election socialization activity as an effort to represent the struggle to uphold people's sovereignty, this is supported by the composition of Netizen-Based Democracy Volunteers who are all students who are considered far from political interests, this is because Millennial is more familiar with social media so that it is easy and quickly keep abreast of information and relatively many have references. While some who refuse to assume that the socialization activities carried out by volunteers are less work activities and some even make fun of volunteers.
This study examined international students’ interests in public issues in the U.S. and motivational factors behind their discourse or avoidance of such issues. In-depth interviews with international students revealed that they discuss certain public issues in the U.S. to gain or exchange information and knowledge, because these issues are relevant to themselves and others, or due to the misconceptions that others have about their country. Moreover, international students tend to avoid certain public issues because of the level of their knowledge and lack of interest in such issues and in order to avoid dissonance caused by the public issues.
With the rise of the China Model, China’s sharp power has infringed upon the exercise of liberal democracy in other nations. A concern for governments of the Taiwan Strait and other democratic countries is whether visits to Mainland China alter the national identity of Taiwanese youth. This research conducted a panel study of 331 Taiwanese youths who had visited Mainland China. Social contact, rational choice, and political socialization theories were introduced to establish hypotheses; a questionnaire was employed to collect panel data, and statistical regression models were utilized to test the hypotheses. Following visits to Mainland China, the number of participants perceiving themselves as only Taiwanese decreased by 4.59%; those perceiving themselves as both Taiwanese and Chinese increased by 3.98%, and those perceiving themselves as Chinese increased by 0.61%. According to the mean survey results, the average change to national identity was 0.05, indicating that visiting Mainland China slightly negatively influenced participants’ Taiwanese identity. Following visits to Mainland China, participants’ impression of China improved, their preference for an independent Taiwan reduced, they seemed less satisfied with Taiwan’s democratic government, and their personal sense of being Taiwanese was reduced.
In the Xi Jinping era, a key focus of the Communist Party of China (CPC), in terms of exchanges with Taiwan, is to attract young Taiwanese people to mainland China, and various policies exist to encourage their willingness to integrate. The “31 Preferential Policies for Taiwan” (“31 Measures”) is an influential guiding policy for this focus. Given that the negative impact of China's “sharp power” on liberal democracy has become an international point of focus, issues such as the impact of these policies on Taiwanese youths' willingness to seek employment (or entrepreneurship) opportunities on mainland China, and factors influencing this willingness, have become major concerns for supporters of democracy globally. In order to address these questions, this study proposes four hypotheses based on theories of rational choice and political socialization. An analysis of surveys of Taiwanese students found that the mean value of students' willingness to work on mainland China was 3.22, indicating that the overall willingness of students had shifted from “neutral” towards “willing.” Students perceived favor‐granting benefits and comparative benefits significantly enhanced their willingness to work on mainland China, while the life risks involved in doing so significantly reduced such willingness.
Der vorliegende Aufsatz untersucht den Zusammenhang zwischen dem Alter und der Parteiidentifikation mithilfe von Daten aus einer repräsentativen Befragung der Bürger der Freien und Hansestadt Hamburg. Es wird dabei zuerst auf die Parteineigung im Allgemeinen eingegangen. Dann werden die Unterschiede zwischen den Mustern, die im Falle der Neigung zu verschiedenen Parteien beobachtet werden, diskutiert. Die empirische Analyse bestätigt die Existenz eines positiven Zusammenhangs zwischen dem Alter und der Parteibindung, der bereits in anderen Kontexten belegt werden konnte. Es wird überdies gezeigt, dass sich jedoch die Form und die Stärke der Alterseffekte zwischen den Parteien unterscheiden. Diese Differenzen können auf den Gründungszeitpunkt einer Partei und ihre Position im Parteiensystem zurückgeführt werden, was wiederum mit dem Zeitpunkt der Sozialisation des Wählers zusammenhängt. Es wird zudem beobachtet, dass der landesspezifische Kontext der Sozialisation besser als politische Prozesse auf der Bundesebene die Identifikation mit der SPD erklären kann.
In recent decades, political participation amongst young people has attracted much academic research in established democracies. However, as an understudied area in China especially in Hebei province, political participation of public university undergraduates is in low level. Thus, this article concerns the political participation of public university undergraduates in Hebei province of China. The objective of this article is to identify the influential factors and determine the principal influential factor to students’ political participation in the public university of Hebei province. Therefore, 1990 respondents were selected based on the cluster sampling method, the main statistical method for evaluation of research hypotheses is by the PLS-SEM. Findings of this study indicate that political education has neither effect nor relation to political participation, whereas university identity, experience, major integrated undertake directly function on political participation. Moreover, political competence is the most important for students’ political participation in the public universities of Hebei province, China. Political value cognitive ability is the most important competence which influences the level of political participation among all involved factors in influencing students’ political participation in Hebei public universities according to the results of Importance-Performance Map Analysis (IPMA) and Structural Equation Modeling (SEM). Additionally, the author suggested that in order to improve students’ participatory level, enhancing capability of students is a necessary way.
This paper presents a research that was carried out in schools of central Macedonia in Greece about the degree of students’ politicization. The concept of politicization was delineated using five different variables that describe students’ way of thinking about different aspects of their reality. The findings show that peer group was considered to be the most important socializing factor which has a determining role in the political socialization of students. The degree of politicization is equivalent with the attendance in bars and the frequent watching of political programs on television.
Objective
A comprehensive study on the development of political trust is absent. Studies on the socialization effect of the media generally neglect the influence of the media system. This study aims to fill this gap.
Methods
Using a within‐country comparison of two media systems, I estimate the influence of different socialization agents on the development of political trust through hierarchical models of repeated measurements on a representative panel of Belgian adolescents (BPPS 2006–2011, n = 3,025).
Results
News consumption and a public service broadcasting preference foster political trust within diverse media systems. The socioeconomic status and level of political discussion in the family, an open classroom climate, and classroom instruction about politics also promote political trust.
Conclusions
Television, the family, and the school are all equally important agents in the development of political trust. It is critical to take the nature of the media system into account when studying how the media affect political trust.
This paper summarises three areas of debate in educational research, embedded learning, situated learning and unconscious learning, to see what light they throw on the emerging field of informal learning and formal/non-formal learning. It takes two cases which have been the subject of much recent discussion - political socialisation and learning in social movements - to illustrate the argument.
Recent child development research shows that the psychosocial or noncognitive skills that children develop—including the ability to self-regulate and integrate in social settings—are important for success in school and beyond. Are these skills learned in childhood also important for adult political behaviors like voting? In this article, I use a unique school-based 20-year field experiment to explore whether children who develop psychosocial skills early on are more likely to vote in adulthood than those who do not. Matching subjects to voter files, I show that this intervention had a noticeable long-run impact on political participation. These results highlight the need to better understand how childhood experiences shape civic behaviors later in life. During this critical period, children can be taught the not explicitly political, but still vital, skills that set them on a path toward political participation in adulthood.
Political socialization is a lifelong, interactive, developmental process. It represents the set of experiences that contribute to shaping the idea of the political system and of the individual himself in relation to it. Political socialization concerns each of the three components of Easton's political system: political community, regime, and authorities. Several societal agents have been identified as transmitters of political attitudes throughout the life cycle: mainly family, school, peer group, and the mass media. These provide the instruments for processing information, formulating arguments, reasoning about and discussing public affairs, examining ideas, and expressing opinions.
The history of the field has been marked by four transformations in dominant conceptualizations of its subject matter and appropriate methodologies (paradigms). Initial research focused on pre-adult learning and its enduring influence. This line of investigation subsequently was abandoned in favor of a concern with the adoption of political orientations during late adolescence and early adulthood when, it was maintained, individuals are particularly likely to form their lasting political views. In turn, this approach was replaced by studies exploring the adoption of particular dispositions at certain life stages such as radicalism in youth and conservatism in later years. This focus gave way to a view that political dispositions have an approximately uniform potential for change at all ages. Paradigm shifts often were the result of misunderstanding and misrepresentation of existing studies. The model of political socialization developed in this and in the following chapters draws on selected assumptions, concepts, and hypotheses associated with each of the four paradigms. Some features of the various perspectives will be treated as supplementary rather than as contradictory principles. A model is developed which offers a view of the political socialization processes over the individual’s entire lifetime.
At any point in people’s lives, the influences of their families, teachers, clergy, co-workers, and so on can be re-enforcing or contradictory. Some of those have greater overall effect than do others. Some are more influential at different periods in people’s lives. The structures, dynamics, messages, and prevalence of the various sources of political orientations change over time. Further, the politically relevant experiences of individuals within their families, schools, churches, voluntary associations as well as their patterns of media use vary by gender, race, ethnicity, and social class. The chapter systematically examines research detailing this complexity.
What could families, schools, churches, workplaces, voluntary associations, and the media do to propagate a less superficial and more personally meaningful understanding of political democracy than that now widely shared by the public? What could they do to increase public support of and participation in such a political system? This chapter considers a limited set of research findings related to these questions. However, it recognizes that there are major political, economic, and cultural constraints on the ability of each of the institutions to make better citizens.
This paper summarises three areas of debate in educational research, embedded learning, situated learning and unconscious learning, to see what light they throw on the emerging field of informal learning and formal/non-formal learning. It takes two cases which have been the subject of much recent discussion - political socialisation and learning in social movements - to illustrate the argument.
Stepping beyond traditional mass communication and political communication frameworks, this study utilizes the Integrated Behavioral Model (IBM) to predict traditional broadcast and print news media exposure. Specific focus is given to experiential (is politics interesting?) and instrumental (is politics important?) attitudes. A secondary analysis is performed on 2010–2014 World Values Survey data (N = 6,961) consisting of representative samples collected from the United States, Germany, Australia, and Sweden. Interest is a statistically-significant predictor of both types of news media exposure, but importance and interest-by-importance are statistically significant for broadcast only. The positive predictive value of political interest for broadcast is isolated to only those individuals who perceive politics to be of low personal importance. Discussion focuses on task difficulty when comparing broadcast and print news media exposure and the theoretical implications of the study’s findings. In addition, an IBM-based research agenda is proposed for the study of news media engagement.
In discussions of the Hispanic-and-Latino population,
researchers face a dilemma, discussed in more
detail in Section 3 below, regarding terminology. We
note now only that this essay will join both terms as
“Hispanics-and-Latinos” in order to include all members
of this panethnicity. Recent years have shown that Hispanics-and-
Latinos play an important role in the United States;
they can influence and transform the political landscape,
for example, as in the presidential elections of
George W. Bush and Barak Obama. While no one
would argue that the Hispanic-and-Latino vote secured
Bush and Obama wins, political research has shown
that Latinos, “like any other group, have an influence
that is not absolute but really strong” (Barreto, Segura,
Collingwood, Manzano, & Valenzuela, 2014). Both
candidates strengthened their election majorities
through obtaining the Hispanic-and-Latino vote
(Barreto & Segura, 2014; Affigne, 2014).
Studies on school leadership in CE cannot be separated from theories of CE and school leadership, as the latter includes or influences the former. To understand how school leadership in CE in China is influenced by macro- and micro-political forces, this chapter begins by introducing general theories of citizenship
and CE to identify the role of the nation-state in shaping them, and then examines theories of school leadership, particularly political school leadership and curriculum leadership
. To clarify the extent to which the general literature can and cannot explain specific Chinese issues, this chapter examines debates on China’s dual-line school leadership system, the political realities facing Chinese school leaders, and Chinese curriculum leadership. It then presents the nature of CE in China as a process of political socialization, and the tension between CE and academic instruction and CE leadership, after which a framework for the study is proposed.
The term “public opinion” connotes both a phenomenon of mass political behavior and a field of study with both scholarly and applied aspects. This chapter will attempt to summarize major findings about public opinion, including its origins, correlates, content, and consequences. Particular attention will be given to the narrower concept of “ideology” and the applicability of that concept to the mass public.
Mit Beginn des 2. Weltkrieges hatten einige Filmproduzenten von Hollywood mit einflußreichen Filmen (1), sowie die amerikanische Publizistik unter dem Einfluß der Roosevelt-Schule („progressiver Internationalismus“ statt Isolationismus) (1a) begonnen, die Amerikaner intensiv auf die von Roosevelt entwickelte „volkstümliche Kriegsideologie“ vorzubereiten. In die Terminologie des progressiven Internationalismus gekleidet, lauteten die entsprechenden Vokabeln: Unabhängigkeit und Selbstbestimmung der Völker, Freiheit, Gerechtigkeit, Fortschritt für die vom Faschismus und Kolonialismus unterdrückten Nationen, Entwaffnung aggressiver Friedensstörer usw. (1b) Als Hitler zwei Jahre später als Reaktion auf die Rooseveltsche Kriegserklärung an Japan Amerika den Krieg erklärte, wies die veröffentlichte Meinung in den Vereinigten Staaten, inzwischen gestützt auf neue populäre sozial-psychologische Theorien, immer häufiger darauf hin, daß die Deutschen ein militaristisches, faschistisches Volk seien, das in Untertanengehorsam jedem Führer folgen werde und daß eine Niederlage im Krieg ihren aggressiven Charakter nicht ändern könne, weil er von Kindheit an dem deutschen Menschen anerzogen worden sei. (1c) Da viele Amerikaner dennoch der Ansicht waren, man müsse verhindern, daß von Deutschland noch einmal ein Krieg ausgeht, wurde von 1939 an in der amerikanischen Öffentlichkeit der Gedanke diskutiert, daß man die Deutschen zu einem friedliebenden Volk umerziehen müßte. Als überzeugte Demokraten waren die Amerikaner der Meinung, daß das demokratische Gedankengut die wichtigste Voraussetzung für Friedensliebe ist und daß sie selbst vor allem auf Grund ihrer Erziehung und ihres, ihrer Meinung nach, einzigaartigen (unique) Erziehungssystems ein friedliches Volk seien und daß der Schlüssel zur Änderung des deutschen Charakters in einer demokratischen Erziehung liege.
It has been documented that children's basic attitudes to social issues such as war and peace are formed during the early school-age period. The aims of the study were threefold: (1) to examine the attitudes of Croatian school-age children toward war and peace; (2) to explore the relationship between these attitudes and children's gender, age, and amount of experience with war and violence; and (3) to compare the attitudes of Croatian children toward war and peace with the attitudes of Israeli and Palestinian children examined using the same scale 18 years earlier. The sample consisted of 230 children aged 11-14 years who attended school in Zagreb. The results indicate that Croatian children generally have a negative attitude toward war, but strongly support the fight for the freedom of their nation. A relationship was found between the children's gender, age, and war experiences and their attitudes toward war. A comparison between Croatian, Israeli, and Palestinian children showed that nationhood had an influence on attitudes toward war. However, there is greater similarity in the attitudes of today's Croatian and former Israeli children than between today's Croatian and former Palestinian children, and between Israeli and Palestinian children 18 years ago.
The assassination of President John Kennedy in November 1963, can be taken, conveniently if not literally, as a watershed date in contemporary American political history and, more particularly, in the scholarly analysis of American political life. It would, of course, be wrong to argue that conflict and discontent were entirely absent from the American scene between the end of World War II and 1963, but these certainly were not the prominent features on the postwar landscape, and most political scholars of the era paid them little attention. On the contrary, in the leading accounts of the day, such residual traces of political rancor as then existed were to be swept away during the Age of Affluence and the End of Ideology.1 In this vein, Kennedy’s election was widely hailed as opening a new era of national consensus, where political conflict would consist mainly of minor disputes about the most technically efficient means to pursue agreed-upon societal ends. By the opening of the 1960s, as Everett Ladd has put it, the judgment among many political scholars was that “the fundamental problems had been resolved, the fundamental antagonisms had been removed” (1972, p. xv).2
Whereas an extensive literature exists on the effect of parental separation on young adults’ health, well-being and educational attainment, relatively little is known about its effect on young adults’ political and civic engagement. The current paper aims to remedy this deficiency and explore to what extent parental separation affects young adults’ likelihood to vote and volunteer. Taking insights from the social learning and parental status theories, we argue that because of separated parents’ overall lower levels of political and civic engagement as well as socioeconomic status compared with parents who are living together, young adults with separated parents will be less likely to engage in political and civic life compared with those whose parents are living together. Using data from the Swiss Household Panel Survey (1999–2009), our analyses reveal in line with our expectations that parental separation has a negative effect on young adults’ voting and volunteering patterns. Supporting the social learning theory, this negative effect of parental divorce or separation can be partly explained by the lower levels of political and civic engagement among separated parents compared with parents who are living together.
Going beyond the traditional socioeconomic status model of political participation, this study examines pathways that lead to the sociopolitical incorporation of immigrants in the USA, with a focus on the role of communication socialization agents. Using a Current Population Survey sample of 7,626 first-generation immigrants in the USA, results show that communication socialization agents significantly contribute to immigrants’ political socialization, and an important mediating path translates political learning into greater political engagement. Results also identify ethnic differences in how socialization variables affect immigrants’ socialization.
Drawing on Julian Rotter's conceptualizations of internal versus external locus of control in various life situations, this research creates and tests four new locus of control measures. These include measures of the perceived locus of control in national politics as well as control perceptions relative to parents, teachers, and peers. The new measure of the locus of political control ("political I-E") appears more reliable than the subset of Rotter items termed the "political factor." The various measures are tested using a sample of Anglo-American and Mexican-American adolescents. The perceived locus of control in relations with parents was found to be positively associated with control perceptions relative to teachers although not to peers. However, the belief that government responds to "people like me" is unaffected by one's personal efficacy in the home.
Responding to the latest calls for political socialization studies as an approach to understanding why do women not participate as much as men in the higher levels of political activities (Elder 2004, 45; Verba, Burns, Lehman Schlozman 1997, 1070), this research reports political socialization data obtained from high school seniors attending seven central Arkansas schools. It finds: (1) these female and male high school seniors differ very little on a range of political orientations, including present and future political activities, and (2) although in the direction predicted, the type of family (nuclear or maternal), education of mother or father, and family SES have little independent or aggregate capacity to predict the students' political orientations or political activities. However, student grade point average and matriculation plans do predict increased political participation. (3) Political efficacy displays significant impact on the political interest and participation rates of both females and males.