ArticlePDF Available

Culture, Race, and Hierarchy

Authors:
COMMENTARY
Culture, Race, and Hierarchy
Mary-Jo DelVecchio Good
Published online: 6 April 2013
Springer Science+Business Media New York 2013
I read these essays with immense appreciation for the creative construction of
reflective analyses, elaborated through conversation between ethnographers and
academic physicians, as designed and realized by the special issue’s editors,
Elizabeth Carpenter-Song and Sarah Willen, and their collaborating authors. I also
appreciate the authors’ frankness in critical reflection, exposing, and puzzling over
the conflicts and ‘‘pitfalls’’ in the pedagogical interventions discussed and their rise
to the challenge set by Willen, drawing on George Devereux, to ‘‘lift the hood.’’ I
approach my commentary having spent decades studying the culture of medicine in
its many guises, at times through observations and surveys but mostly through
conversations with physicians across the globe from highly diverse institutional and
societal settings. I have published with some of these physicians representing a
conversation internal to our projects, most recently in Shattering Culture,American
Medicine Responds to Cultural Diversity (Good et al. 2011b), for which Willen and
Hannah are contributors and co-editors and Bullon and Carpenter-Song contributors.
I have often engaged collaborating physicians who were also subjects of my
research in jointly authored essays, for instance on psychiatry, oncology, end-of-life
research primary care, HIV in Africa, maternal and child health, global health, and
medical education. A few examples of essays in which I drew in my clinician
collaborator-subjects as co-authors include ‘‘American Oncology and the Discourse
on Hope’’ (1990); ‘‘Oncology and Narrative Time’’ (1994); ‘‘Conversations with
Oncologists’’ (1995); ‘‘Clinical Realities and Moral Dilemmas’’ (1999); ‘‘Physicians
Narratives at the End of Life’’ (2004); ‘‘The Culture of Medicine and Disparities in
Healthcare by Race, Ethnicity and Social Class’’ (2003,2004); and ‘‘Communi-
cation Barriers among Physicians in Care at the End of Life’’ (2012). As primary
author, my voice most often dominated as I wove the clinicians’ voices into the text.
What is refreshing and unique in this issue of Culture, Medicine, and Psychiatry are
M.-J. D. Good (&)
Department of Global Health and Social Medicine, Harvard Medical School, Boston, MA, USA
e-mail: maryjo_good@hms.harvard.edu
123
Cult Med Psychiatry (2013) 37:390–397
DOI 10.1007/s11013-013-9308-0
the critical conversations, as well as reflective analyses on pedagogical projects, that
are carried on not through jointly authored essays, but rather via independent
contributions in which disciplinary voices speak to each other through the volume’s
structure of paired essays. As readers, we too can engage in an expansive discourse
across the disciplinary and positional divide as we interpret the emergent links
within each pair of positional essays. Thus, we come to a dominant theme
throughout: the often unexplicated ‘‘under the hood’’ or silent discourse on race,
hierarchy, and privilege, and the pedagogical difficulties in addressing these issues
directly in medical educational settings.
Pair One: Teaching Cultural Sensitivity or Cultural Competence
Sarah Willen and Antonio Bullon set the pace with their paired essays on an
ethnographic study that began with Willen’s observations of a required cultural
sensitivity course for a (highly multicultural) group of psychiatry residents in which
she not only attended the course sessions, but also interviewed at length the
residents and the two faculty psychiatrists who were its committed teachers. In
puzzling over the course’s limitations with residents and faculty (Willen et al.
2010), she was drawn to George Devereux’s warning that, as she puts it, ‘‘if
unacknowledged, unspoken and unconscious influences have the capacity to torpedo
interaction.’’ This warning helps her make sense of the strong emotional reactions of
residents, including one who claimed the course each week would open ‘‘a big huge
gaping wound.’’ In framing the residents’ reactions through a lens of transference
and counter-transference, Willen links the ‘‘gaping wound’’ imagery to the
awkwardness of race talk that invades social spaces in American society. Is the
awkwardness perhaps related to the exceptional diversity among participants?
Emotions exploded in particular in a session led by an African-American
psychiatrist, who presented four cases that illustrated the depth of American racism
and ‘‘horrendous health disparities’’ of those not ‘‘relatively privileged.’’ Willen
ends with reflections on key recommendations drawn from residents: ‘‘safe spaces,’
collegial experiential learning, robust and nuanced concepts of culture, and
avoidance by faculty of assumptions about residents and their cultural interest and
knowledge. I ask: what is a safe space in today’s American health care institutions?
Personally, the residents’ comments amuse me since they echo those of
psychiatry residents and medical students from a much earlier era at the University
of California, Davis in the late 1970s and early 1980s, where I was at times forced to
teach dreaded courses on race and ethnicity along with an anthropologist (my
Midwestern Mennonite husband) and a male psychiatrist (who was Mexican-Italian-
American but could barely speak a word of Spanish). Only when we devised courses
in collaboration with medical students, psychology graduate students, and
psychiatry and family medicine residents did I feel some satisfaction with the
pedagogical experience and ‘‘safe’’ from derision. My recommendation for all
medical education on culture is make it collaborative and seductively elective!
Antonio Bullon’s response to Sarah Willen’s paper is remarkable for its frank
honesty and personal insight. Upon moving from Peru to the U.S. for residency
Cult Med Psychiatry (2013) 37:390–397 391
123
training, Bullon became a ‘‘designated minority’’ and ‘‘the other’’ which intrigued
him, and as a social justice activist and new graduate from psychiatry residency, he
was asked to teach a ‘‘culture course’’ in partnership with two colleagues who were
also recent residency graduates and social activists with college educations in the
humanities. Bullon describes how after putting together ‘‘the course of their
dreams’’ they would have liked to have had as residents, they were dismayed by
‘the lukewarm responses of many residents year after year.’’ Although Bullon looks
for sources of difficulty and suggests ways such a course might be improved to
make it more relevant to residents’ immediate concerns, the three faculty members
were influenced by the civil rights era and perspectives on social justice and were
‘very different from the generation of young physicians we were training.’’
Although trained to de-escalate angry patients, he writes, ‘‘we had no models in how
to defuse tension between doctors after a heated discussion about race and
privilege.’’ I empathize with his argument for training in conflict resolution and
negotiation skills as I reflect on my own past experiences. However, I disagree with
his recommendations that older clinicians should teach such a course and that
experience is the solution, as I recall 36 years of observing and being engaged in the
missteps of clinical and social science faculty, young and old, who end up having to
teach cultural competence courses. The authors of these paired essays lead us to ask
if it is not precisely the heated debates, transferences, and counter transferences
generating emotional distress and anxiety that should be the essence of such
courses, in which part of learning about ‘‘culture and race and privilege’’ involves
speaking about that which is normally unvoiced and sometimes arguing very loudly
about it. Is learning space not safe space but rather anxious space and at times hot
space? Can one tolerate this heat while erasing negative consequences of the
hierarchy of power? Might not managing relationships with fellow residents who
intensely and emotionally disagree and experience ‘‘cultural sensitivity cases’
differently simply be part of learning to be a culturally competent psychiatrist in
American society?
Pair Two: Residency Research Training Collaboration
The next pair of essays, Carpenter-Song and Whitley’s ‘‘Behind the Scenes of a
Research and Training Collaboration: Power, Privilege, and the Hidden Transcript
of Race’’ and Malik’s ‘‘A Collaboration Between a Historically Black University
(HBU) and an Ivy League Psychiatric Research Center: A Psychiatrist’s Reflections
of the Impact on Residency Training,’’ delve deeply into the issues of ‘‘assumptions
and perspectives on race and identity’’ as well as organizational culture, disciplinary
divides, and deeply felt and difficult to discuss inequalities of privilege.
I was struck again by the authors’ reflective openness in talking about the ‘‘under
the hood’’ or ‘‘behind the scenes’’ difficulties of collaboration between a rich Ivy
League University (ILU) and rural bastion of white privilege, and an urban, HBU.
When the authors write about the hostility of senior psychiatry faculty who
dismissed the Ivy League anthropologist-researchers ‘‘with contempt’’—asking,
‘how could we as non-clinicians understand anything about mental illness? What
392 Cult Med Psychiatry (2013) 37:390–397
123
was the point of such ‘‘soft research’’? ‘‘How could we dare to critique psychiatry?’’
(ms p 12)—I too felt discomfort, empathizing to my core as the authors described
their own discomfort. The essay builds, illustrating the difficulties of getting
residents at the HBU to buy into the research training experiences offered by this
collaboration. What emerges is not only a clash of institutional cultures, but the
American ‘‘gaping wound’’ of differences of race, and disparities of privilege. Were
the senior HBU psychiatrists perhaps voicing something else when they questioned
the ‘‘right’’ of the white Ivy League anthropologists to enter their psychiatric turf?
This difficult and uncomfortable story unfolds as the authors explore issues of
privilege and race, hierarchy and authority, and the cultural differences between
these two educational institutions—‘‘all this to say that things that are easy at [the
ILU] and taken for granted—are often problematic at [the HBU].’’ Furthermore,
issues of race, as they are experienced in the context of our interactions with
one another, are not made explicit. We have never, as a team, come together to
discuss our perspectives on race and our lived experiences of coming from
diverse backgrounds. Instead race only explicitly enters into the collaboration
as part of the official transcript of our research and training efforts. Yet hidden
dynamics of power and privilege shape day to day interactions among
members of the Collaboration. (p. 21 ms)
Mansoor Malik, the training director of the psychiatry residency program at the
HBU, was a psychiatry fellow at the ILU following his residency training first in the
United Kingdom and then at a Philadelphia hospital in the U.S. He writes directly
about his own ethnicity and minority status, noting that he is an immigrant physician
from Pakistan and a member of the Ahmadiyya, a minority Muslim sect persecuted
in Pakistan (and elsewhere in the Muslim world). He notes that ‘‘cultural
competency has assumed an ever increasing role in our curriculum’’ and that ‘‘we
take care to select residents that are sympathetic and possibly committed to reducing
racial disparities in mental health.’’ His goal is the collaborative program goal—to
build research capacity in minority and in particular African-American mental
health. His view of the influence of the summer training program on residents is
somewhat startling. He notes,
perceiving that the introduction of anthropological methods of inquiry was
uncovering the latent anxieties about power sharing and hierarchy within the
residency program, we initiated a regular confidential process group. the
residents have come to appreciate anthropological methods and theory that
place disparities research in the context of social justice and promote a
sophisticated understanding of ‘culture’ and its role in disparities. (p. 8 ms)
As a bridging figure between the two institutions, and perhaps between black and
white America as immigrants are at times able to do, Malik identifies negative
aspects of the culture of hierarchy between senior faculty and residents at the HBU
and introduces the uncomfortable challenges it poses for the research training
collaboration. While not going as far ‘‘under the hood’’ as the Ivy League
anthropologists, his essay sets forth warnings to entrenched hierarchies to step aside
and let new researchers grow.
Cult Med Psychiatry (2013) 37:390–397 393
123
Pair Three: Patrolling Your Blind Spots and A Safe Place to Speak
Seth Hannah, Elizabeth Carpenter-Song, and Roxana Llerena-Quinn offer com-
mentary on a faculty development course to reduce bias. As Roxana notes in her
essay, the course in its third iteration replaced one that, in my experience, was
driven by the 1960s generation grounded in social justice and civil rights. The
pedagogical strategy of this course, Hannah and Carpenter-Song tell us, is
promoting self-awareness and introspection and creating safe spaces in which to
speak without blame or criticism to reduce bias. Llerena-Quinn highlights the
importance of reducing bias and disparities in treatment in line with the agenda set
forth in the Institute of Medicine’s ‘‘Unequal Treatment’’ (2003) and national
policies at the National Institutes of Health, as well as local policies to reduce health
disparities by reducing disparities in medical care and treatment that may be caused
by bias and prejudice. Hannah and Carpenter-Song attended the twelve meetings of
the course and had informal conversations with participants and instructors as well
as formal interviews with three instructors and five participants. Through interviews
and their own observations, the ethnographers ‘‘lift the hood,’’ exploring the
motivation and responses of participants and the philosophy of the course founders.
Llerena-Quinn, one of the course instructors and developers, welcomes the feedback
and again sends out a clarion call for a commitment to social justice and reduction in
disparities. She argues for cultural sensitivity and knowledge as well and for cultural
competence in the widest sense, despairing at supervisors who dismiss those who
are too poor to be well served. Llerena-Quinn draws on the movements against
disparities and inequalities in mental health care—calling attention to ‘‘Culture
Matters’’ in reducing disparities and ‘‘Unequal Treatment.’
This pair of essays presents a positive and contemporary intervention, one that
can perhaps be improved given the newness of the course format. Yet the course
was a success. Why? The course is voluntary! Faculty who join for the twelve
sessions are committed to introspection in a safe space and are interested in culture
and reducing blind-spot bias, or what the authors note is now referred to as ‘ethical
self fashioning.’’ The detailed ethnographic description of the course, its highly
successful small group discussions, its over-all agenda, and the participants’
positive responses show that the small group method achieved the instructors’
pedagogical goals. The authors note a steadfast commitment to social justice and
reducing health disparities by minimizing bias and exploring one’s own negative
bias and cultural identities. All three authors argue for a more robust link between a
focus on the micro-aspects of the self and macro structural concerns.
What a marked contrast this pair of essays is to the discomfort generated in the
Willen and Bullon essays on the residency training course. What are the essential
differences between this faculty seminar and the residency seminar? My own
reflections are shaped in part by a short stint in an earlier version of the course,
which was established many years ago by one of the faculty leaders of the New
Pathway revolution in medical education at Harvard Medical School. Dan
Goodenough, a highly esteemed and popular professor with students and faculty,
offered a course on racism and self-awareness designed to reduce racism and bias.
The ideological core of the course was a commitment to social justice, civil rights,
394 Cult Med Psychiatry (2013) 37:390–397
123
redressing prejudice and inequalities for minorities, and affirmative action. At the
time we spoke about the poor, minorities, and inequalities rather than disparities.
We were a multicultural group of faculty members, but only one of us was African
American, a highly esteemed surgeon. We anthropologists soon excused ourselves
from yet one more evening we could not spare given an overload of nighttime
seminar obligations, but the respect Dan held for others, and faculty for him, was
extraordinary. This was a 60s generation course in its ideology and leadership. The
participants and those who returned and collaborated in various versions of the
course were enchanted with the safe space for hard talk that Dan and his colleagues
created.
The contrasts with the residency course are curious. Dan’s course, much like the
one Hannah, Carpenter-Song, and Llerena-Quinn describe, was elective; the
psychiatry residency course was not. The faculty courses were collaborative and
small group based and focused on the self in a 60s sort of way, and the residency
course was not. The faculty course was a place where young and old and junior and
senior faculty met to speak about themselves, and the residency course was not.
Dan’s course, and perhaps this course too, was playful; it was time for faculty
imagination to play out. The residency course was also initially for the faculty a
time for imagination to play out, but the residents were not in a space to relish the
intellectual play. One wonders what vulnerabilities made it so hard for them to
enjoy and engage what their young faculty found so interesting? Perhaps third year
residents are not worthy of such a course? Perhaps the rule of law rather than
education is what matters?
Pair Four: The Canadians and Working with Culture Seminar
The Canadians in Montreal have their own fascinating cultural modalities for
teaching clinical cultural psychiatry, where diversity is the message. Authors
Jaswant Guzder and Ce
´cile Rousseau, cultural psychiatrists, offer a fine essay on the
‘Diversity of Voices’’ in their summer seminars on Working with Culture.
Psychiatrist Laurence Kirmayer comments on their ‘‘distinctive pedagogical values
and orientations.’’ The Working with Culture Seminar, which takes place as part of
a month long program in Social and Transcultural Psychiatry, is case based and uses
an all-encompassing biopsychosocial model. The case however holds the center,
and the conversation Rousseau and Guzder seek to create interweaves the voices of
seminar teachers and participants who engage each other in a zone of ‘‘cultural
safety.’’ Discussing therapist–client relationships and therapeutic process is at the
core of their agenda, and cultural competency training is incorporated into the whole
model. The course sounds like summer intellectual fun, engaging, bonding, and
conversing about ‘‘uncertainty and non-closure’’ in therapeutic work. The
‘universal and culturally specific are woven through the seminars’ (p. 11 ms)
even as specific modes of therapeutic engagement are taught by visiting faculty.
Guzder and Rousseau hope the seminars will provide a place for critical thinking
and the emergence of new ideas useful in structuring clinical training experiences
and managing local cultural challenges.
Cult Med Psychiatry (2013) 37:390–397 395
123
Kirmayer, highlighting Hannah’s concept of hyperdiversity (Hannah 2011; Good
et al. 2011b) to reflect on Canada’s multicultural state, notes that ‘‘for the last
100 years, 15–20 % of Canadians were born outside Canada and that in a sense
everyone is a hyphenated Canadian.’’ He notes how Guzder and Rousseau focus on
collective identities and the larger political dynamics of drawing diverse perspec-
tives from seminar participants (see Bibeau (1997) on multicultural Quebec and the
First Nation of Wasena-Waseya (2008)). He also sees Rousseau and Guzder as
successful, confirming the seminar has created a community of practice that
supports culturally informed and politically aware clinicians, offering a broader role
for clinicians as advocates and partners with patients and community systems.
Perhaps the seminar, which sounds intellectually fun and invigorating, might
enhance the role of traditional therapists, whose cultural and professional authority
may well be eroding in Canada as it is in the United States, where institutional
pressures are leading to compromises in terms of check box psychiatry (Bullon et al.
2011) and financial pressures (Good et al. 2011a,b, p. 22; Hannah et al. 2011).
References
Bibeau, Gilles
1997 Cultural Psychiatry in a Creolizing World: Questions for a New Research Agenda. Transcultural
Psychiatry 34(1): 9–41.
Bullon, Antonio, Mary-Jo DelVecchio Good, and Elizabeth Carpenter-Song
2011 Paper Life: Documentation Practices in the Care of Minority and Low-Income Patients. In
Shattering Culture: American Medicine Responds to Cultural Diversity. Mary-Jo DelVecchio
Good, Sarah S. Willen, Seth Donal Hannah, Ken Vickery, and Lawrence T. Park, eds. New
York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Good, Mary-Jo DelVecchio, Nina M. Gadmer, Patricia Ruopp, Matthew Lakoma, Amy M. Sullivan,
Ellen Redinbaugh, Robert M. Arnold, and Susan D. Block
2004 Narrative Nuances on Good and Bad Deaths: Internists’ Tales from High-Technology Work
Places. Social Science & Medicine 58(5): 939–953.
Good, Mary-Jo DelVecchio, Byron J. Good, Cynthia Schaffer, and Stuart E. Lind
1990 American Oncology and the Discourse on Hope. Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry 14(1): 59–79.
Good, Mary-Jo DelVecchio, Cara James, Byron J. Good, and Anne E. Becker
2003 The Culture of Medicine and Racial, Ethnic, and Class Disparities in Healthcare. In Unequal
Treatment: Confronting Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Healthcare. Brian D. Smedley, Adrienne
Y. Stith, Alan R. Nelson, eds., pp. 594–625. Washington, DC: National Academies Press.
Good, Mary-Jo DelVecchio, Tseunetsugu Munakata, Yasuki Kobayashi, Cheryl Mattingly, and Byron J.
Good
1994 Oncology and Narrative Time. Social Science & Medicine 38(6): 855–862.
Good, Mary-Jo DelVecchio, Esther Mwaikambo, Erastus Amayo, and James M’Imunya Machoki
1999 Clinical Realities and Moral Dilemmas: Contrasting Perspectives from Academic Medicine in
Kenya, Tanzania, and America. Daedalus 128(4): 167–196.
Good, Mary-Jo DelVecchio, Sarah S. Willen, and Seth Donal Hannah
2011a Shattering Culture, An Introduction. In Shattering Culture: American Medicine Responds to
Cultural Diversity. Mary-Jo DelVecchio Good, Sarah S. Willen, Seth Donal Hannah, Ken
Vickery, and Lawrence Taeseng Park, eds., pp. 1–30. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Good, Mary-Jo DelVecchio, Sarah S. Willen, Seth Donal Hannah, Ken Vickery, and Lawrence T. Park, eds.
2011b Shattering Culture: American Medicine Responds to Cultural Diversity. New York: Russell Sage
Foundation.
396 Cult Med Psychiatry (2013) 37:390–397
123
Good, Mary Jo DelVecchio, Irene Kuter, Simon Powell, Herbert C. Jr. Hoover, Maria E. Carson, and Rita
Linggood
1995 Medicine on the Edge: Conversations with Oncologists. In Technoscientific Imaginaries:
Conversations, Profiles, and Memoirs. George E. Marcus, ed., pp. 129–152. Chicago: University
of Chicago Press.
Hannah, Seth
2011 Clinical Care in Environments of Hyperdiversity In Shattering Culture: American Medicine
Responds to Cultural Diversity. Mary-Jo DelVecchio Good, Sarah S. Willen, Seth Donal Hannah,
Ken Vickery, and Lawrence T. Park, eds., pp. 35–69. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Hannah, Seth Donal, Lawrence Taeseng Park, and Mary-Jo DelVecchio Good
2011 Physicians’ Perspectives on Financial Barriers to Equitable Care. In Shattering Culture:
American Medicine Responds to Cultural Diversity. Mary-Jo DelVecchio Good, Sarah S.
Willen, Seth Donal Hannah, Ken Vickery, and Lawrence Taeseng Park, eds., pp. 217–234. New
York: Russell Sage.
Muhaimin, Amalia, Mary-Jo Delvecchio Good, Yati Soenarto, and Retna Siwi Padmawati
2012 Communication Barriers among Physicians in Care at the End of Life: Experience from a
Postgraduate Residency Training in Java, Indonesia. Asian Bioethics Review 4(2): 102–114.
Tousignant, M., A. Laliberte
´, G. Bibeau, and D. Noe
¨l
2008 Comprendre et agir sur le suicide chez les Premie
`res Nations: Quelques lunes apre
`s l’initiation.
Frontie
`res 21(1): 113–119.
Willen, Sarah S., Antonio Bullon, and Mary-Jo DelVecchio Good
2010 Opening Up a Huge Can of Worms: Reflections on a ‘‘Cultural Sensitivity’’ Course for
Psychiatry Residents. Harvard Review of Psychiatry 18(4): 247–253.
Cult Med Psychiatry (2013) 37:390–397 397
123
... Traditional health research culture is predicated on hierarchies and power differentials. 11,12 This can be seen in how teams are structured, like having a principal investigator with an advanced degree being the leader, with master's and bachelor's degree holders in supportive roles. Similarly, military service has a chain of command, through which orders are transmitted from higher-ranking members in leadership roles to lower-ranking members in supportive roles. ...
Article
Full-text available
Co-design provides a meaningful way to engage patients in research. However, there is limited practical guidance. We used our co-design project to identify strategies for other researchers. An ethnographic case study design was used. Data included participant observation of co-design meetings, meeting minutes, analytic fieldnotes, qualitative patient interviews, and research team member self-reflections. Additionally, we got external feedback. We analyzed data iteratively. Our team included 5 patients and 6 researchers. We identified 3 strategies to include patients in co-design: (1) Deliberately build the team, from recruiting patients to specifying roles. (2) Tailor the meeting format to thoughtfully use patients’ time and expertise. (3) Disrupt traditional hierarchies, to empower patients to actively participate. Researchers seeking to include patients as team members should consider: team composition and roles, leveraging meeting formats to optimize contributions and purposefully creating a culture of collaboration, so patient expertise informs the end product. Our work provides practical guidance for researchers to incorporate patient expertise in the co-design process and meaningfully involve them in their work.
Article
Full-text available
Depuis trois ans, une équipe multidisciplinaire s’est engagée à réfléchir et à développer des stratégies sur la prévention du suicide en milieu autochtone dans le cadre d’un vaste programme de recherche. Une telle entreprise pose des défis inusités à toutes les étapes de son développement. Dans cet article, l’équipe de recherche indique les difficultés rencontrées et les pistes de solution élaborées. La première partie décrit la dimension épidémiologique du suicide en milieu autochtone et elle présente les premiers résultats. La deuxième partie décrit le volet prévention et fait un bilan des essais entrepris. La troisième partie résume une recherche auprès des familles visant à mieux comprendre le contexte de socialisation dans trois milieux contrastés. Suit une brève description de l’objectif de formation de jeunes chercheurs autochtones. La discussion porte sur la capacité à répondre aux besoins de la famille autochtone contemporaine.
Chapter
Full-text available
The Culture of Medicine: Insights from Physicians in Academic Teaching HospitalsDisruptions in the Medical MachinePolitical Correctness, the Medical Machine, and the Meaning of BiasAddressing Healthcare Disparities through the Training of Healthcare ProfessionalsA Case Analysis of Disparities in Mental Health ServicesAfrican Americans and the “Over-diagnosis” of SchizophreniaCulture and the Expression of Mental Illness“Clinician Bias,” “Aversive Racism,” and MisdiagnosisRace, Perceptions of Violence, Involuntary Commitment, and Diagnosis of SchizophreniaCautions: Health Systems Issues, and the Complexities of Mental Health PhenomenaConcluding Questions
Article
Full-text available
From the perspective of medical anthropology and comparative research, American oncology appears as a unique variant of international biomedical culture, particularly when contrasted with oncological practice in societies such as Japan and Italy. Based on interviews with 51 oncologists in Harvard teaching hospitals, this paper argues that American oncological practice draws on distinctive cultural meanings associated with "hope" and is infused with popular notions about the relationship between psyche and soma, the progressive efficacy of biotechnical interventions, truth-telling, and the nature of the physician-patient relationship.
Book
“Culture counts” has long been a rallying cry among health advocates and policymakers concerned with racial disparities in health care. A generation ago, the women’s health movement led to a host of changes that also benefited racial minorities, including more culturally aware medical staff, enhanced health education, and the mandated inclusion of women and minorities in federally funded research. Many health professionals would now agree that cultural competence is important in clinical settings, but in what ways? Shattering Culture provides an insightful view of medicine and psychiatry as they are practiced in today’s culturally diverse clinical settings. The book offers a compelling account of the many ways culture shapes how doctors conduct their practices and how patients feel about the care they receive. Based on interviews with clinicians, health care staff, and patients, Shattering Culture shows the human face of health care in America. Building on over a decade of research led by Mary-Jo Good, the book delves into the cultural backgrounds of patients and their health care providers, as well as the institutional cultures of clinical settings, to illuminate how these many cultures interact and shape the quality of patient care. Sarah Willen explores the controversial practice of matching doctors and patients based on a shared race, ethnicity, or language and finds a spectrum of arguments challenging its usefulness, including patients who may fear being judged negatively by providers from the same culture. Seth Hannah introduces the concept of cultural environments of hyperdiversity describing complex cultural identities. Antonio Bullon and Mary-Jo Good demonstrate how regulations meant to standardize the caregiving process-such as the use of templates and check boxes instead of narrative notes-have steadily limited clinician flexibility, autonomy, and the time they can dedicate to caring for patients. Elizabeth Carpenter-Song looks at positive doctor-patient relationships in mental health care settings and finds that the most successful of these are based on mutual “recognition”-patients who can express their concerns and clinicians who validate them. In the book’s final essay, Hannah, Good, and Park show how navigating the maze of insurance regulations, financial arrangements, and paperwork compromises the effectiveness of mental health professionals seeking to provide quality care to minority and poor patients. Rapidly increasing diversity on one hand and bureaucratic regulations on the other are two realities that have made providing culturally sensitive care even more challenging for doctors. Few opportunities exist to go inside the world of medical and mental health clinics and see how these realities are influencing patient care. Shattering Culture provides a rare look at the day-to-day experiences of psychiatrists and other clinicians and offers multiple perspectives on what culture means to doctors, staff, and patients and how it shapes the practice of medicine and psychiatry.
Article
The recent interest of anthropologists in textuality, narrativity and phenomenology has shifted the concerns of cultural psychiatrists toward the consideration of the inner subjective life of persons and their discourses. Most versions of semiologically and phenomenologically oriented cultural psychiatry are weakened by three limitations: (i) the tendency to reify and homogenize cultural systems; (ii) the lack of integration of social and cultural orders; and (iii) the disconnection between local worlds and the global scene. This essay invites researchers to break with out-dated anthropological approaches and explore new territory around such concepts as cultural complexity, creolization, pluralism and boundaries. The emblem of this new era is the immigrant who is confronted with fragmented referential models. We must embark upon a new research agenda that incorporates five main features of our times: (i) people build their experience with reference to creolized rather than monolithic cultures; (ii) representational systems of meaning are embedded in specific social organizational patterns from which culture cannot be divorced; (iii) societies are increasingly dominated by experts, managers and a new economy of knowledge based on functional literacy; (iv) an increasing number of excluded or marginalized persons are claiming the power to narrate their own lives; and (v) the right to speak about the painful experiences of others, particularly when they are mentally disabled or socially excluded, must be reassessed in the face of the policy of political correctness. These elements can contribute to the reconceptualization of a socio-cultural psychiatry that is more attuned to the contemporary world.
Article
One of the major issues in medicine is the interaction and communication among health professionals in a medical team. In medical education, in particular for postgraduate residency training, communication among physicians in a teaching hospital with its complex training hierarchy has become a critical concern. "Hierarchy" refers to a group of individuals ranked to authority, capacity, or position; while "medical hierarchy" describes the power relationship between a superior and a subordinate in medical training, often involving increasing power with each rank subject to the next higher level authority. This describes the interaction among medical students (co-assistants), residents, and consultants (teaching staff) in a teaching hospital, which conveys perceptions of seniority and "powerful others". Medical students and residents are low in the medical hierarchy and are dependent upon their supervisors (seniors) for learning and instructions. However, hierarchy and differences in power and authority appear to lead to hesitancy to communicate openly among team members, and therefore communicating and discussing problems in patient care in such a system is often complicated and difficult. This article addresses issues of communication in patient care at the end of life among Indonesian academic physicians, including residents and consultants. It is part of the larger study of how Indonesian and American physicians respond emotionally to their patients' deaths. In this study, we analyse the qualitative narrative data which emerged when we asked physicians to describe the end-of-life care and deaths of their patients. In particular, we examine how physicians speak about hierarchy in the training system and the ways hierarchy influences communication among medical team members and across medical specialties. This article on Indonesian physicians' discussions about barriers in communication is part of an effort to understand and improve Indonesian medical education and clinical training system. In cross-cultural comparisons of Indonesian and American physicians, we find similar issues and concerns arise when physicians speak about barriers in communication among clinicians that lead to less than optimal end-of-life care. The study methodology utilises qualitative measures. Physician participants were selected through chart reviews of patient deaths from the internal medicine and paediatric units in a teaching hospital between 1 January and 30 April 2004. One to two patient cases per week were randomly selected for a total of 38 patient cases. For this study, we only included residents and consultants. Residents are medical students in postgraduate training for specialisation, ranked from first-year residents (R1), second-year (R2), third-year (R3), to fourth-year residents (R4). Consultants are attending physician specialised or sub-specialised in each department, categorised into junior consultants (specialist or subspecialist) and senior consultants (subspecialist and head of department or sub-department). Residents and consultants caring for the patient cases were identified and invited to participate in the study. A total of 57 physicians (43 residents and 14 consultants) participated in the interviews, as shown in Tables 1 and 2. For the purpose of this study, we focus on the narratives physicians told about the deaths of patients in their care and on their discussions of the training hierarchy. All the physicians' narratives, discussing both the most recent and most emotionally powerful deaths, were transcribed and read by the Physicians by department and sex Physicians by rank research team members in order to identify a range of thematic content. Types of narratives about characteristics of patient deaths and about physicians' work in caring for patients at the end of life were categorised by the collaborating research team members. All interviews were then coded utilising an OpenCode (Version 2.1, June 2001) computer programme, allowing for identification of quotations and segments of interviews relevant to particular topics. Themes related to communication and the training hierarchy emerged directly from the narratives; categories were "emic" — in other words, they emerged directly from the physicians' own words. Varieties of themes were inductively generated using "emic" analysis and then categorised. Some interviews contained more than one theme about the training hierarchy and sub-categories also overlapped. Thus, the analytic methodologies used in this study are qualitative, interpretative and anthropological, and neither epidemiological nor quantitative. This rigorous approach is common in...