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The structural basis of consistency among political attitudes: Effects of political expertise and attitude importance
Abstract
explore factors responsible for differences in attitude structure / intend to explore the bases of structural consistency between attitudes and factors responsible for differences in such consistency
concerned with the effects of two different factors on consistency between attitudes: expertise in the attitude domain and the importance or centrality of the attitudes
attempt . . . to develop a model for the representation of attitudes or evaluations, defining between-attitude consistency within the context of this representational model
attempt to specify the structural effects of attitude importance and political expertise, showing how each may lead to increases in consistency of attitudes within a given individual
identify the conditions that are necessary for this within-individual definition of attitude consistency to translate into between-individual correlations between attitudes
derive a set of predictions from the model and test them with national survey data (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
... People with more political knowledge tend to have more coherent ideologies (Delli Carpini propose an explanation for this relationship, testing whether people who spend time thinking about how political concepts relate to one another are more likely to exhibit ideologically coherent attitudes (Judd & Krosnick, 1989). We find that participants who are instructed to participate in an exercise that requires them to think about how political concepts are related exhibit greater correlations between social and economic policy attitudes than nonparticipants, and find some evidence that participants' policy attitudes are more consistent over time. ...
... Converse (1964) found that few exhibit constraint, as for all but a small percentage of the public, policy attitudes are unrelated, suggesting a mostly nonideological public. Subsequent research has shown that people with greater political knowledge tend to exhibit higher constraint (Delli Carpini & Keeter, 1996;Judd & Krosnick, 1989;Stimson, 1975;Zaller, 1992). ...
... First, knowledge has been conceptualized and measured in a variety of ways in these studies (e.g., Luskin, 1987), and with these different conceptualizations come different explanations for the relationship between knowledge and constraint. These different explanations include the ability of those with greater knowledge to engage in selective exposure (Hamilton, 2009), to engage in motivated reasoning (Taber & Lodge, 2006), or to see relevant connections between different political objects (Jacoby, 2006;Judd & Krosnick, 1989), among other explanations (e.g., Zaller, 1992). Second, because studies establishing the relationship between knowledge and constraint are observational, their conclusions leave considerable ambiguity about estimates of the causal relationship between these concepts. ...
People with more political knowledge tend to have more coherent ideologies (Delli Carpini & Keeter, 1996; Judd & Krosnick, 1989; Stimson, 1975; Zaller, 1992). Drawing on prominent theories of attitude structure (e.g., Dinauer & Fink, 2005; Hunter, Levine & Sayers, 1976), we propose an explanation for this relationship, testing whether people who spend time thinking about how political concepts relate to one another are more likely to exhibit ideologically coherent attitudes (Judd & Krosnick, 1989). We find that participants who are instructed to participate in an exercise that requires them to think about how political concepts are related exhibit greater correlations between social- and economic-policy attitudes than nonparticipants and find some evidence that participants’ policy attitudes are more consistent over time. Contrary to expectations, there was no evidence of greater consistency between policy attitudes and underlying values, including party identification.
... These researchers challenge that knowledge-consistency link is not always true (Judd and Krosnick, 1989;Tetlock, 1989). Polarization might not happen (Liberman and Chaiken, 1991) as prolonged thoughts could result in less coherent schema based upon inconsistent or disjointed beliefs (Wilson, Kraft, and Dunn, 1989).As intrinsic motivation reflects how much "individuals engage in and enjoy effortful thinking" (Cacioppo and Petty, 1982, p. 116), a higher need to cognitively process information triggers the processing of both positive and negative attitudes and leads to higher ambivalence. ...
... Thompson and Zanna (1995) posit that NFC is a valid antecedent to ambivalence and high-NFC results in the utilization of more cognitive effort in the processing of an attitude object and a greater tolerance of conflicted arguments. However, other researchers such as Hanze (2001), Judd and Krosnick (1989) and Tetlock (1989) claim that the knowledge-consistency link is not always true and prolonged thought in an ambivalent and conflicted situation could result in moderation in attitude (Tesser and Leone, 1977) and lead to less coherent schema (Wilson et al., 1989) which creates opportunity for ambivalence to develop. ...
... The findings of the study indicate that high-NFC induces higher ambivalence. This finding supported Hanze (2001), Judd and Krosnick (1989) and Tetlock (1989)"s propositions, but contradicted Thompson and Zanna"s (1995). One possible explanation could be that high-NFC individuals who enjoy effortful thinking (Cacioppo and Petty, 1982) think and consider more,especially in an imposedambivalencesituation, allowing the retrieval of more information that could be conflicted in nature. ...
The present paper aims to serve two purposes. The first one is to investigatethe influence of intrinsic motivation suchas the need for cognition on ambivalence towards rebranding and secondly, how individuals with different ambivalence levels react in terms of cognition, emotion and behavioral intention to corporate rebranding. The findings provide better understanding to the expensive and risky corporate rebranding program, by supporting the existence of ambivalent attitudes. Firstly, individuals with a high need for cognition tend to experience higher ambivalent attitudes hence have a higher tendency to put buying decisions on hold. Secondly, high-ambivalence individuals try to search for more information which eventually lead them to put buying decisions on hold, due to their high psychological discomfort. Procrastination and amplification effects are clearly evident among them. Conversely, low-ambivalence individuals prefer to choose approach responses over procrastination. Differences in cognition and behavioral intentions are evident imply the need for appropriate planning and implementation of corporate rebranding strategy.
... Both knowledge and practice are probably related, overall, to the importance of the message topic, given that people more often access their attitudes and beliefs on important topics and therefore develop more extensive knowledge bases for them (cf. Judd & Krosnick, 1989;Higgins & King, 1981). ...
... As psychological constructs, important traits are likely to have many of the same qualities as important attitudes; in particular, they are apt to be extensively linked to other psychological elements and to be thought about frequently by the individual (cf. Judd & Krosnick, 1989). Put differently, important personal attributes, be they attitudes or traits, are those about which people are likely to have considerable knowledge, and that knowledge is likely to be highly accessible from memory (cf. ...
In 4 experiments, college students received bogus personality-test feedback that they possessed an actual-self, ideal-self (desired but unpossessed), or rejected-self (unwanted and unpossessed) trait. When the test had low credibility, rejected-self feedback produced positive mood (PM), whereas ideal-self feedback produced negative mood (NM). Self-comparison of the feedback with self-representations apparently revealed the falsity of the feedback, making salient Ss’ virtues or shortcomings. The pattern reversed when test credibility was high: Rejected-self feedback led to NM and ideal-self feedback to PM. These effects were not evident, however, when the feedback trait had high personal importance or when Ss generated counterexamples before feedback about an unimportant trait. This suggests that reactions to self-discrepant feedback depend on whether convincing counterexamples are readily accessed during self-comparison.
... Son extrémité (Schuman et Presser, 1981 ;Judd et Krosnick, 1989). ...
... Probabilité de mentionner l'objet (Krosnick, 1989). ...
Chercheurs et praticiens sont aujourd’hui quasiment unanimes pour reconnaître qu’une publicité est efficace si elle conduit l’individu à évaluer favorablement la marque, objet de la communication. A la lumière des recherches en psychosociologie sur la notion de force d’une attitude, il apparaît cependant que la seule prise en compte de la composante évaluative peut ne refléter que partiellement le construit d’attitude dans un contexte publicitaire. Parmi les dimensions non évaluatives les plus fréquemment étudiées, l’on trouve la notion de confiance dans l’attitude (Howard, 1989). Cependant, cette notion et celle plus générale de confiance en soi n’ont que trop rarement fait l’objet de travaux en communication persuasive. Cette recherche doctorale a donc pour objectifs de clarifier la notion de confiance, fondée non seulement sur la littérature mais aussi sur l’expérimentation, et de comprendre le rôle de la confiance en soi au sein des processus de formation de l’attitude envers la marque (Ab) résultant de l’exposition publicitaire. La méthodologie mise en oeuvre s’appuie d’une part, sur un protocole expérimental similaire à certains systèmes utilisés par les sociétés d’études pour la collecte de données (pré-test publicitaire incluant un programme TV préalablement à la diffusion de 4 annonces pour des marques inconnues en France) et d’autre part, sur les modèles d’équations structurelles avec variables latentes et erreurs de mesure pour la vérification de la qualité des instruments de mesure et la validation des hypothèses de recherche. Les résultats de l’étude empirique montrent que la confiance de l’individu en lui-même à la fois dans sa composante générale (estime de soi) et de manière plus spécifique (confiance dans le traitement des informations et degré de certitude associé à quatre médiateurs intermédiaires d’efficacité) permet de rendre compte de la réalité de la communication persuasive. Plus précisément, la confiance en soi semble jouer un double rôle au sein du processus de persuasion : un rôle de variable intermédiaire entre l’implication publicitaire et le processus de formation de l’attitude envers la marque ainsi qu’un rôle modérateur des relations de causalité d’un modèle de formation de l’attitude envers la marque principalement fondé sur l’hypothèse de médiation duale de Lutz (1985).
... However, students are more politically engaged and more knowledgeable than is the case for most of the general public. As a result, our results might have slightly overestimated the findings that might have been obtained in a representative sample (Judd & Krosnick, 1989). Yet, compared to those without higher education, students are more likely to ascend to positions of power and influence in society (cf. ...
... To the extent knowledge qualifies the association between constructs, we expect our research to slightly overestimate the correlations one can expect to find in the general population (cf. Judd & Krosnick, 1989;Kalmoe, 2020). However, there is no reason to expect the nature of relationships to vary between students and the general population. ...
Authoritarian leaders and parties are challenging the foundations of
democracy across the world. We argue that this authoritarian upsurge
is systematically linked to culturally shared beliefs about the world.
Study 1 linked social axioms to authoritarianism and ethnonationalism
in a US college sample. Study 2 replicated these findings with a
multi-national dataset and predicted authoritarianism with
country-level social axioms. Results from these two individual-level
studies indicated that right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance
orientation, and ethnonationalism were related to reward for appli-
cation, religiosity, and fate control, but low social flexibility. Left-wing
authoritarianism was linked to high levels of social cynicism, and fate
control, but inversely related to the other three axioms. Countries
with high dynamic externality had weaker democracies, as evident
in fewer civil liberties and worse political culture, and a greater prev-
alence of individual-level authoritarian and ethnonationalist senti-
ments. We discuss the implications of the relationship between
authoritarianism and culture in this current democratic backsliding,
and the susceptibility of different cultures to the lure of
illiberalism.
... It is important to understand, however, that none of the results of these studies necessarily argues against the fundamental assumption of symbolic politics, namely, that central or important attitudes have real implications for political decision making (cf. Judd, Drake, Downing, & Krosnick, 1991;Judd & Krosnick, 1988;Krosnick, 1988;Rokeach, 1960Rokeach, , 1968. Indeed, few attitude theorists would argue otherwise. ...
Considerable research suggests the relevance of vested interest for attitude-behavior consistency. Conversely, symbolic politics theory holds that self-interest is irrelevant for attitude valence and related attitude phenomena. Rather, attitudes acquired early in life generalize to other issues and motivate actions, even actions contrary to self-interest. The present research replicates and extends the findings of an earlier symbolic politics study (D. O. Sears, C. P. Hensler, & L. K. Speer, 1979) on the mandated busing of school children (N > 1, 300). Analysis of the archival data revealed that vested interest is a significant moderator of (racial) attitude–criterion consistency and of attitude–behavior consistency as well. The results are taken as supportive of both the vested interest and the symbolic politics orientations and form the basis of a position that suggests both schools of thought can coexist.
... R. Anderson, 1983). Judd and Krosnick (1989) added the idea that object nodes in memory contain not only information but associated evaluations as well (see also Fiske & Pavelchak, 1986). The psychological highway view of responsibility is compatible with these models; we propose that the perceived strengths of the responsibility linkages among elements of the triangle will be a determinant of how strongly the corresponding nodes are associated in memory. ...
Responsibility acts as a psychological adhesive that connects an actor to an event and to relevant prescriptions that should govern conduct. People are held responsible to the extent that (a) a clear, well-defined set of prescriptions is applicable to an event (prescription–event link); (b) the actor is perceived to be bound by the prescriptions by virtue of his or her identity (prescription–identity link); and (c) the actor is connected to the event, especially by virtue of appearing to have personal control over it (identity–event link). Studies supported the model, showing that attributions of responsibility are a direct function of the combined strengths of the 3 linkages (Study 1) and that, when judging responsibility, people seek out information that is relevant to the linkages (Study 2). The model clarifies prior multiple meanings of responsibility and provides a coherent framework for understanding social judgment.
... those have been defined as issue alignment, i.e., correlations between pairs of issues; and ideological alignment, i.e., correlation between attitudinal items and the ideological identification (Baldassarri and Gelman 2008;Kozlowski and Murphy, 2021). These two dimensions of constraint are understood to be related (Judd and Krosnick, 1989), "in the sense that horizontal constraint can be thought of as a consequence of the higher-order vertical linkage between issue positions and a central ideological self-placement" (Federico and Hunt, 2013, p.95). Nevertheless, other studies have preferred to focus exclusively on the horizontal measure constraint and have proposed different statistical techniques in order to evaluate the consistency and stability of issue positions. ...
Since Converse’s paper, opinion constraint has been defined as the degree to which voters hold ideologically consistent opinions across different issues. Yet, scholars have found that opinions departing from the liberal/conservative categories constitute alternative ways of organizing political preferences. This suggests a methodological dilemma: how can we assess the consistency of opinions based on empirical, rather than theoretically predefined, criteria? This article proposes measuring constraint as the extent to which citizens’ policy preferences resemble those of their most preferred political parties (a top-down approach). To do so, it relies on data from the 2019 European Election Studies and the 2019 Chapel Hill Expert Survey. Analyses show that a top-down measure of opinion constraint correlates weakly with pre-existing measures of this concept ( discriminant validation). Findings also suggest that well-established hypotheses about the predictors and effects of constraint are confirmed when using the top-down measure ( nomological validation).
... While classic political culture theory (Almond and Verba, 1963;Converse, 1964) is based on the attitudes measurement methodology for assessing the degree of acceptance or rejection of the governmental policies by the society (Judd and Krosnick, 1989;Krosnick and Smith, 1994;Katz, 1960;Thurstone, 1928), the later evolutions of the political culture research proved significant changes especially in what regards the research methodologies and the research issues (Johnson, 1999 thus extending the range of studied expression and manifestation of the citizens with respect to the governance performances, efficiency, responsibility, and responsiveness. ...
This paper introduces a political methodology approach on polity modeling and simulation called artificial polity which combines political systems and political culture theories. It aims at introducing anticipatory systems as the modeling framework for the organization, operation, and dynamics of political systems. Anticipatory systems provide for the conceptual modeling of polities as self-referential systems which embed internal models. Agent-based systems provide for the simulation and experimental research of artificial polities which embed political culture as internal models. Artificial Polity is the outcome of a long-term political methodologic research project aimed at developing research frameworks and instruments for the study of state and governance with anticipatory dimensions. Eastern European democracy case studies are presented with the goal of evaluating the anticipatory performances of the Artificial Polity. Post-communist Eastern European countries case studies are presented with the goal of evaluating the anticipatory performances of the Artificial Polity Model. Relevant applications of the political anticipation framework as presented in this paper could further enhance research on (i) political systems resilience against various types of threat, (ii) political regime dynamics in specific economic and cultural contexts, and (iii) political systems stability and security issues.
... source), prior beliefs of the audience (Lukin et al., 2017;Durmus and Cardie, 2018), and language style (Feng and Hirst, 2011;Tan et al., 2016) are important factors in determining persuasiveness of the arguments in online argumentation platforms. Although there has been evidence in previous studies of Social Sciences that people's perceptions on a particular controversial topic may be related to their perceptions on other controversial topics (Judd and Krosnick, 1989;Sapra, 2012), the impact of exploiting this relationship among controversial topics are under-explored in NLP studies of persuasion. In this paper, we explicitly study the effect of incorporating topic relatedness among controversial topics in predicting argument persuasiveness. ...
... While classic political culture theory (Almond and Verba, 1963;Converse, 1964) is based on the attitudes measurement methodology for assessing the degree of acceptance or rejection of the governmental policies by the society (Judd and Krosnick, 1989;Krosnick and Smith, 1994;Katz, 1960;Thurstone, 1928), the later evolutions of the political culture research proved significant changes especially in what regards the research methodologies and the research issues (Johnson, 1999). Beside political attitudes, the research issues have progressively included values, emotions and beliefs thus extending the range of studied expression and manifestation of the citizens with respect to the governance performances, efficiency, responsibility, and responsiveness. ...
This paper introduces a political methodology approach on polity modeling and simulation called artificial polity which combines political systems and political culture theories. It aims at introducing anticipatory systems as the modeling framework for the organization, operation, and dynamics of political systems. Anticipatory systems provide for the conceptual modeling of polities as self-referential systems which embed internal models. Agent-based systems provide for the simulation and experimental research of artificial polities which embed political culture as internal models. Artificial Polity is the outcome of a long-term political methodologic research project aimed at developing research frameworks and instruments for the study of state and governance with anticipatory dimensions. Eastern European democracy case studies are presented with the goal of evaluating the anticipatory performances of the Artificial Polity. Post-communist Eastern European countries case studies are presented with the goal of evaluating the anticipatory performances of the Artificial Polity Model. Relevant applications of the political anticipation framework as presented in this paper could further enhance research on (i) political systems resilience against various types of threat, (ii) political regime dynamics in specific economic and cultural contexts, and (iii) political systems stability and security issues.
... We also controlled for other possibilities that could explain our effects. Specifically, we investigated the possibility that as consumers gain expertise they become more nuanced in their assessments (Judd and Krosnick 1989). To that end, we controlled for whether the user expressed an ambivalent/mixed assessment (they used both positive and negative words) or univalent reaction (they used only positive words or only negative words). ...
Expertise provides numerous benefits. Experts process information more efficiently, remember information better, and often make better decisions. Consumers pursue expertise in domains they love and chase experiences that make them feel something. Yet, might becoming an expert carry a cost for these very feelings? Across more than 700,000 consumers and 6 million observations, developing expertise in a hedonic domain predicts consumers becoming more emotionally numb – i.e., having less intense emotion in response to their experiences. This numbness occurs across a range of domains – movies, photography, wine, and beer – and across diverse measures of emotion and expertise. It occurs in cross-sectional real-world data with certified experts, and in longitudinal real-world data that follows consumers over time and traces their emotional trajectories as they accrue expertise. Further, this numbness can be explained by the cognitive structure experts develop and apply within a domain. Experimentally inducing cognitive structure led novice consumers to experience greater numbness. However, shifting experts away from using their cognitive structure restored their experience of emotion. Thus, although consumers actively pursue expertise in domains that bring them pleasure, the present work is the first to show that this pursuit can come with a hedonic cost.
... Specifically, refutational-different arguments are understood to promote perceptions of threat and to motivate the audience to protect their attitudes and beliefs from the subsequent persuasive attack, even if the exact persuasive arguments have not been individually refuted (Pfau, 1997). In this manner, refutational-different arguments may work by activating other "linked" beliefs related to the subject (Judd & Krosnick, 1989) or creating more associations with the subject that can be activated in the event of a persuasive attack Smith, 1988). ...
Misinformation is a growing concern in the public health realm, as it is persistent and difficult to correct. One strategy recently considered to address misinformation is “inoculation”, which leverages forewarning and refutation to defend against a subsequent persuasive message. Here, I aimed to assess whether inoculation can be harnessed to forestall implicitly arising misinformation such as that from misleading natural cigarette ads, which have been shown to prompt widespread misbeliefs. I conducted three randomized online experiments assessing means of inoculating against misinformation. The first tested inoculation tactics to determine whether particular message formats are more effective (i.e., exemplar, narrative, or exposition), and to assess whether inoculations must refute the exact arguments from the misinformation or can more generally match argument themes. The second study tested an attenuated generic versus a specific refutation, and explored results over time. The final study focused on a particular inoculation strategy–highlighting prior deceptive messaging by the persuasive source. Results indicate that inoculations can successfully defend against misinformation from misleading ads; further, they do not need to match exact arguments or even exact themes from the arguments in order to reduce misbeliefs. In fact, high level, generic refutations successfully reduced misbeliefs both immediately and with a time delay, and, crucially, so too did inoculations that included an explicit forewarning but only an implicit refutation. Furthermore, multiple inoculation message formats were successful, and the effectiveness of inoculations was enhanced, to a limited degree, by identifying prior deceptive messaging by the persuasive source. Finally, findings supported counterarguing as a potential mediator of effects of inoculation messages on misbeliefs. The significance of the results here lies in their support for key inoculation components–forewarning and refutation–as well as the much-hypothesized mechanism of counterarguing, when attempting to combat misinformation. The core contribution of these studies is the consistent finding that we can successfully inoculate against implicit misinformation without directly addressing the exact misinformation claims, which is particularly important with implicitly arising, often difficult-to-anticipate misbeliefs from misleading advertising.
... Bien que des procédures équitables aient pour effet d'augmenter la probabilité qu'un résultat même défavorable soit accepté par un sujet (Finkelstein & Truchot, 2006), Skitka (2002) explique que les gens sont parfois motivés de juger si les événements sont justes ou injustes à l'aune de leurs valeurs morales intériorisées afin d'affirmer et de protéger leur sentiment d'identité personnelle. Partant du principe que les valeurs morales sont au coeur de l'identité personnelle (Rokeach, 1973), elle rappelle que certaines valeurs sont supérieures aux autres et l'emportent systématiquement sur ces dernières (Judd & Krosnick, 1989). Elle nomme « mandats moraux » l'expression sélective de ces valeurs dont le viol produit chez le sujet un sentiment d'indignation morale impliquant la culpabilité et le dégoût, conduisant ces personnes à adopter un certain nombre d'ajustements cognitifs, affectifs et comportementaux (Skitka & Mullen, 2002). ...
Dans le but d’améliorer la connaissance dans les facteurs source de bien-être au travail, nous reprenons une étude de gilet et al. (2015) mettant en évidence le rôle médiateur du bien-être eudémonique entre la justice organisationnelle et l’intention d’un salarié de quitter son entreprise. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à savoir si les deux dimensions de la dissonance identitaire, la latitude d’expression identitaire et la pression normative, peuvent être des facteurs modérateurs entre la justice organisationnelle et le bien-être eudémonique. Un questionnaire rempli par 159 femmes et 38 hommes (N = 197) nous a permis de réaliser des tests de régression linéaire pour mettre à l’épreuve nos hypothèses. Nos résultats ne permettent pas de conclure à un effet modérateur, mais montre un effet direct de la latitude d’expression identitaire sur le bien-être eudémonique
... Given that media messages are normatively persuasive [56] and that individuals tend to use heuristic cues to quickly express a preference on the spot [57], the role of self-interest or values in shaping preferences likely depends on the context. For example, partisanship, prior positions on a given issue, strength or salience of an issue, media framing and strength of individual attitudes related to any given issue might lead to different responses by the same individual to the same polling question [58][59][60][61]. ...
We provide an overview of the field of preferences for redistribution research, including divergent terminological and theoretical approaches. We review the different uses of public attitudes, policy preferences and public opinion. We outline the theoretical roles of material interests, values and opinion-policy endogeneity. We also introduce and summarize the original research presented in this Special Issue. Among the key contributions of the Special Issue to the subfield are novel explorations of how socialization affects preferences for redistribution; an examination of how perceptions about inequality translate into policy preferences; a call for more research into the links between taxation and social policy preferences; explanations for the paradox of low levels of support for redistribution in the famously-generous Nordic countries; and new insights into class-specific policy preferences as well as the roles of immigration and diversity in determining such preferences.
... These evaluative reactions can be cognitive, affective, and behavioral [51][52][53][54]. Much research has examined how attitudes are structured within a so-called attitude system, or ideology, and how they are related to ensure attitude consistency and ideological coherence [55][56][57][58]. In doing so, most research has relied on reflective measurement models, which posit latent constructs that are often subsumed under single nouns like liberalism, conservatism, authoritarianism, environmentalism, or citizenship identity [59]. ...
How are evaluative reactions pertaining post-national citizenship identities interrelated and what are the potential mechanisms how post-national identities evolve? Previous efforts to operationalize and measure post-national citizenship identities leave it open how people’s stances on different issues are related and suffer from a variety of theoretical and methodological shortcomings regarding the nature of political attitudes and ideologies. A recently proposed approach conceptualizes ideologies as networks of causally connected evaluative reactions to individual issues. Individual evaluative reactions form the nodes in a network model, and these nodes can influence each other via linked edges, thereby giving rise to a dynamic thoughts system of networked political and identity-related views. To examine this system at large, we apply network analysis to data from the European Values Study. Specifically, we investigate 33 evaluative reactions regarding national and supra-national identity, diversity, global empathy, global environmentalism, immigration, and supra-national politics. The results reveal a strongly connected network of citizenship identity-related attitudes. A community analysis reveals larger clusters of strongly related evaluative reactions, which are connected via bridges and hub nodes. Centrality analysis identifies evaluative reactions that are strategically positioned in the network, and network simulations indicate that persuasion attempts targeted at such nodes have greater potential to influence the larger citizenship identity than changes of more peripheral attitude nodes. We lastly show that socio-demographic characteristics are not only associated with the overall level of post-national citizenship, but also with the network structure, suggesting that these structural differences can affect the network function as people develop national or post-national citizenship identities, or respond to external events. These results provide new insights into the structure of post-national identities and the mechanism how post-national identities might evolve. We end with a discussion of future opportunities to study networked attitudes in the context of civic and citizenship education.
... Most researchers assume ideology to be represented in memory as some kind of schemata (Fiske, Lau, & Smith, 1990;Hamill, Lodge, & Blake, 1985;Jost et al., 2009;Judd & Krosnick, 1989;Lau & Redlawsk, 2001 (Rumelhart, 1980, p. 3). People make sense of their environment, the world and new experiences by activating their stored schemata (Busenitz & Lau, 1996;DiMaggio, 1997). ...
Although the political ideologies of entrepreneurs have gained increased attention in recent media discussions, the topic has not yet found its way into current scholarly research. Yet at the same time, political ideologies and their influence on managerial decision-making and consumer choices have advanced as an important and novel research stream in both management and consumer research.
This dissertation aims to fill this research gap by exploring the relationship between entrepreneurs' political ideologies - as reflected in their values – and their decisions and subsequent behaviors.
In its first step, this dissertation asks (Research Question 1) how entrepreneurs' political ideologies influence entrepreneurial trajectories in the early stages of venture creation. In building on an exploratory study using an abductive methodology with sustainability entrepreneurs, it examines how political ideology – as observed within this sample – can be integrated within existing theories of entrepreneurship. By the means of a cognitive-theoretical approach, it further discusses initial assumptions of how left-right political ideology impacts upon entrepreneurial intentions, motivations and opportunities.
Based on the findings of the exploratory study, a conceptual framework is developed which suggests a link between left-right political ideology and entrepreneurial motivation (this forms the basis of Research Question 2). This conceptual framework, with its detailed hypotheses concerning the distinct motivations of left- and right-wing entrepreneurs, is then put to the test in a causal-comparative study with entrepreneurship students from a European Business School. Following initial predictions, the results indicate that while conservatives are driven more by the motives of status, power and preservation in becoming entrepreneurs, liberals feel propelled by the capacity for change and the benefits of autonomy that accompany entrepreneurial activity. It is suggested that these motivational differences also result in distinct subsequent behaviors, since motivation represents the link between intention and behavior and causes individuals to behave in a way that is consistent with their values. Consequently, it is argued that political ideology constitutes a considerably relevant feature of entrepreneurial cognition with serious implications for both research and practice. Political ideology has the potential to help in advancing our understanding of entrepreneurial cognition and behavior. It can especially help to explain the discourses and behaviors of many of those entrepreneurs who claim to be undertaking a value-creating and world-changing mission – which often cannot be explained using existing theories in entrepreneurship.
Keywords: Political Ideology, Values, Entrepreneurial Cognition, Intention, Motivation, Entrepreneurial Behaviors, Opportunity Creation
... Salah satu teori kontemporer yang banyak mengaplikasikan Teori Keseimbangan adalah Teori Jejaring Asosiatif (Associative Networks) yang diimpor oleh psikolog sosial dari disiplin ilmu psikologi kognitif (Anderson & Bower, 2014) Teori Jejaring Asosiatif banyak digunakan untuk menganalisis struktur hubungan antar sikap. Menurut teori ini, sikap seseorang terhadap suatu obyek direpresentasikan oleh label positif atau negatif yang disematkan pada setiap obyek sikap (Judd & Krosnick, 1989 Sebagian sarjana politik berpendapat bahwa sikap-sikap sosial dan politik dapat dikategorikan ke dalam dua ideologi besar, yaitu konservatisme dan liberalisme. Sementara sebagian sarjana lainnya memiliki pendapat yang berbeda, bahwa sikap-sikap diorganisasikan ke dalam tema-tema yang lebih spesifik, misalnya nasionalisme, sosialisme, sekularisme, rasisme dan lain sebagainya. ...
Psikologi sosial merupakan salah satu cabang keilmuan psikologi yang tidak hanya menjadi mata kuliah di fakultas Psikologi, tetapi juga di fakultas lain, khususnya yang mempelajari interaksi antarmanusia. Beragam dinamika dalam interaksi antarindividu, antarkelompok, individu dalam kelompok, pengaruh kelompok terhadap individu, hingga kondisi lingkungan merupakan fokus kajian psikologi sosial. Kajian ini merupakan landasan utama bagi ragam fokus studi di masyarakat, seperti konflik sosial, perilaku prososial, perilaku koruptif, stigma, multikultural, dan lainnya.
Buku ini merupakan pengantar psikologi sosial yang memiliki “cita rasa” Indonesia sebagai keestimewaannya. Hal ini tercermin dalam penjelasan teori-teori psikologi sosialnya yang menggunakan beragam contoh kasus dan penelitian yang dilakukan di Indonesia. Buku psikologi sosial ini ditujukan bagi mahasiswa psikologi maupun disiplin ilmu sosial lain serta para peneliti ilmu sosial. Setiap bab tersaji dalam susunan format: (a) fenomena sosial di Indonesia dan lingkup global; (b) definisi psikologi sosial; (c) penelitian klasik dalam psikologi sosial; (d) perkembangan penelitian psikologi sosial; dan (e) tokoh dalam psikologi sosial.
Beberapa link full text yang tersedia di akun research gate penulis:
- Stereotip, Prasangka, dan Diskriminasi: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/327593452_Stereotip_Prasangka_dan_Diskriminasi
- Perilaku Prososial: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/327756107_Perilaku_Prososial
... Thus, conflicting evaluative reactions would disturb his attitude network to a much lesser extent, making it easier to change individual evaluative reactions. Highly connected attitudes thus result in consistent attitudes-an attribute that is related to attitude strength (Chaiken, Pomerantz, & Giner-Sorolla, 1995;Eagly & Chaiken, 1995;Judd & Krosnick, 1989;Judd, Krosbick, & Milburn, 1981). Network connectivity therefore provides a mechanistic explanation of why attitudes differ in their consistency (Dalege et al., 2016). ...
Attitude strength is a key characteristic of attitudes. Strong attitudes are durable and impactful, while weak attitudes are fluctuating and inconsequential. Recently, the causal attitude network (CAN) model was proposed as a comprehensive measurement model of attitudes, which conceptualizes attitudes as networks of causally connected evaluative reactions (i.e., beliefs, feelings, and behavior toward an attitude object). Here, we test the central postulate of the CAN model that highly connected attitude networks correspond to strong attitudes. We use data from the American National Election Studies 1980–2012 on attitudes toward presidential candidates (N = 18,795). We first show that political interest predicts connectivity of attitude networks toward presidential candidates. Second, we show that connectivity is strongly related to two defining features of strong attitudes—stability of the attitude and the attitude’s impact on behavior. We conclude that network theory provides a promising framework to advance the understanding of attitude strength.
... Covariance estimates such as correlations or factor analytic solutions are usually thought of as a property of a sample of scores rather than an individual; however, estimates such as these can be computed at the individual level as a "within-person correlation" (Michela, 1990). Such approaches have been used to assess an individual's accuracy in judging another's personality based on self-other congruence (e.g., Funder & Colvin, 1997), to assess intra-attitudinal consistency (Judd & Krosnick, 1989) and to detect insufficient effort responding in survey completion (Meade & Craig, 2012). ...
The covariance index (CVI) is a response validity scale created with the purpose of detecting intentional distortion in self-report measures. Based on evidence that that strong response sets increase the covariance between responses, a method was developed to identify increased covariance at the individual level. Two studies were conducted to evaluate the validity of this new measure across laboratory and field settings. Results showed that individuals who scored higher on the covariance index in situations where strong response sets were present were those who had distorted responses the most and whose scores on personality measures had worse validity. In addition, the new validity scales improved identification of distorted responses beyond traditional social desirability scales.
... Despite this theoretical connection, however, much empirical research has shown that most individuals are unable to utilize their ideology along this continuum to form their policy positions (Converse, 1964;Zaller, 1992;Judd & Krosnick, 1989). Instead, other factors have been argued to be necessary to bridge the connection between an individual's ideology and his/her policy positions, including that individual's political knowledge and expertise (Delli Carpini & Keeter, 1996;Converse, 2000;Jost et al., 2009;Zaller, 1992), cultural predispositions (Song, 2014;Song et al., 2014), affective emotions (Moyer and Song, 2016), trust (Tumlison et al., 2017), and policy narratives (Jones and Song, 2014;Jorgensen et al., 2017), as well as his/her motivation to form these connections (Federico, 2009). ...
LGBT rights in the United States have increasingly become the subject of significant public discourse, with issues relating to policies on employment discrimination, same-sex marriage, and same-sex adoption often emphasized. Some studies claim that contact with LGBT individuals can shift one’s perspective on government policies that provide equal protection for members of the LGBT community. However, the results of empirical research have largely been mixed. We argue that these mixed results are due to a combination of the distinct ideological orientations that influence individuals’ reactions to LGBT contact and the differing attitudinal valence individuals hold toward various LGBT issues, thus providing somewhat inconsistent effects of LGBT contact on the formation of related policy positions. We examine these conjectures by utilizing a recent national survey of 1,500 American adults, with our analytical results showing that LGBT contact moderates the effects of individuals’ political ideology on their formation of related policy preference in distinctive ways. Our analysis further demonstrates that such results hold nuanced differences depending on the specific topic of LGBT policy in consideration. Implications of our findings in regard to the role of contact theory in understanding policy preference formation, as well as to overall LGBT-oriented policy design, are discussed.
... Thus, conflicting evaluative reactions would disturb his attitude network to a much lesser extent, making it easier to change individual evaluative reactions. Highly connected attitudes thus result in consistent attitudes -an attribute that is related to attitude strength (Chaiken, Pomerantz, & Giner-Sorolla, 1995;Eagly & Chaiken, 1995;Judd & Krosnick, 1989;Judd, Krosnick, & Milburn, 1981). Network connectivity therefore provides a mechanistic explanation of why attitudes differ in their consistency (Dalege et al., 2016). ...
One of the key concepts in the research on political attitudes is attitude strength. Strong attitudes are durable and impactful, while weak attitudes are fluctuating and inconsequential. Recently, the Causal Attitude Network (CAN) model was proposed as a comprehensive measurement model of attitudes. In this model, attitudes are conceptualized as networks of causally connected evaluative reactions (i.e., beliefs, feelings, and behavior toward an attitude object). Here, we test the central postulate of the CAN model that strong attitudes correspond to highly connected attitude networks. We use data from the American National Election Studies 1980-2012 on attitudes toward presidential candidates (total n = 18,795). The results show that attitude strength and connectivity of attitude networks are strongly related. Additional analyses show that connections between non-behavioral evaluative reactions (i.e., beliefs and feelings toward presidential candidates) are highly predictive of the connections between behavior (i.e., voting decisions) and non-behavioral evaluative reactions. This result indicates that connectivity of political attitude networks accounts for differences between strong and weak attitudes in attitude-behavior consistency with respect to voting decisions. We conclude that network theory provides a promising framework to advance the understanding of attitude strength.
... While the connectivity of attitude networks provides a novel formalisation of attitude strength, earlier approaches to understanding the structure of attitudes fit very well within this framework. For example, studies have shown that important attitudes are more coherent than unimportant attitudes (Judd, Krosnick, & Milburn, 1981;Judd & Krosnick, 1989) and that strong attitudes have a more consistent structure between feelings and beliefs than weak attitudes (Chaiken, Pomerantz, & Giner-Sorolla, 1995). Also, Phillip E. Converse's (1970) distinction between attitudes and nonattitudes based on stability of responses relates to our connectivity framework In addition to predicting the overall impact of an attitude from the connectivity of the attitude network, the CAN model predicts that the specific impact of attitude elements depends on their centrality (as defined by their closeness). ...
Attitudes can have a profound impact on socially relevant behaviours, such as voting. However, this effect is not uniform across situations or individuals, and it is at present difficult to predict whether attitudes will predict behaviour in any given circumstance. Using a network model, we demonstrate that (a) more strongly connected attitude networks have a stronger impact on behaviour, and (b) within any given attitude network, the most central attitude elements have the strongest impact. We test these hypotheses using data on voting and attitudes toward presidential candidates in the US presidential elections from 1980 to 2012. These analyses confirm that the predictive value of attitude networks depends almost entirely on their level of connectivity, with more central attitude elements having stronger impact. The impact of attitudes on voting behaviour can thus be reliably determined before elections take place by using network analyses.
... Associative Network Theory addresses inter-attitudinal structure. Judd and Krosnick (1989) suggested memories of attitude objects, and therefore their respective attitudes, are stored as nodes. Nodes can be positive or negative, and cognitive or affective. ...
... Knowledgeable citizens have well developed, highly structured political belief systems that enable systematic and efficient organization and storage of information and guide decisionmaking (Delli Carpini & Keeter, 1996;Judd & Downing, 1990;Judd & Krosnick, 1989;Luskin, 1990;McGraw, Pinney & Neumann, 1991). Conceived by Converse (1964), political belief systems are, "a configuration of ideas and attitudes in which the elements are bound together by some form of constraint or a functional interdependence" (p. ...
The importance of comedy as a mode of political communication is widely recognized, and the correlation between exposure to political comedy and knowledge has been well documented. Still, empirical research has produced decidedly mixed conclusions about whether, how and for whom political comedy might promote learning and influence attitudes. This dissertation incorporates socio-psychological theories of humor into a model of humor-triggered cognition which produces theoretically derived expectations about the effect of comedy on political sophistication. Political comedy is not merely an alternative news source but a unique communicative form which, by encouraging effortful processing and cognitive engagement, enhances learning and attitude constraint. Further, the strongest effects are predicted not among apathetic citizens incidentally exposed to information, but among moderately sophisticated audiences capable of comprehending and appreciating humorous messages but generally unmotivated to think deeply about politics absent the potential emotional gratification of amusement.
These expectations are empirically tested using both experimental and survey methodologies. A controlled experiment isolates the effect of comedy from the influence of exposure to information by manipulating the presence of humor in political news stories but otherwise holding content constant. Consistent with the model of humor-triggered cognition, experimental results demonstrate that political comedy promotes learning and ideological constraint beyond exposure to identical information in hard news form, and its relative influence is greatest among those with moderate prior political knowledge. Learning is mediated by the experience of amusement, not perceptions that the (identical) information is more interesting. Secondary survey data are used to replicate experimental analysis and examine the relationship between real-world exposure to political comedy and the structure of political attitudes. Self-reported exposure to political comedy is strongly correlated with several alternative measures of ideological constraint, suggesting that experimental findings are generalizable.
Overall, results indicate that effects of political media depend on the way information is presented. Political comedy enhances sophistication by not only providing important political information but also by arousing and engaging audiences so that they think more deeply about politics, become more ideologically consistent, and are potentially more capable of effective democratic citizenship.
... Polarization among party elites leads those individuals who are the most politically aware to follow suit. In a similar vein, Federico and Hunt (2013) show that individuals who are highly knowledgeable and heavily invested in politics are more likely to approach politics in an ideological fashion, and more likely to exhibit a polarized response to politics (see also Abramowitz 2010;Federico 2007;Judd and Krosnick 1989;Sidanius and Lau 1989;Zaller 2004). ...
It has long been understood that political knowledge in the U.S. is very low. For those who care about the quality of American democracy, this is a big problem. In attempting to find a solution, many people often blame education. While increasing civic knowledge is a laudatory goal, increased political sophistication does not necessarily turn individuals into good democratic citizens. Research in cognitive and social psychology paints a picture of people as motivated reasoners. Instead of having an open-minded engagement with issues, individuals typically only seek, see, and understand information in a manner that reinforces what they already believe. Here, we examine motivated reasoning and argue that the strongest partisans and the most committed ideologues will be the most susceptible to holding contradictory policy positions with regard to same-sex marriage and religious freedom.
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The debate over the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) is mired in the conflict between the right to freedom of religion and the right to gender-based equality. The retraction of the UCC also hinges on legal pluralism. This paper argues for shifting the foci of the debate towards gender-based violence as rightly suggested by the feminist argument in India. In order to do so, this paper argues that the debate over the UCC needs to be restructured around the Due Diligence Obligation (DDO) to the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). This paper presents the argument that the absence of a UCC creates a normative vacuum that is currently filled by an intersubjective climate on patriarchy which primes the average Indian mindset. This intersubjective mindset requires to be replaced by the normative language of the DDO to the CEDAW. This process of norm effectuation also ties into the question of how international norms are implemented in domestic contexts and reiterates the causal chain propounded therein.
Governments around the world played a crucial role in the attempts of diminishing the negative consequences of the Covid-19 crisis and containing the situation. While Tunisia faced economic, political and social challenges, the health crisis did not improve the situation. The government took several decisions to fight the virus resulting in mitigating citizens’ attitude. This research studied the cognitive, affective and behavioral determinants of citizens’ attitude toward the government during the Covid-19 crisis and its impact on their well-being. We collected 687 online survey responses from Tunisians. We used SPSS to perform exploratory factor analysis. We used R package Lavaan for confirmatory factor analysis, measurement model fit, structural model fit and test of hypotheses. Our findings suggest that feelings of anger, attribution of blame and knowledge of the crisis have a significant impact on attitude (both positive and negative) which consequently influences psychological and social well-being.
Since the first International Social Survey Program’s Role of Government module, many scholars assumed the “ideal government responsibility role” battery measured effects of a single unobserved attitude across individuals and societies. Attempts to substantiate this assumption offer sparse confirmatory evidence. Therefore, this research brings the most data and comprehensive measurement models thus far to investigate a single underlying attitude. Data from 1986 to 2017 in 43 countries suggest a latent ideal role attitude; however, measurement varies somewhat by historical institutions and levels of development across societies. At first the data seem to fail metric invariance tests as a first step in establishing the latent attitude. When applying corrections for a potential second attitude toward social insurance, and allowing for diverse effects of GDP, socialism, or Communist authoritarian institutional legacies, metric invariance comes into focus to a degree that most critics find acceptable. These results setup further scalar testing and descriptively demonstrate the neoliberalizaiton of preferences over time.
How can attitudinal hypocrisy and the magnitudes thereof be defined, explained, and measured? After explaining the salience of attitudinal hypocrisy as a research idea, I lay out the path forward for the book’s approaches, with conceptualizations, operationalizations, and quantifications of attitudes, ideologies, and the hypocrisies that result from the collision thereof for American liberalism, conservatism, libertarianism, and populism. Because no previous scholarship has taken on the task with anything above pairwise or whimsical qualitative approaches, novel methods must be devised. I utilize work from attitude research paradigms to formulate a series of quasi-algorithms for the quantification of logical inconsistency in individuals’ attitudes and attitude structures, with simple standard deviation calculations as the go-to method by which hypocrisy can be computed and, ultimately, analyzed.
Ever since Philip Converse's prominent work in the field, the viewpoint that ideological thinking represents the political sophistication of the electorate has become predominant. Ideology is, however, an essential requirement for uninformed voters, considering its heuristic role. Therefore, I hypothesize that ideological consistency tends to be low among people with high or low levels of political knowledge, whereas high consistency is observed among those with average political knowledge. Additionally, I argue that this hypothesis has particular relevance in contemporary Japan. Using an index that measures ideological consistency at the individual level, I examine data from three Japanese opinion polls conducted in the 2000s. The results support my hypothesis by showing that ideological consistency across issues statistically and substantially fluctuate according to voters' levels of political knowledge, forming a curvilinear relationship. This finding facilitates the rethinking and redefining of political sophistication.
Numerous studies have demonstrated that the attitudes people consider personally important have an enhanced impact on cognition and behavior. This article explores the possibility that importance may regulate the magnitude of the false consensus effect as well. The authors report on six experiments that involved a variety of subject samples (college students and the general population), data collection methods (telephone interviewing and selJ-administered questionnaires), and political issues (e.g., abortion, gun control, defense spending). Meta analyses summarizing the results of 12 tests revealed a strong false consensus effect but no reliable relation between its magnitude and attitude importance. These results are inconsistent with the assumption that the false consensus effect is a result of attitudes directly or indirectly influencing perceptions of others, and they lend support to explanations of the false consensus effect that posit other mechanisms (i.e., attribution and object construal).
A model of interattitudinal consistency was proposed to address: (a) the factors mediating political expert–novice differences in interattitudinal organization and (b) the processes mediating the development of interattitudinal organization among political novices. In Experiment 1, both expertise and situationally induced thought (among novices) heightened the extent to which pairs of policies were viewed as instrumentally influencing the attainment of a common set of values, which in turn influenced the structural balance of participants' attitudes. Moreover, both expertise and thought (among experts) heightened the ideological consistency of participants' attitudes. In Experiment 2, thought related to values or implicational relations increased the structural balance of novices' attitudes, whereas ideology-related thought increased the ideological consistency of experts' attitudes. Discussion focuses on a general consequences-based model of interattitudinal structure.
For a number of reasons, communication scholars have neglected the attitude construct. However, recent research on the cognitive basis of attitudes has thrived. This research suggests that the abandonment of the attitude construct may be premature. A complete understanding of how persuasive messages are processed and the effectiveness of attempts at social influence necessitates a reconsideration of the utility of attitudes. This chapter reviews research on an important aspect of the construct: attitude accessibility. Attitudes that are highly accessible from memory are likely to influence the allocation of attention and the degree of message elaboration, result in selective information processing, and influence behavior. Mechanisms by which persuasive messages may make attitudes accessible are discussed, and a model of the transactive relationship between persuasion and attitude accessibility is proposed.
In modernen Massendemokratien spielen Wahlkämpfe eine herausragende Rolle (Hillygus 2010). Zum einen können sie von den Wählern genutzt werden, um sich über die politischen Parteien und das von ihnen vorgeschlagene Personal zu informieren. Zum anderen ermöglichen sie es Parteien und Politikern die politischen überzeugungen und Einstellungen der Wähler zu beeinflussen, um ihre Chancen am Wahltag zu verbessern.
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