ArticlePDF Available

Emotion, Social Function, and Psychopathology

September 1998
Review of General Psychology 2(3):320-342

September 1998
2(3):320-342

DOI:10.1037/1089-2680.2.3.320

Authors:

Dacher Keltner

University of California, Berkeley

Ann M Kring

University of California, Berkeley

The studies of emotion function and emotional disorders complement one another. In this article, the authors outline relations between the social functions of emotion and four psychological disorders. The authors first present a social-functional account of emotion and argue that emotions help coordinate social interactions through their informative, evocative, and incentive functions. They then review evidence concerning the emotional and social problems related to depression, schizophrenia, social anxiety, and borderline personality disorder and consider how the emotional disturbances related to these disorders disrupt interactions and relationships, thus contributing further to the maintenance of the disorder. They conclude by discussing research strategies relevant to the study of emotion, social interaction, and psychopathology. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)

Content uploaded by Ann M Kring

Content may be subject to copyright.

Review of General Psychology

1998,

1089-2680»8/$3.00

Emotion, Social Function, and Psychopathology

Dacher Keltner

University of California, BerkeleyAnn M. Kring

Vanderbilt University

The studies of emotion function and emotional disorders complement one another. In

this article, the authors outline relations between the social functions of emotion and

four psychological disorders. The authors first present a social-functional account of

emotion and argue that emotions help coordinate social interactions through their

informative, evocative, and incentive functions. They then review evidence concerning

the emotional and social problems related to depression, schizophrenia, social anxiety,

and borderline personality disorder and consider how the emotional disturbances

related to these disorders disrupt interactions and relationships, thus contributing

further to the maintenance of the disorder. They conclude by discussing research

strategies relevant to the study of emotion, social interaction, and psychopathology.

We can be afraid... or get angry, or feel pity, in general

have pleasure or pain, both too much and too little, and

in both ways not well; but [having these feelings] at the

right times, about the right things, towards the right

people, for the right end, and in the right way, is the

intermediate and best condition, and proper to vir-

tue.

.. . Virtue, then, is a mean.

—Aristotle, Nicomachaen Ethics

The notion that many forms of psychopathol-

ogy include emotional disturbances dates back

to the classical philosophers, as is evident in

Aristotle's definition of virtue as a mean in

emotional response. Recent empirical research

lends credence to this general proposition.

Different psychological disorders have been

linked to "excesses" in emotion (e.g., depres-

sion, anxiety), "deficits" in emotion (e.g.,

depression, psychopathy), or the lack of coher-

ence among emotional response systems (e.g.,

schizophrenia; Barlow, 1988, 1991; Clark &

Watson, 1991; Kring & Bachorowski, in press;

Lazarus, 1991; Plutchik, 1993; Thoits, 1985,

1990).

Dacher Keltner, Department of Psychology, University of

California, Berkeley; Ann M. Kring, Department of

Psychology, Vanderbilt University.

During the preparation of this article, Ann M. Kring was

supported in part by a grant from the National Alliance for

Research on Schizophrenia and Depression.

We thank Jo-Anne Bachorowski for her helpful comments

on a draft of this article.

Correspondence concerning this article should be ad-

dressed to either Dacher Keltner, Department of Psychology,

3210 Tolman Hall, University of California, Berkeley,

California 94720, or Ann M. Kring, Department of

Psychology, 301 Wilson Hall, Vanderbilt University, Nash-

ville,

Tennessee 37240. Electronic mail may be sent to

keltner@socrates.berkeley.edu or ann.kring@vanderbilt.edu.

These connections between psychopathology

and emotion provide impetus for at least two

related lines of

inquiry.

A first approach is to rely

on what is known about the linkages between

emotion and autonomic and central nervous

system structures (e.g., Davidson,

1993;

LeDoux,

1996) as a guide in the discovery of physiologi-

cal mechanisms that contribute to psychopathol-

ogy. A second approach is to look outward at the

individual's social environment and, guided by

what is known about the social functions of

emotion, to document how emotional features of

psychological disorders relate to specific styles

of interaction and relationships, thus perpetuat-

ing the disorder. Our aim in this article is to

provide a conceptualization and research agenda

for this second approach to the study of emotion

and psychopathology.

The benefits of studying the relations between

the social functions of emotion and psychopa-

thology are twofold. First, given the prevalent

association between emotion disturbance and

psychopathology (e.g., Thoits, 1985), basic

research on emotion and social interaction

provides a conceptual framework for consider-

ing possible causes and consequences of emo-

tional disturbances as well as potential interven-

tions.

For example, many emotion researchers

assume that emotions involve multiple compo-

nents,

including behavior, communication, expe-

rience, and physiology, and find that these

components are often coordinated (e.g., Leven-

son, 1992). Moreover, the coordinated engage-

ment of these components is important for a

320

SPECIAL ISSUE: EMOTION AND SOCIAL FUNCTIONING321

number of emotion-based social interactions.

Interpreted within this framework, evidence that

the emotional responses of schizophrenic pa-

tients are not coordinated (e.g., Kring & Neale,

1996) allows us to make more specific predic-

tions about a number of social and interpersonal

consequences. Similarly, other basic emotion

research has found that the experience of anger

is linked to perceptions of unfairness (Keltner,

Ellsworth, & Edwards, 1993) and that the

expression of anger evokes fear in others

(Dimberg & Ohman, 1996) and communicates

dominance and hostility (Knutson, 1996). These

findings illuminate how the anger that figures so

prominently in borderline personality disorder

might be linked to troubled social interactions

and relationships.

Just as important, research on the emotional

features in psychopathology informs the study

of the functions of emotion (Keltner & Gross, in

press),

much as the study of brain dysfunction

informs studies on the functions of brain regions

and systems. Indeed, studying the social conse-

quences of emotional disturbances can elucidate

how emotions contribute to adaptive social

interactions and relationships. For example,

children who display little embarrassment in the

context of making mistakes tend more generally

to behave in antisocial ways (e.g., Keltner,

Moffitt, & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1995). This

finding is consistent with the notion that one

function of embarrassment is to motivate the

adherence to social norms and morals (Miller &

Leary, 1992).

To make connections between emotion, social

functioning, and psychopathology, we first

review theoretical and empirical evidence that

shows how emotions help coordinate interac-

tions related to the formation and maintenance

of social relationships. We then integrate evi-

dence relating four disorders to disturbances in

emotional processing and social interaction and

then discuss how these disturbances preclude

and harm important social relationships. We

conclude by discussing possible research strate-

gies relevant to the study of emotion, social

interaction, and psychopathology.

A Social Functional Account of Emotion

Initial theoretical and empirical interests in

emotion tended to center on the intrapersonal

characteristics of emotion, addressing such

questions as the determinants of emotional

experience, the patterns of emotion-specific

physiology, and the coordination of emotional

responses. Advances in the understanding of the

intrapersonal characteristics of emotions have

facilitated the complementary study of the

interpersonal functions of emotions. Relevant

research and theory has begun to address the

consequences of emotion beyond the individual

and focus on the ways that emotions are

embedded within ongoing social interactions

(e.g., Averill, 1980, 1982; Campos, Campos, &

Barrett, 1989; Ekman, 1992; Lazarus, 1991;

Lutz

Abu-Lughod, 1990).

This new emphasis on the interpersonal

characteristics of emotion can be summarized in

a social-functional approach to emotion. This

approach conceptualizes emotions as multichan-

nel responses that enable the individual to

respond adaptively to social problems and take

advantage of social opportunities in the context

of ongoing interactions (e.g., Campos et al.,

1989;

Ekman, 1992; Frijda & Mesquita, 1994;

Tooby & Cosmides, 1990). Four assumptions

are central to a social-functional approach to

emotion (Keltner & Haidt, 1997). First, it is

assumed that humans are social by nature and

meet many of the problems of survival in social

relationships (Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Fiske,

1992).

Humans respond to threats, generate and

distribute resources, and raise offspring in the

context of social relationships.

Second, it is assumed that emotions are

adaptations or solutions to specific problems

related to the formation and maintenance of

social relationships (Averill, 1992; Barrett &

Campos, 1987; Lutz & White, 1986; Tooby &

Cosmides, 1990). As Campos et al. (1989)

proposed, "Emotions are not mere feelings, but

rather are processes of establishing, maintain-

ing, or disrupting relations between the person

and the internal or external environment, when

such relations are significant to the individual"

(p.

395, 1989). Certain emotions (e.g., anxiety,

love,

desire, and gratitude) and emotional

dispositions (e.g., positive affectivity) motivate

individual and interactive behaviors that enable

individuals to form social bonds (e.g., Bowlby,

1969;

Buss, 1992; Hazan & Shaver, 1987;

Trivers, 1971; Watson, 1988; Watson, Clark,

Mclntyre, & Hamaker, 1992). Other emotions,

such as sympathy, anger, jealousy, amusement,

and embarrassment, are believed to enable

322KELTNER AND KR1NG

individuals to maintain, protect, and restore

social bonds in the face of immediate threats to

the individual or relationship (Averill, 1982;

Eisenbergetal., 1989;Keltner&Buswell, 1997;

Solomon, 1990).

Third, it is assumed that emotions are

dynamic, relational processes that coordinate

the actions of individuals in ways that guide

their interactions toward more preferred condi-

tions (Campos et al., 1989; Lazarus, 1991).

Thus,

not only do emotions organize physiologi-

cal,

behavioral, experiential, and cognitive

responses within the individual (e.g., Levenson,

1992),

they also organize the actions of

individuals in face-to-face interactions (e.g.,

Klinnert, Campos, Sorce, Emde, & Svejda,

1983;Ohman, 1986).

Fourth, a social-functional account presup-

poses that the experience and expression of

emotions bring about beneficial social conse-

quences for individuals and their relationships

(e.g., Barrett & Campos, 1987; Baumeister,

Stillwell, & Heatherton, 1994; Frijda, 1986;

Keltner & Gross, in press). For instance,

embarrassment evokes forgiveness in others and

produces reconciliation following social trans-

gressions (Keltner & Buswell, 1997). Sadness

and distress elicit sympathy, helping, and

increased proximity (Campos et al., 1989;

Eisenberg et al., 1989). Laughter and smiling

evoke affiliative tendencies (Keltner

Bonanno,

1997).

The experience and expression of emo-

tions are also associated with more cumulative,

long-term social benefits. For example, amuse-

ment has been linked to more satisfying

personal relations (for review, see Keltner &

Bonanno, 1997), and jealousy correlates with

the increased likelihood of maintaining long-

term intimate relations (Buss, 1992).

Emotion and the Coordination

of Social Interaction

A social-functional approach proposes that

emotions coordinate social interactions in ways

that help humans form and maintain beneficial

relationships. Several theorists have offered

different arguments about the role of emotions

in social relationships. For example, certain

theorists have characterized how emotions

follow from systematic changes in social

relationships (de Rivera & Grinkis, 1986). Other

theorists have portrayed emotions as social roles

in which individuals carry out scripted behavior

(Averill, 1980; Clark, 1990). Finally, a number

of theorists have argued that emotions are

elements in extensive social interactions, such

as courtship, flirtation, grieving, or play, that

help humans meet important social goals

(Eibl-Eiblsfeldt, 1989; Ekman, 1984; Lutz,

1988;

White, 1990).

Notwithstanding such theorizing, there has

been little integration of the research that has

examined the specific processes by which

emotions coordinate social interactions. In the

ensuing section we summarize research that

reveals three general processes by which

emotions shape social interactions. First, the

expression and experience of emotion signal

socially relevant information to individuals in

interactions about their own and their interaction

partners' emotions, intentions, and orientations

to the relationship. Second, emotions evoke

emotional responses in others that are associated

with beneficial responses to the emotional event.

Third, emotions serve as incentives for others'

actions, thus helping to structure interpersonal

interactions. Disturbances in these emotion-

based processes will contribute to the break-

down of social interactions, which will then

directly impact social and personal adjustment.

Informative Functions of Emotion

At least since Darwin's (1872) analysis of

facial expression, researchers have focused on

the informative functions of emotional expres-

sion, initially studying how facial displays of

emotion communicate information about the

sender's emotion to receivers in a fairly reliable

fashion across cultures (e.g., Ekman, 1993;

Izard, 1977; but see Russell, 1994). More

recently, researchers have documented that

facial, vocal, and verbal expressions of emotion

communicate other kinds of social information

in addition to the sender's current emotion,

including information about the status of

ongoing relations (e.g., Knutson, 1996), individu-

als'

social intentions and relational orientations

(e.g., Fridlund, 1991, 1992), and significant

objects or events in the environment (e.g.,

Mandler, 1975).

Emotional expression conveys information

about senders. Social interactions depend in

part on the knowledge of others' intentions and

emotions. The expression of emotion provides

SPECIAL ISSUE: EMOTION AND SOCIAL FUNCTIONING323

at least four kinds of information about others'

internal states and dispositions, which in turn

helps coordinate social interactions. First, facial

and vocal expressions of emotion more or less

reliably signal the sender's emotional state to

receivers (Ekman, 1993; Scherer, 1986). Sec-

ond, theorists have speculated that emotional

displays communicate the sender's social inten-

tions,

such as, for example, whether to strike or

flee,

offer comfort or play (e.g., Fridlund, 1992).

Third, the verbal and nonverbal expression of

emotion signals characteristics of the sender and

receiver's relationship, including the extent to

which it is defined by dominance and affiliation.

For example, displays of anger communicate the

sender's relative dominance and hostility to-

wards the receiver (Knutson, 1996), whereas

displays of embarrassment communicate the

sender's relative submissiveness and inclination

to affiliate (Keltner, 1995). Fourth, in certain

contexts the expression of emotion can signal

information about the sender's mental and

physical health. For example, in one study,

bereaved individuals' displays of anger and

disgust led observers to infer that the individuals

were suffering from poor psychological adjust-

ment and were in need of psychological

assistance (Keltner & Bonanno, 1997). In

addition, infants born in distress cry in a

characteristic way defined by a long latency,

high pitch, and unusually long duration, which

signals the infants' physical problems to observ-

ers (Zeskind & Lester, 1978).

Emotional expression conveys information

about objects and events in the social environ-

ment. Many social interactions revolve around

individuals' coordinated responses to events in

the environment. Humans respond to threats,

distribute resources, and negotiate conflicts in

interpersonal settings. Two lines of research

elegantly illustrate how the expression of

emotion conveys important information about

objects and events in the environment.

One line of research has documented that

fearful behavior facilitates observational learn-

ing of fearful responses in other individuals

(e.g., Mineka, Davidson, Cook, & Keir, 1984;

Mineka & Cook, 1993). In this research,

observer monkeys viewed model monkeys'

fearful, avoidant behavior, including tfieir facial

displays, in response to snakes or toy snakes. In

subsequent test sessions with the snakes, ob-

server monkeys demonstrated that they rapidly

acquired the model monkeys' fear of the real and

toy snakes. The correlations between models*

and observers' fearful behavior typically reached

the high .80s, even after just one observation of

the model monkey.

Studies of social referencing, the process by

which individuals use

others*

emotional displays

to interpret ambiguous stimuli, have also

documented that emotional displays provide

important information about the environment

(e.g., Klinnert et al., 1983; Walden & Ogan,

1988).

These now-classic studies have demon-

strated that parents' facial and vocal displays of

positive emotion or fear will determine whether

their infants will walk across a visual cliff

(Sorce & Emde, 1981), play in a novel context,

or respond to a stranger with positive emotion

(reviewed in Klinnert et al., 1983).

Emotional experience provides an assessment

of social relationships. Recently, theorists

have emphasized the relational nature of the

experience of emotion (e.g., Campos et al.,

1989;

Lazarus,

1991).

According to this perspec-

tive,

emotional experience provides information

about intraindividual events such as the activity

in the facial musculature or the autonomic

nervous system (e.g., Buck, 1984; Levenson,

Ekman, & Friesen, 1990), and the conditions of

current social relations.

Empirical evidence indicating that individu-

als rely on their emotional experience to assess

relationships along important dimensions is

consistent with this perspective on emotional

experience. For example, the experience of

anger and guilt relates to perceptions of the

fairness of personal relationships (e.gi, Walster,

Walster, & Berscheid, 1978; Solomon, 1990).

The experience of embarrassment and shame

relate to perceptions of social status vis-a-vis

others (Gilbert & Trower, 1990; Tangney,

Miller, Flicker, & Barlow, 1996). Theorists have

also speculated that the experience of emotion

provides an assessment of the level of commit-

ment to a relationship, in the case of love and

sympathy (Frank, 1988), and the extent to which

ongoing social relations are propitious for the

individual's reproductive success, in the case of

happy and sad mood states (Nesse, 1990).

These observations indicate that individuals

rely on their experience of emotion to assess

their relationships with individuals who are both

the cause and target of the emotion. Emotional

experience also provides information about the

324KELTNER AND KRING

condition of social relations in general. Specifi-

cally, individuals experiencing moods and emo-

tions elicited in one context will use those

feelings to evaluate their relationships, even

though the original cause of the emotion is

unrelated to the relationship (e.g., Clore, 1994;

Schwarz, 1990). For example, empirical studies

have documented evidence that current mood or

emotion influences individuals' evaluations of

their general relationship satisfaction (e.g.,

Keltner, Locke, & Audrain, 1993), anger influ-

ences fairness judgments of ongoing interac-

tions (Keltner et al., 1993), and fear influences

the perception of the possible risks and losses

associated with potential social interactions

(Lerner& Keltner, 1997).

To summarize, theory and research indicate

that emotional expression and experience pro-

vide important information about the sender's

emotions, intentions, orientation to the relation-

ship,

and well-being; events or objects in the

environment; and the conditions of social

relations. Because emotions provide such valu-

able social information, theorists have argued

that the communication of emotion is an

important component of more complex dis-

course processes in which individuals negotiate

interpersonal conflicts (e.g., Dunn & Munn,

1985) and reach a shared understanding about

concepts of right and wrong (e.g., Bretherton,

Fritz, Zahn-Waxler, & Ridgeway, 1986; White,

1990).

Disturbances in emotional experience

and expression, therefore, are likely to disrupt

relationships in important

ways.

Disturbances in

the intensity, type, and timing of emotional

expression, for example, would deprive interac-

tion partners of valuable information about

ongoing interactions. Disturbances in emotional

experience would likewise compromise the

nature of information about his or her current

relationships.

Evocative Functions of Emotions

Emotion theorists have long suggested that

humans evolved adaptive responses to the

emotional responses of others (e.g., Darwin,

1872;

Ohman & Dimberg, 1978). This claim is

consistent with the general assumption that the

communicative behavior of sender and receiver

co-evolved in reciprocal fashion (Eibl-Eibes-

feldt, 1989; Hauser, 1996; Owren & Rendall, in

press).

From this perspective, one individual's

emotional expression serves as a social affor-

dance that evokes "prepared" responses in

others (e.g., Ohman & Dimberg, 1978). Studies

of the evocative properties of emotional expres-

sions suggest that emotions can evoke both

complementary emotions and similar emotions

in others.

Evocation of complementary

emotions.

Em-

pirical studies have documented that emotional

displays evoke complementary emotions in

others, which we define as emotional responses

that differ from that of the sender but that

respond selectively to the sender's emotional

display. These complementary emotions moti-

vate important social behaviors, including help-

ing, soothing, and forgiveness. At least three

examples of the evocation of complementary

emotional responses can be found in the

empirical literature.

First, in a series of innovative conditioning

studies, Ohman and Dimberg have documented

how displays of anger evoke complementary

fear in observers (reviewed in Dimberg &

Ohman, 1996). For example, photographs of

angry facial displays paired with an aversive,

unconditioned stimulus were more resistant to

extinction than photos of facial displays of

happiness (Ohman & Dimberg, 1978). Strik-

ingly, one study found that this conditioning

effect was only observed when angry faces were

directed towards the subject (Dimberg &

Ohman, 1983). In subsequent research, anger

faces that were "masked" by a neutral face

presented immediately following the presenta-

tion of the anger faces, and presumably not

consciously represented by the observer, still

produced the conditioning effects described

above and evoked elevated electrodermal re-

sponses associated with fear (Esteves, Dimberg,

& Ohman, 1994).

Research on how distress displays elicit

sympathy in others illustrates a second comple-

mentary emotion

response.

Developmental stud-

ies find that children respond with signs of

distress, concern, and overt attempts to help in

response to others' distress beginning at as early

as 8 months of age (Zahn-Waxler & Radke-

Yarrow, 1982). Studies of adults find that

individuals feel sympathy and concern in

proportion to others' observable signs of emo-

tional distress (Batson & Shaw, 1991). Further-

more, there appears to be a pattern of sympathy-

related expressive and physiological responses

SPECIAL ISSUE: EMOTION AND SOCIAL FUNCTIONING325

that includes concerned gaze and oblique

eyebrows and reduced heart rate that predicts

helping behavior (Eisenberg et al., 1989).

A third complementary emotional response is

found in studies of the evocative effects of

embarrassment. These studies show that observ-

ers report high levels of affiliative emotions,

such as amusement and sympathy, in response to

others' displays of embarrassment and shame

following social transgressions (Keltner, Young,

& Buswell, 1997). In addition, a number of

studies have found that when an individual

displays embarrassment-related behavior follow-

ing a mistake, observers report greater liking of

the individual and, when relevant, more forgive-

ness (reviewed in Keltner & Buswell, 1997).

Evocation of similar emotions. Theorists

have long been interested in the tendency for

humans to respond to others' emotions with

similar emotions (for historical review, see

Hatfield, Rapson, & Cacioppo, 1994). Indeed,

there is a good deal of research on the related

phenomena of emotional mimicry (e.g., Davis,

1985),

empathy (e.g., Hoffman, 1984), and

vicarious emotional response (e.g., Miller,

1987).

Although researchers need to more

clearly specify the conditions under which

individuals reciprocate each other's emotions,

as well as the emotions that tend to be

reciprocated, empirical evidence indicates that

one individual's experience and display of

emotion evokes comparable emotional re-

sponses in others. Specifically, studies have

documented such reciprocal responses in the

case of embarrassment (Miller, 1987), laughter

(Provine, 1992), and distress or sadness (Batson

& Shaw,

1991;

Eisenberg et al., 1989).

Theorists have offered various speculations

about the social benefits of the reciprocation of

emotional response. First, the elicitation of

similar emotion in others increases the likeli-

hood that individuals will know one another's

emotional states (e.g., Hoffman, 1984). The

knowledge of others' emotional states in combi-

nation with empathic emotion, some theorists

allege, is the foundation of moral emotions

such as guilt (Hoffman, 1984) and moral

behavior such as altruistic helping (Batson &

Shaw, 1991). Second, just as alarm calls in

nonhuman species coordinate the responses

of conspecifics to a shared threat (e.g., Seyfarth

& Cheney, 1990), reciprocated emotions are

likely to coordinate the actions of several

individuals facing a similar object or event in

the environment.

In sum, a substantial body of evidence

indicates that emotional expression evokes

complementary and similar emotional responses

in others. Individuals predisposed to express

certain emotions, therefore, are likely to evoke

specific emotions in others with whom they

interact. In certain instances, these evocative

processes are beneficial for social relationships.

In other instances, however, the evocation of

emotion in others may prove to be problematic.

Incentive Functions of Emotions

Emotions coordinate social interactions in a

third way: an individual's expression and

experience of emotion may provide incentives

for or reinforce another individual's social

behavior within ongoing interactions (e.g.,

Klinnert et al., 1983). There have been few

empirical studies that have directly examined

the incentive functions of emotional expression.

Relevant studies and related theoretical observa-

tions,

however, suggest that individuals fre-

quently engage in social behaviors contingent

on or in anticipation of others' emotional

experience and expression.

Developmental researchers have speculated

that the display of positive emotion by both

parents and children rewards desired behaviors,

thus increasing the frequency of that behavior

(e.g., Tronick, 1989). For instance, as infants

carry out intentional behaviors with the assis-

tance of their parents, such as grabbing an

object, they will smile when their parents

engage in behavior that facilitates their own

goal-directed behavior and show signs of

distress when the parents do not act in such

fashion (Tronick, 1989). Other studies have

shown that parents use positive emotional

displays to direct the attention of their infants

(Cohn & Tronick, 1987). More generally, it has

been claimed that parental laughter facilitates

learning by rewarding appropriate behavior in

infants and children (Rothbart, 1973).

Studies of adult laughter reach similar conclu-

sions about the incentive function of emotional

behavior. For example, researchers have found

that the temporal location of laughs within the

ongoing stream of conversations is almost

exclusively at the end of the utterance (Provine,

1993).

Although there are several interpretations

326KELTNER AND KRING

of this finding (see Bachorowski, Smoski, &

Owren, 1998), one plausible interpretation is

that laughter serves as a reward for social

behavior preceding it, offering praise for desir-

able utterances in the context of conversations.

More generally, theorists have argued that

laughter rewards many forms of desirable social

behavior in the context of ongoing interactions

(Bachorowski etal., 1998).

Several emotion-centered social behaviors

seem to be motivated to elicit emotion in others.

For example, one motive of teasing interactions

is to embarrass the target of teasing (e.g.,

Keltner, Young, Oemig, Heerey, & Monarch,

1997).

Although the embarrassment and humili-

ation produced by teasing can have many

negative consequences (for review, see Keltner

et al., 1997), teasing also can have positive

outcomes. Specifically, teasing related to embar-

rassment often increases affiliation and can

provide important information about

the

relation-

ship,

for example, whether individuals are

romantically interested in one another.

Finally, to the extent that emotional displays

provide incentives that guide social behavior,

the reduction or absence of emotional displays

should reduce the likelihood of contingent social

behavior, A few studies provide indirect evi-

dence in support of this claim. For example,

experiments in which parents are instructed to

mute their expressive behavior find that infants

quickly become disturbed and disengaged (Tron-

ick,

Als,

Adamson, Wise, & Brazelton, 1978). In

conversations with individuals who are prone to

low levels of positive emotion, participants

engage in less responsive social behavior and

experience the conversations as unrewarding

(Thome, 1987).

Summary of the Social-Functional

Approach

We have argued that emotions coordinate

social interactions by serving at least three

functions. Emotions provide information about

interacting individuals' emotions, intentions,

and relational orientations. Emotions evoke

complementary and similar emotions in others

that motivate behaviors that benefit social

relationships. The perception of emotion and

anticipated elicitation of emotions in others

serve as incentives for certain social behaviors.

In these three ways, emotions provide structure

to social interactions, guiding, evoking, and

motivating the actions of individuals in interac-

tions in ways that enable individuals to meet

their respective goals. Disturbances in emo-

tional response, by implication, will have

important consequences for the quality of social

interactions and relationships.

Emotion and Social Interaction

Disturbances in Psychopathology

Although different kinds of emotional distur-

bances figure prominently in the descriptions

and manifestations of various psychological

disorders, there have been relatively few empiri-

cal studies on the nature of these disturbances.

By contrast, difficulties in social interactions,

variously referred to as social competence,

social skills, social support, and social adjust-

ment, have been studied more extensively across

a wide range of disorders. Although theorists

have recently recognized the importance of

linking the literatures on emotional and social

disturbances in psychopathology (Blanchard &

Panzarella, in press; Buck, 1991; Feldman,

Philippot, & Custrini, 1991), these literatures

remain largely unintegrated. By emphasizing

the social functions of emotions, including the

ways in which emotions coordinate social

interactions, we believe that researchers will be

able to more clearly make both conceptual and

empirical connections between the nature of emo-

tional and social disturbances in psychopathology.

In the following section, we first review the

evidence for emotional disturbances and social

interaction problems in four psychological

disorders. We then provide a framework for

integrating these two previously disparate litera-

tures by considering the emotional disturbances

in the context of a social-functional approach.

That is, we link the emotion disturbances to

informative, evocative, and incentive functions

of emotion and then point to specific expecta-

tions and hypotheses and, when possible,

relevant findings about the ways in which these

emotion disturbances interfere with social func-

tioning. Although many of the studies reviewed

in the first half of this article considered how

discrete emotions coordinate social interactions,

much of

the

research on emotion disturbances in

psychopathology has focused on broad dimen-

sions of emotion, primarily due to the pervasive

SPECIAL ISSUE: EMOTION AND SOCIAL FUNCTIONING327

nature of the emotion disturbances. Nonethe-

less,

links between emotion dimensions and

social interactions can also be made. For

example, positive affect is associated with

ratings of the frequency and duration of a

number of social interactions and activities

(Watson, 1988; Watson etal., 1992).

For several reasons, we chose to focus on four

disorders: unipolar depression, schizophrenia,

borderline personality disorder, and social pho-

bia. First, emotional symptoms and interper-

sonal difficulties, including the formation and

maintenance of relationships, figure promi-

nently in each of these disorders. Second, we

chose to focus on diagnosable disorders rather

than broader psychological dimensions (e.g.,

distress, well-being) in hopes of providing an

impetus for research on emotion and social

deficits in disorders. Third, these disorders serve

as exemplars of how disturbances in emotion

influence maladaptive social interaction pat-

terns.

Finally, space constraints limit our ability

to discuss other disorders, although we recog-

nize that many other disorders also are character-

ized by emotional and social disturbances.

Unipolar Depression

Emotional disturbances. The prominent

emotional features of unipolar depression in-

clude the phasic and enduring experience of

sadness and the inability to experience pleasure

(anhedonia). More broadly, depression is charac-

terized by low levels of positive affect and

heightened levels of negative affect (e.g.,

Watson, Clark, & Carey, 1988). People with low

levels of positive affect are likely to experience

emotions such as sadness and to be interperson-

ally disengaged. In contrast, people with high

levels of negative affect are likely to frequently

experience emotions such as anxiety, guilt, and

anger.

One line of theorizing relevant to our interests

holds that depression reflects deficits in a

reward-oriented approach motivation system

(Depue & Iacono, 1988; Depue, Krauss, &

Spoont, 1987; Tomarken & Keener, in press).

There is empirical support for this reasoning in

studies linking relative hypoactivation in the left

frontal hemisphere, which is thought to relate to

approach-related emotion and motivation sys-

tems,

to depression (e.g., Allen, Iacono, Depue,

& Arbisi, 1993; Davidson, SchafTer, & Saron,

1985;

Henriques & Davidson, 1991), risk for

depression (Tomarken, Garber, & Simien, 1997),

and low levels of positive affect (Tomarken,

Davidson, Wheeler, & Doss, 1992). Tomarken

and Keener (in press) have proposed that this

pattern of brain activity may be a marker of risk

for depression that is reflected by a number of

deficits, including the relative incapacity to

respond to positive emotional stimuli and

self-regulatory deficits in the capacity to use

positive events to shift into positive emotional

states.

Either of these deficits will likely

interfere with social interactions insofar as

social interaction requires goal-directed or

reward-oriented approach behavior. Thus de-

pressed people may not derive pleasure or

reward from interpersonal relationships or

interactions while currently depressed, perhaps

due primarily to a diminution in positive

affectivity. Moreover, depressed people may not

seek out social interactions if they fail to help

shift their mood from a predominantly negative

state into a more positive one.

Although most studies of depression and

emotional disturbance have concentrated on

emotional experience, some evidence indicates

that depressed patients may also exhibit flat,

dull, and slowed speech (Buck, 1984; Har-

greaves, Starkweather, & Blacker, 1965; Levin,

Hall, Knight, & Alpert, 1985; Murray & Amott,

1993;

Scherer, 1986) and limited facial expres-

sions,

particularly expressions of positive emo-

tions,

as well as a decrease in overall body

movement (Berenbaum & Oltmanns, 1992;

Ekman & Friesen, 1974; Gotlib & Robinson,

1982;

Jones & Pansa, 1979; Ulrich & Harms,

1985;

Waxer, 1974). For example, one study

found that depressed people showed fewer facial

expressions in response to positive stimuli (but

not to negative stimuli) than schizophrenic

patients without flat affect and nonpatient

controls (Berenbaum & Oltmanns, 1992).

Social disturbances. Empirical studies con-

sistently find that depression is marked by

disturbed relationships and social interactions

(for reviews, see Barnett

Gotlib, 1988; Gotlib,

1992;

Hokanson & Rubert, 1991). Specifically,

both dysphoric and clinically depressed individu-

als have been found to have fewer social skills

(e.g., Youngren & Lewinsohn, 1980), fewer

close relationships (e.g., Billings & Moos, 1985;

Brown & Harris, 1978; Gotlib & Lee, 1989),

less elaborated social networks (Gotlib, 1992),

328KELTNER AND KRING

less rewarding relationships (Hokanson, Loewen-

stein, Heden, & Howes, 1986; Joiner, 1996;

Joiner, Alfano, & Metalsky, 1992; Joiner &

Metalsky, 1995; Nezlak, Imbrie, & Shean,

1994),

fewer social contacts (Gotlib & Lee,

1989;

but see Nezlak et al., 1994), less social

support (e.g., Joiner, 1997; Lara, Leader, &

Klein, 1997), and more marital problems and

family arguments (e.g., Brown & Harris, 1978;

Gotlib & Hooley, 1988; Gotlib & Lee, 1989;

Monroe, Bromet, Connell, & Steiner, 1986; see

Beach, Smith, & Fincham, 1994, for a review).

Moreover, a number of these interpersonal

deficits remain stable across periods of depres-

sion and remission (Barnett & Gotlib, 1988;

Gotlib & Lee, 1989) and are predictive of future

symptomatology and course (Billings & Moos,

1985;

George, Blazer, Hughes, & Fowler, 1989;

Joiner, 1997; Joiner et al., 1992; Joiner &

Metalsky, 1995), even when controlling for

initial levels of depressed mood, neuroticism,

number of previous depressive episodes, and a

prior history of dysthymia (Lara et al., 1997).

Linking emotional and social disturbances.

The above findings suggest that depression is

marked by low levels of positive affect, high

levels of negative affect, diminished facial and

vocal expressivity, and troubled interpersonal

relationships. Our social-functional approach

suggests a number of lines of inquiry and

predictions concerning the relations between

emotional and social disturbances.

Although not yet fully tested, heightened

negative affect among depressed individuals

likely communicates information about the state

of interpersonal relationships that may further

damage those relationships. Several studies are

consistent with findings linking negative moods

and emotions to assessments of reduced relation-

ship satisfaction (e.g., Keltner et al., 1993). For

example, depressed individuals have been found

to be more pessimistic in expectations about

their current and future social relationships than

nondepressed individuals (e.g., Hokanson &

Rubert, 1991) and to perceive family relation-

ships as less supportive (Billings & Moos,

1985).

Studies have also shown college students

(particularly male participants) with depressive

symptoms who repeatedly seek reassurance

from their roommates to be more likely to be

rejected by their roommates (e.g., Joiner, 1996;

Joiner et al., 1992). In addition, to the extent that

positive affect reflects engagement with the

environment (e.g., Watson, 1988), we would

expect lowered levels of positive affect among

depressed people to be associated with fewer

initiations of social interaction. Although this

remains an empirical question, it can be

prospectively studied by assessing changes in

positive (and negative) affect before, during, and

after a depressive episode and then measuring

the extent to which these changes are linked to

increases or decreases in social interaction and

the extent to which these individuals derive

pleasure from interpersonal interactions and

relationships. An alternative approach would be

to predict changes in positive and negative affect

from changes (i.e., quantity, quality) in interper-

sonal relationships.

Studies that have documented a robust

relationship between marital dissatisfaction and

depression (Beach et al., 1994) provide addi-

tional evidence related to the informative and

evocative functions of emotion. Specifically,

vocally expressed negative affect (e.g., Smith,

Vivian, & O'Leary, 1990), self-reports of

negative affect (e.g., Gottman & Levenson,

1986;

Levenson, Carstenson, & Gottman, 1994),

and vocal expression of specific negative

emotions, such as contempt, anger, and fear

(e.g., Gottman &

Krokoff,

1989), during marital

problem solving interactions have been linked to

decreases in marital satisfaction. Beach and

Fincham (1994) have hypothesized that individu-

als who are higher in negative affectivity may be

more likely to evidence negative communica-

tion patterns in marital interactions and have

greater marital dissatisfaction. Based on these

findings, we would predict that negative affect

may be an important mediator of the link

between depression and marital discord. How-

ever, it is likely that increases in positive affect

may also be necessary to improve marital

communication in couples where one partner is

depressed. Thus interventions aimed at chang-

ing emotion and mood may indirectly affect

close relationships. By contrast, interventions

aimed at improving marital relationships may

also be beneficial for treating depression. In fact,

a number of studies have shown that behavior

marital therapy is not only effective for treating

troubled marriages, but it is also effective at

reducing depressive symptomatology in couples

where one partner is depressed (see Beach et al.,

1994,

for a review).

SPECIAL ISSUE: EMOTION AND SOCIAL FUNCTIONING329

Other recent evidence linked to the evocative

functions of emotion indicates that depression

elicits a number of predominantly negative

emotions in others, including depression (e.g.,

Joiner, 1994; Joiner et al., 1992). For example, a

recent study found that negative social interac-

tions between caregivers and depressed individu-

als predicted caregivers' reports of depression

and distress. Moreover, positive interactions did

not buffer the relationship between caregiver

demand and distress (Rauktis, Koeske, &

Tereshko, 1995). Several studies have found that

brief interactions with a depressed person elicit

feelings of distress, anxiety, depression, and

anger, even among strangers (e.g., Coyne, 1976;

Marks & Hammen, 1982). However, consistent

with the evidence concerning distress and

sympathy, individuals instructed to be "helpers"

to depressed people displayed support and

expressions of concern (Marks & Hammen,

1982;

Sacco, Milana, & Dunn, 1985). Continued

exposure to a depressed person, however, is

likely to induce more negative than positive

emotions, particularly in the context of close

relationships (Coyne, 1976; Joiner, 1994; Joiner

etal., 1992).

Finally, the tendency for depressed people to

display few positive expressions and to be

unexpressive in general suggests that they will

not provide positive incentive cues for others'

social behavior and, more generally, will fail to

provide important signals about emotional state,

intentions, and objects or events in the environ-

ment to interaction partners. Evidence from the

developmental literature suggests that depressed

caregivers' limited or inappropriate facial and

vocal emotional displays may have direct effects

on infants' learning, behavior, and emotional

regulation. For example, studies examining

interactions between depressed mothers and

their infants have shown that mothers often

exhibit flat or negative facial and vocal expres-

sions,

avoid eye contact, and are less likely to be

playful and attentive (e.g., Cohn & Cambell,

1992;

Field, 1995). In addition, infants of

depressed mothers have been found to be less

playful, be less active, display less positive

affect, and display more expressions of sadness

and anger (e.g., Field, 1995; Field, Healy,

Goldstein, & Guthertz, 1988; Pelaez-Nogueras

et al., 1994; Pickens & Field, 1993). Infant-

directed speech is believed to play a particularly

important role in promoting the development of

emotion regulation and attentional skills among

infants, and a recent study has shown that the

vocalizations of mothers with depressive symp-

toms failed to promote associative learning in

4-month-old infants (Kaplan, Bachorowski, &

Zarlengo-Strouse, in press).

Schizophrenia

Emotional disturbances. Two of the more

prominent emotional features of schizophrenia

include flat affect (a lack of outward expression

of emotion) and anhedonia (the inability to

experience pleasure in situations that normally

evoke pleasure). Experimental investigations

using emotionally evocative stimuli have found

that schizophrenic patients are less facially

expressive than nonpatients in response to

emotional films (Berenbaum & Oltmanns, 1992;

Kring, Kerr, Smith, & Neale, 1993; Kring &

Neale, 1996; Mattes, Schneider, Heimann, &

Birbaumer, 1995) and cartoons (Dworkin, Clark,

Amador, & Gorman, 1996) and during social

interactions (Krause, Steimer, Sanger-Alt, &

Wagner, 1989; Mattes et al., 1995), but report

experiencing the same or greater amount of

emotion and exhibit the same or greater amount

of skin conductance reactivity as nonpatients

(Kring, Germans, & Earnst, 1997; Kring &

Earnst, 1998; Kring & Neale, 1996).

Blanchard and colleagues have studied the

linkage among anhedonia, reports of experi-

enced emotion in response to emotional stimuli,

and reports of positive and negative affect

among schizophrenic patients. These studies

have documented the relationship of anhedonia

to lower levels of state-positive affect in

response to emotional films (Blanchard, Bel-

lack, & Mueser, 1994), low levels of trait-

positive affect and high levels of trait-negative

affect, and poorer social adjustment, which was

defined by interpersonal contacts, leisure, and

romantic involvement (Blanchard, Mueser, &

Bellack, in press).

Taken together, these findings suggest that

schizophrenic patients experience positive emo-

tion in response to emotionally evocative

material but report experiencing little positive

emotion more generally. The apparent contradic-

tion between observations of anhedonia in

schizophrenia and schizophrenic patients' re-

ports of positive emotional experience follow-

ing positive emotional stimuli may stem from

330KELTNER AND KRING

the possibility that anhedonia reflects more of a

deficit in approach or anticipatory pleasure

rather than consummatory pleasure (Germans &

Kring, 1997; Klein, 1984; Simons, MacMillian,

& Ireland, 1982). In other words, the attendant

behavioral deficit associated with anhedonia

may be the inability or lack of desire to approach

or participate in pleasurable activities, including

social interactions. Once in a pleasurable

situation, however, anhedonic individuals may

derive as much pleasure from the situation as

nonanhedonic individuals. Delespaul (1995)

noted that schizophrenic patients described

themselves as "doing nothing" five times more

often than nonpatient controls.

Social disturbances. Cumulative evidence

indicates that compared to nonpatients, schizo-

phrenic patients have poorer social adjustment

(e.g., Mueser, Bellack, Morrison, & Wixted,

1990),

fewer social skills (e.g., Liberman, 1982;

Mueser, Bellack, Douglas, & Morrison, 1991),

less elaborated social networks (e.g., Hammer,

1986),

poorer social functioning in the commu-

nity (e.g., Halford & Hayes, 1995), and less

overall social competence (Bellack, Morrison,

Wixted, & Mueser, 1990; Mueser et al., 1990).

Although few researchers have attempted to

study these social deficits in the context of

emotion dysfunction (but see Blanchard &

Panzarella, in press), a number of studies

indirectly support the usefulness of linking these

two research domains. For example, an impor-

tant component of social-skills interventions for

schizophrenic patients is the development of

nonverbal and emotion-related behaviors (e.g.,

Liberman, DeRisi, & Mueser, 1989; Mueser &

Sayers, 1992).

Linking emotional and social disturbances.

Perhaps the most salient emotional disturbance

in schizophrenia is diminished expressivity.

This is likely to have important consequences

for coordinated social interactions and interper-

sonal functioning. Although not designed to

directly assess relations between emotion and

marital relationships, a study by Hooley, Rich-

ters,

Weintraub, and Neale (1987) found that

spouses of schizophrenic patients with more

negative symptoms, including flat affect, re-

ported greater marital dissatisfaction than spouses

of patients with predominantly positive symp-

toms.

Hooley et al. speculated that symptoms

such as flat affect may be particularly likely to

contribute to nonsupportiveness from

others, including spouses. Although a number of

factors likely contributed to these differences in

marital satisfaction, it seems plausible to hypoth-

esize that schizophrenic patients' diminished

expressivity may have compromised the type of

information their spouses received about the

relationship.

Schizophrenic patients' lack of expressive-

ness also appears to evoke negative responses in

others. For example, Krause, Steimer-Krause,

and Hufnagel (1992) assessed facial expressions

during a discussion of an emotionally evocative

political topic in two different sets of stranger

dyads.

The first type of dyad comprised a

schizophrenic patient and a non-ill (healthy)

interaction partner; the second type of dyad

comprised two healthy interaction partners. In

findings similar to other studies, Krause et al.

found that schizophrenic patients were less

expressive than their healthy partners and the

other dyad participants. However, the patients'

healthy interaction partners were much less

expressive, and they reported experiencing more

sadness and fear than other healthy participants.

Moreover, a significant proportion of the vari-

ance in these interaction partners' facial expres-

sions and reports of experienced emotion was

accounted for by the patients' (lack of) facial

expressions.

As the evidence reviewed above suggests,

schizophrenic patients may experience height-

ened negative affect, although their inability to

express these feelings will likely preclude the

evocation of sympathy and distress from others.

Furthermore, insofar as schizophrenic patients

have a deficit in the experience of pleasurable

emotions, we would predict that schizophrenic

patients will not benefit from cues signaling

socially rewarding interactions that are provided

by the experience of positive emotion. In

addition, they will be less likely to provide cues

that serve as positive incentives for others'

social behavior.

One of the more robust predictors of relapse

in schizophrenia is a psychosocial construct

referred to as Expressed Emotion (EE; e.g., King

& Dixon, 1996; Linszen et al., 1997; Parker &

Hadzi-Pavlovic, 1990; see Hooley, 1985, and

Miklowitz, 1994, for reviews). EE is defined by

the amount of hostility, emotional overinvolve-

ment, and critical comments a family member

makes in reference to a schizophrenic relative

during the course of a structured interview, and

SPECIAL ISSUE: EMOTION AND SOCIAL FUNCTIONING331

cumulative evidence suggests that emotional

overinvolvement and critical comments may be

the most strongly linked to relapse. Although the

reasons for this link to relapse are not yet fully

understood (Jenkins & Karno, 1992), one

plausible hypothesis is that schizophrenic pa-

tients misinterpret these negative messages from

relatives, which may in turn contribute to a

vicious cycle of misunderstood communication

(Miklowitz, Goldstein, & Nuechterlein, 1995).

Indeed, a number of studies have found that

schizophrenic patients are not particularly skilled

at perceiving emotion in others (e.g., Kerr &

Neale, 1993; Mueseret al., 1996; Salem, Kring,

& Kerr, 1996).

Social Phobia

Emotional disturbances. Social phobia is

marked by extreme anxiety, fear, and avoidance

of social situations that involve social interac-

tion with other people, and performance and

evaluation, such as speaking or eating in front of

others (Liebowitz, 1987). It is important to note

that the fear of these interactions and situations

is truly social; individuals with social phobia do

not experience anxiety when performing these

behaviors while alone (Barlow, 1988). Several

theorists have argued that social anxiety is, in

some respects, an extreme manifestation of an

adaptive response that has evolved to promote

an individual's sensitivity to others' disapproval

(Barlow, 1988) or integration into a social group

(Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Miller & Leary,

1992),

or to negotiate power and status differ-

ences (Gilbert & Trower, 1990). Social phobia

arises,

it is further proposed, when biological or

psychological vulnerabilities to experience anxi-

ety interact with life events that involve social

interaction or performance (Barlow, 1988) or

when trait social anxiety reaches extreme levels

(Leary & Kowalski, 1995).

The most obvious emotional manifestation of

social phobia is the heightened experience of

anxiety, fear, and other negative emotions.

Wallace and Alden (1997) assessed reports of

positive and negative affect in social phobics

and nonclinical controls following successful

and unsuccessful social interactions. The suc-

cess of the interaction was manipulated by either

giving positive feedback throughout and follow-

ing the interaction (successful) or by withhold-

ing encouraging comments and appropriate

nonverbal behavior during the interaction and

providing negative feedback following the

interaction (unsuccessful). Not surprisingly,

both the social phobics and controls reported

more negative affect following the unsuccessful

social interaction than the successful one.

However, social phobics reported significantly

greater negative and less positive affect than

controls following both kinds of interactions.

To our knowledge, no study has systemati-

cally examined facial expressions of emotion

and other nonverbal behavior among individuals

with social phobia. One study, however, sug-

gests that individuals with social phobia display

nonverbal behaviors characteristic of anxiety.

Marcus and Wilson (1996) studied social

anxiety among college women during an

observed speaking task. Observers' ratings of

anxiety were significantly related to speakers'

reports of anxiety even though speakers rated

themselves as more anxious than they were

rated by observers. These findings indirectly

suggest that social anxiety comprises relatively

easily recognizable nonverbal behaviors and

cues.

Social disturbances. Cumulative evidence

suggests that when confronted with a social

interaction, individuals with high social anxiety

are less likely to be engaged in the interaction,

speak less, have reduced eye contact, and work

to exit the interaction rapidly (Leary & Kowal-

ski,

1995; Schlenker & Leary, 1982). Individu-

als with social phobia are likely to have fewer

sources of social support and fewer social

interactions than individuals without social

phobia (Davidson, Hughes, George, & Blazer,

1993).

In addition, observers perceive socially

anxious individuals to be less socially skilled

than low anxious individuals (Leary & Kowal-

ski,

1995). Similarly, people with social phobia

have less favorable perceptions of their own

social abilities than others do (Wallace & Alden,

1997).

However, perceptions of social skill and

ability likely have important and powerful

effects on their social behavior, the manifesta-

tion of extreme anxiety is probably more central

to disruptions in social interactions.

Linking emotional and social disturbances.

Although speculative, our social-functional ap-

proach suggests several predictions about the

manner in which the emotional disturbances in

social phobia may interfere with social interac-

tions and relationships. For example, given the

332KELTNER AND KRING

documented association between the experience

of fear and perceptions about the riskiness of

possible interactions (Lemer & Keltner, 1997),

one would expect heightened fear to bias the

person with social phobia's perceptions of

interactions, which would likely contribute to

their unwillingness to engage in various interac-

tions.

Ironically, acute fear and avoidance of

embarrassment may encourage them to avoid

certain interactions, such as teasing that, al-

though embarrassing, increase affiliation (Kelt-

ner etal.

,1997).

To the extent that people with social phobias

produce reliable displays of heightened fear and

anxiety, these displays should have an array of

important effects on interactions and relation-

ships.

One might expect such a person to

communicate to others the inordinate risk of

embarrassment in social interaction, thus preclud-

ing approach-related behavior in others. They

may evoke complementary fear and anxiety in

others, which would increase the likelihood that

interactions with people who are socially phobic

will be more frustrating and distressing and

perhaps eventually avoided.

Borderline Personality Disorder

Emotional disturbances. Deficient emotion

regulation is one of the cardinal manifestations

of borderline personality disorder (BPD). Theo-

rists, researchers, and clinicians have variously

referred to this disturbance in emotion regula-

tion as emotional

oversensitivity,

affective insta-

bility, or excessive mood fluctuations (e.g.,

Farchaus-Stein, 1996; Levine, Marziali, &

Hood, 1997; Lumsden, 1993), and some theo-

rists have speculated that individuals with BPD

have difficulty returning to an "emotional

baseline" following an emotional event (Line-

han, 1987; Snyder & Pitt, 1985; but see

Farchaus-Stein, 1996). Several of the DSM-IV

criteria for BPD involve emotion, such as

affective instability, inappropriate or intense

anger, difficulty controlling anger, and chronic

feelings of emptiness (American Psychiatric

Association [APA], 1994). Not surprisingly,

BPD patients report chronic and intense feelings

of a number of negative emotions, including

anger, hostility, depression, loneliness, and

anxiety (e.g., Coid, 1993; Farchaus-Stein, 1996;

Gunderson, Carpenter, & Strauss,

1975;

Gunder-

son & Phillips,

1991;

Kruedelbach, McCormick,

Schultz, & Grueneich, 1993;

Soloff,

1981;

Soloff & Ulrich, 1981; Snyder & Pitt, 1985).

BPD patients also exhibit a number of emotion-

related maladaptive behaviors, such as suicidal

gestures, aggression, avoidance, overreacting,

and other impulsive acts. Theorists have sug-

gested that these behaviors are enacted as a

means of attempting to regulate negative

emotions (e.g., Linehan, 1987; Paris, 1992;

Shearin & Linehan, 1994).

In one of the first studies to systematically

examine emotion-processing deficits in BPD,

Levine and colleagues administered self-report

measures of emotional awareness, emotional

intensity, and the ability to coordinate mixed

emotions, as well as a test of facial emotion

perception to BPD outpatients and nonpatient

controls. Compared to controls, BPD patients

were less aware of their own and others'

emotions, had fewer empathetic responses, had

fewer mixed valence responses, reported more

intense negative but not positive emotions, and

performed more poorly on a test of facia!

emotion perception (Levine et al., 1997).

Grounded in a dimensional perspective on

emotion, Farchaus-Stein (1996) assessed daily

reports of emotion among BPD patients using an

experience sampling method. Patients carried a

pager and were randomly paged 5 times a day

for 10 consecutive days. When paged, patients

filled out a self-report measure of emotion

adjectives making up the valence and activation

dimensions of emotion (cf. Larsen & Diener,

1992).

Compared to nonpatients, BPD patients

reported higher levels of unpleasant and acti-

vated unpleasant emotions across the 10

days.

addition, the variability of negative emotion

(unpleasant, activated unpleasant, unactivated

unpleasant) was greater among BPD patients

than nonpatients. It is important to note that no

differences between BPD patients and controls

were found for either level or variability of

positive emotion. Thus, not only do patients

with BPD report experiencing more negative

emotion than controls, their negative emotions

are also much more variable (see also Cowdry,

Gardner, O'Leary, Leibenluft, & Rubinow,

1991).

Trull and colleagues (e.g., Trull, 1995; Trull,

Useda, Conforti, & Doan, 1997) have studied

emotional, cognitive, and interpersonal features

of BPD among nonclinical college students who

were not seeking treatment for BPD but who

SPECIAL ISSUE: EMOTION AND SOCIAL FUNCTIONING333

nonetheless demonstrated a number of BPD

features. Individuals with a high number of BPD

features reported greater trait-negative affect,

hostility, anxiety, and depression, and less

trait-positive affect than control participants

who had no BPD features.

Social disturbances. Interpersonal difficul-

ties are also prevalent among BPD patients

(Benjamin, 1993; Millon & Davis, 1996), and

are included in the DSM-IV diagnostic criteria

for BPD (APA, 1994). For example, BPD

patients perceive both their current and past

relationships as more hostile and as lacking in

cohesion than patients with unipolar depression

or bipolar disorder (Benjamin & Wonderlich,

1994;

Soloff & Millward, 1983). Although it

remains unclear whether BPD patients are more

socially maladjusted than patients with other

personality disorders, their relationships are

often filled with conflict and often lack reciproc-

ity (e-g> Modestin & Villiger, 1989). Moreover,

evidence suggests that BPD individuals have

more avoidant, ambivalent, and hostile attach-

ment styles (Sack, Sperling, Fagen, & Foelsch,

1996).

Trull (1995) found that individuals with

many BPD features scored higher on measures

of interpersonal sensitivity and distress. In a

2-year follow-up, these individuals continued to

manifest interpersonal problems, even after

controlling for the contributions of gender and

other disorders (Trull et al., 1997).

Linking emotional and social disturbances.

Although the social and emotional disturbances

in BPD have not been as well studied as in other

disorders, the social-functional approach sug-

gests several lines of inquiry on the linkage

between emotion and social disturbances. The

displays of anger and hostility likely convey

important information about the status of

significant relationships, and may, for example,

initially elicit fear and avoidance in interaction

partners. Benjamin (1993) applied her interper-

sonal model, structural analysis of social behav-

ior (SASB), to the DSM-IV criteria for the

personality disorders, including borderline per-

sonality disorder. She defined interpersonal

aspects or regulators for nearly all BPD

symptoms. In her model, symptoms related to

anger are interpreted as interpersonal if a

caregiver or interaction partner is viewed by a

BPD patient as neglectful or abandoning. Anger,

Benjamin speculated, is expressed to gain a

loved one's attention. Based on Benjamin's

analysis, we might predict that a caregiver's

reactions of fear or avoidance may be misinter-

preted by a BPD individual as abandonment or

rejection, thus increasing the probability that

more anger will be experienced and likely

expressed. Unfortunately, Benjamin did not

apply the SASB model to the symptom of

affective instability.

Lumsden (1993) described a similar, recipro-

cal cycle of emotion and interpersonal distress

among BPD patients and loved ones that is

triggered by the experience of negative emotion

and negative interpersonal encounters. As noted

earlier, Frank (1988) suggested that the experi-

ence of positive emotions, such as love and

sympathy, provides an index of the level of

commitment to a relationship. For those people

who interact regularly with BPD patients, they

are likely to experience a number of negative

interactions marked by high levels of negative

emotions (e.g., anger, hostility). Lumsden ar-

gued that interaction partners will likely respond

with less affirmation and commitment than they

had responded with in previously positive

interactions and that BPD patients will be more

likely to attend to these negative reactions since

they will likely be congruent with their current

mood state. To break this cycle, BPD patients

may resort to impulsive behaviors, such as

suicide attempts, as a means of gaining more

attention and, in their eyes, more commitment

from loved ones. Thus the experience and

expression of anger may deter others' rewarding

social behavior, thus not providing incentive for

social approach and interaction. Moreover,

marked instability of negative emotion will

likely lead to a more guarded interaction style

by loved ones of BPD patients.

Summary and Prospects for Future

Research

We have argued that the study of emotion

function and dysfunction are necessarily inter-

twined and mutually informative. Studies of the

social functions of emotions offer the promise of

identifying potential origins and social conse-

quences of emotional disturbances in psychopa-

thology. Studies of the nature of emotional

disturbances in psychopathology can help to

delineate the manner in which various social

functions of emotion can be impeded.

334KELTNER AND KR1NG

Given the pervasive nature of emotional

disturbances in various forms of psychopathol-

ogy, it is surprising that psychopathology

researchers have only recently begun to study

emotional processing. Although this relative

dearth of research can be attributed in part to the

fact that reliable methods for measuring emotion

have only recently been developed, we believe

that the lack of a clear and readily applicable

conceptual framework for studying emotion and

psychopathology has also stalled empirical

research. Our social-functional account of emo-

tion provides a framework within which re-

searchers can develop and test hypotheses about

the nature of emotion disturbances in psychopa-

thology. Moreover, this approach facilitates the

integration of studies of emotional and social

dysfunction in psychopathology insofar as many

of the emotional features of different disorders

have important relational consequences. For

instance, this approach leads us to predict that an

individual with social phobia will display facial

expressions of fear and other negative emotions

that will discourage others from interacting with

that individual.

Finally, this conceptual framework has inter-

vention implications for psychopathology. Inter-

ventions initially targeted toward an emotional

disturbance in psychopathology may indirectly

modify some of the social-functional conse-

quences of that disturbance. On the other hand,

interventions aimed at alleviating social or

interpersonal difficulties, as is done in social-

skills training, for example, might also impact

emotional disturbances. An integrated interven-

tion approach, including both psychosocial and

psychopharmacologic interventions, that targets

the bidirectional influence of emotion and social

dysfunction will likely be most beneficial. For

example, recent evidence indicates that sleep

deprivation plus antidepressant medication is

selectively linked to an increase in positive

affect among depressed patients (Tomarken,

Elkins, Anderson, Shelton, & Hitt, 1997).

Increases in positive affect among depressed

individuals may correspond to increases in

social activity, particularly if psychosocial

interventions (e.g., cognitive-behavioral or inter-

personal psychotherapy) are used in conjunction

with pharmacotherapy. Thus, pharmacologic

interventions that impact positive affect may

indirectly alter social approach and interaction

behaviors. However, including a psychosocial

treatment component to the intervention pack-

age would increase the likelihood that emotional

and social functioning would be positively

impacted.

In order for these intervention implications to

be more fully realized, however, researchers and

clinicians need to augment their outcome

assessment procedures to include measures of

emotional and social functioning. Moreover,

certain intervention strategies, such as social-

skills training, could be strengthened by includ-

ing components that target emotional distur-

bances (e.g., expressing emotion at the right

time in the appropriate contexts; interpreting

emotions in others) as well as the performance

of socially skilled behavior.

Research Recommendations

In order to move forward, many of the

speculations that we have summarized in this

article, research on the social functions of

emotion and emotional disorders needs to

progress in several ways. First, we believe that

researchers interested in the interface between

the social functions of emotion and social

interaction are best served by studying individu-

als in meaningful relationships in actual social

interactions. It is in the context of social

interactions where the social functions of

emotion are likely to be most apparent. Fortu-

nately, there are several models of this kind of

research, including work on marital relations

(Gottman & Levenson, 1986), depressed moth-

ers and children (Field, 1995), and siblings

(Dunn & Munn, 1985). Moreover, basic re-

search on emotion provides insight into which

interactions should be studied and how emotions

shape these interactions. For example, interac-

tions such as flirtation, teasing, disclosure,

conflict resolution, and appeasement, are critical

to the formation and maintenance of personal

relationships.

We also believe that, regarding the first

recommendation, it is important that researchers

examine emotion within the stream of behavior

in ongoing social interactions. That is, studying

the timing, context, and reciprocation of emo-

tion during interactions will provide valuable

information about how emotions shape those

interactions. We have followed the insights of

others (e.g., Averill, 1982; Campos et al., 1989;

Lazarus, 1991), and we have argued that

SPECIAL ISSUE: EMOTION AND SOCIAL FUNCTIONING335

emotions are relational processes. By implica-

tion, researchers should examine emotions as

dynamic processes within interactions. Years of

basic research on emotion have identified

different units of individual emotional response,

including characteristic facial displays, physi-

ological responses, action tendencies, evoked

responses, and correspondent inferences. Based

on this cumulative evidence, researchers can

examine how these units coalesce to form the

bases of social interactions (e.g., Fernandez-

Dols & Ruiz-Belda, 1997) and how specific

emotional disturbances result in maladaptive

social interactions.

Third, the emphasis on the relational nature of

emotion highlights the need for new measures of

emotion. Researchers have recently developed

several such measures, including those con-

cerned with the synchrony of individuals'

emotions (e.g., Field et al., 1988), the extent to

which negative emotions are reciprocated (Lev-

enson & Gottman, 1983), and the contingency

between one individual's emotion and another's

social behavior (Cohn & Tronick, 1987; Field,

1995).

Our analysis of emotion and the coordina-

tion of social interaction points to other possible

methods of studying relational emotion. Mea-

sures of the extent to which emotional expres-

sion predicts subsequent action (for example,

soothing, threat, avoidance, or disengagement)

and that observers' spontaneous inferences will

illuminate the informative properties of emotion

within social interactions. Measures of the

timing, intensity, and kind of emotional re-

sponse that one individual's emotion evokes in

an interaction partner will index the evocative

properties of his or her emotion within that

interaction. Measures of the contingencies

between social behavior and partners' positive

emotional response will index the incentive

properties of interaction partners' emotional

behavior.

In summary, a social-functional account of

emotion offers much promise toward an under-

standing of emotions more generally, and

emotion disturbances in psychopathology more

specifically. This approach provides a concep-

tual framework for studying both emotion and

social disturbances in psychopathology in ways

that advance and integrate these respective

fields. Whereas the mean in emotional response

may be most informative of personal virtue, as

Aristotle argued long ago, the study of devia-

tions from the mean may prove to yield several

insights into the nature of emotion and emo-

tional disorders.

References

Allen, J. J., Iacono, W. G., Depue, R. A., & Arbisi, P.

(1993).

Regional EEG asymmetries in bipolar

seasonal affective disorder before and after photo-

therapy. Biological

Psychiatry,

33, 642-646.

American Psychiatric Association. (1994). Diagnos-

tic and statistical manual of mental disorders (4th

ed.).

Washington, DC: Author.

Aristotle. (1985). Nicomachaen ethics (T. Irwin,

Trans.).

Indianapolis, IN: Hackett.

Averill, J. R. (1980). A constmctivist view of

emotion. In R. Plutchik & H. Kellerman (Eds.),

Emotion: Theory, research, and experience (pp.

305-339). New York: Academic Press.

Averill, J. R. (1982). Anger and aggression. New

York: Springer-Verlag.

Averill, J. R. (1992). The structural bases of

emotional behavior. In M. S. Clark (Ed.), Emotion

(pp.

1-24).

Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Bachorowski, J.-A., Smoski, M. J., & Owren, M. J.

(1998).

Acoustic properties of

laughter.

Manuscript

in preparation, Vanderbilt University.

Barlow, D. H. (1988). Anxiety and its

disorders.

New

York: Guilford Press.

Barlow, D. H. (1991). Disorders of emotion. Psycho-

logical

Inquiry,

58-71.

Barnett, P. A., & Gotlib, I. H. (1988). Psychosocial

functioning and depression: Distinguishing among

antecedents, concomitants, and consequences. Psy-

chological

Bulletin,

104, 97-126.

Barrett, K. C, & Campos, J. J. (1987). Perspectives

on emotional development II: A functionalist

approach to emotions. In J. D. Osofsky (Ed.),

Handbook of infant development (2nd ed., pp.

555-578). New York: Wiley-Interscience.

Batson, C. D., & Shaw, L. L. (1991). Evidence for

altruism: Toward a pluralism of prosocial motives.

Psychological

Inquiry,

2, 107-122.

Baumeister, R. R, & Leary, M. (1995). The need to

belong: Desire for interpersonal attachments as a

fundamental human motivation. Psychological

Bulletin, 117,497-529.

Baumeister, R. F., Stillwell, A. M., & Heatherton,

T. F. (1994). Guilt: An interpersonal approach.

Psychological Bulletin,

115,

243-267.

Beach, S. R. H., & Fincham, F. D. (1994). Toward an

integrated model of negative affectivity in mar-

riage. In S. M Johnson & L. S. Greenberg (Eds.),

Emotion in marriage and martial therapy (pp.

227-255). New York: Bruner/Mazel.

336KELTNER AND KRING

Beach, S. R. H., Smith, D. A., & Fincham, F. D.

(1994).

Marital interventions for depression: Em-

pirical foundation and future prospects. Applied

and Preventive

Psychology,

3, 233-250.

Bellack, A. S., Morrison, R. L., Wixted, J. T, &

Mueser, K. T. (1990). An analysis of social

competence in schizophrenia. British Journal of

Psychiatry, 156, 809-818.

Benjamin, L. S. (1993). Interpersonal diagnosis and

treatment of personality disorders. New York:

Guildford Press.

Benjamin, L. S., & Wonderlich, S. A. (1994). Social

perceptions and borderline personality disorder:

The relation to mood disorders. Journal of

Abnormal

Psychology,

103, 610-624.

Berenbaum, H., & Oltmanns, T. F. (1992). Emotional

experience and expression in schizophrenia and

depression. Journal of Abnormal

Psychology,

101,

37^4.

Billings, A. G., & Moos, R. H. (1985). Psychosocial

processes of remission in unipolar depression:

Comparisons of depressed patients with matched

community controls. Journal of Consulting and

Clinical

Psychology,

53, 314-325.

Blanchard, J. J., Bellack, A. S., & Mueser, K. T.

(1994).

Affective and social-behavioral correlates

of physical and social anhedonia in schizophrenia.

Journal of Abnormal

Psychology,

103, 719-728.

Blanchard, J. J., Mueser, K. T., & Bellack, A. S. (in

press).

Anhedonia, positive and negative affect, and

social functioning in schizophrenia. Schizophrenia

Bulletin.

Blanchard, J. J., & Panzarella, C. (1998). Affect and

social functioning in schizophrenia (pp. 181-196).

In K. T. Mueser & N. Tarrier (Eds.), Handbook of

social functioning. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn

& Bacon.

Bowlby, J. (1969). Attachment. New York: Basic

Books.

Bretherton, I., Fritz, J., Zahn-Waxler, C, & Ridge-

way, D. (1986). Learning to talk about emotions: A

functionalist perspective. Child Development, 57,

529-548.

Brown, G. W., & Harris, T. (1978). Social origins of

depression. London: Free Press.

Buck, R. (1984). The communication of emotion.

New

York:

Guilford Press.

Buck, R. (1991). Temperament, social skills, and the

communication of emotion: A developmental-

interactionist view. In D. G. Gilbert & J. J.

Connolly (Eds.), Personality, social skills, and

psychopathology: An individual differences ap-

proach (pp. 85-106). New

York:

Plenum Press.

Buss,

D. (1992). Male preference mechanisms:

Consequences for partner choice and intrasexual

competition. In J. H. Barkow, L. Cosmides, & J.

Tooby (Eds.), The adapted mind (pp. 267-288).

New York: Oxford University Press.

Campos, J. J., Campos, R. G., & Barrett, K. C. (1989).

Emergent themes in the study of emotional

development and emotion regulation. Developmen-

tal

Psychology,

25, 394-402.

Clark, C. (1990). Emotions and the micropolitics in

everyday life: Some patterns and paradoxes of

"Place." In

D. Kemper (Ed.), Research agendas

in the sociology of emotions (pp. 305-334).

Albany: State University of New York Press.

Clark, L. A., & Watson, D. (1991). Tripartite model of

anxiety and depression: Psychometric evidence

and taxonomic implications. Journal of Abnormal

Psychology, 100, 316-336.

Clore, G. (1994). Why emotions are felt. In

Ekman

& R. J. Davidson (Eds.),

The

nature of emotion (pp.

103-111). New York: Cambridge University.

Conn, J. F., & Cambell, S. B. (1992). Influence of

maternal depression on infant affect regulation. In

Cicchetti & S. Toth (Eds.), Rochester sympo-

sium on developmental psychopathology Vol. 4:

Developmental perspectives on depression (pp.

103-130). Rochester, NY: University of Rochester

Press.

Cohn, J. R, & Tronick, E. Z. (1987). Mother-infant

face-to-face interaction: The sequence of dyadic

states at 3, 6, and 9 months. Developmental

Psychology, 23, 68-77.

Coid, J. W. (1993). An affective syndrome in

psychopaths with borderline personality disorder.

British Journal of Psychiatry, 162, 641-650.

Cowdry, R., Gardner, D. L., O'Leary, K. M.,

Leibenluft, E., & Rubinow, D. R. (1991). Mood

variability: A study of four groups. American

Journal of Psychiatry, 148, 1505-1511.

Coyne, J. C. (1976). Toward an interactional descrip-

tion of

depression.

Psychiatry, 39, 28-40.

Darwin, C. (1872). The expression of emotions in man

and

animals.

New

York:

Philosophical Library.

Davidson, R. J. (1993). Parsing affective space:

Perspectives from neuropsychology and psycho-

physiology. Neuropsychology,

464-475.

Davidson, J. R., Hughes, D. L., George, L. K., &

Blazer, D. G. (1993). The epidemiology of social

phobia: Findings from the Duke Epidemiological

Catchment Area Study. Psychological Medicine,

23,

709-718.

Davidson, R. J., Schaffer, C. E., & Saron, C. (1985).

Effects of lateralized presentations of faces on

self-reports of emotion and EEG asymmetry in

depressed and non-depressed subjects. Psychophysi-

ology, 22, 353-364.

Davis,

M. R. (1985). Perceptual and affective

reverberation components. In A. P. Goldstein

& G. Y. Michaels (Eds.), Empathy: Development,

theory, and consequences (pp. 62-110). Hillsdale,

NJ: Erlbaum.

SPECIAL ISSUE: EMOTION AND SOCIAL FUNCTIONING337

Delespaul, P. A. E. G. (1995). Assessing schizophre-

nia in daily life. Maastricht, The Netherlands:

Universitaire Pers Maastricht.

Depue, R. A., & Iacono, W. G. (1988). Neurobehav-

ioral aspects of affective disorders. Annual Review

Psychology,

40,

457^92.

Depue, R. A., Krauss, S. P., & Spoont, M. R. (1987).

A two dimensional threshold model of seasonal

bipolar affective disorder. In D. Magnusson & A.

Ohman (Eds.), Psychopathology: An interactional

perspective (pp. 95-123). New York: Academic

Press.

De Rivera, J., & Grinkis, C. (1986). Emotions as

social relationships. Motivation and Emotion, 10,

1986.

Dimberg, U., & Ohman, A. (1983). The effects of

directional facial cues on electrodermal condition-

ing to facial stimuli. Psychophysiology, 20, 160-

167.

Dimberg, U., & Ohman, A. (1996). Behold the wrath:

Psychophysiological responses to facial stimuli.

Motivation and

Emotion,

20, 149-182.

Dunn, J., & Munn, P. (1985). Becoming a family

member: Family conflict and the development of

social understanding in the second year. Child

Development, 56, 480-492.

Dworkin, R., Clark, S. C, Amador, X. F, & Gorman,

J. M. (1996). Does affective blunting in schizophre-

nia reflect affective deficit or neuromotor dysfunc-

tion? Schizophrenia

Research,

20, 301-306.

Eibl-Eibesfeldt, I. (1989). Human ethology. New

York: Aldine de Gruyter Press.

Eisenberg, N., Fabes, R. A., Miller, P. A., Fultz, J.,

Shell, R., Mathy, R. M., & Reno, R. R. (1989).

Relation of sympathy and distress to prosocial

behavior: A multimethod study. Journal of Person-

ality and Social

Psychology,

57, 55-66.

Ekman, P. (1984). Expression and the nature of

emotion. In K. Scherer & P. Ekman (Eds.),

Approaches to emotion, (pp. 319-344). Hillsdale,

NJ: Erlbaum.

Ekman, P. (1992). An argument for basic emotions.

Cognition and

Emotion,

6, 169-200.

Ekman, P. (1993). Facial expression and emotion.

American Psychologist, 48, 384-392.

Ekman, P., & Friesen, W. V. (1974). Nonverbal

behavior and psychopathology. In R. J. Friedman

& M. M. Katz (Eds.), The psychology of depres-

sion:

Contemporary theory and research (pp.

203-232). Washington, DC: Wiley.

Esteves, F, Dimberg, U., & Ohman, A. (1994).

Automatically elicited fear: Conditioned skin

conductance responses to masked facial expres-

sions.

Cognition and

Emotion,

8, 393-413.

Farchaus-Stein, K. (1996). Affect instability in adults

with a borderline personality disorder. Archives of

Psychiatric Nursing, 10, 32-40.

Feldman, R. S., Philippot, P., & Custrini, R. J. (1991).

Social competence and nonverbal behavior. In

R. S. Feldman & B. Rim6 (Eds.), Fundamentals of

nonverbal behavior (pp. 329-350). Cambridge,

England: Cambridge University Press.

Ferndndez-Dols, J. M., & Ruiz-Belda, M.-A. (1997).

Spontaneous facial behavior during intense emo-

tional episodes: Artistic truth and optical truth. In

J. M. Russell & J. M. Femdndez-Dols (Eds.), The

psychology of facial expression (pp. 255-274).

Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.

Field, T. (1995). Infants of depressed mothers. Infant

Behavior and

Development,

18, 1-13.

Field, T., Healy, B., Goldstein, S., & Guthertz, M.

(1988).

Behavior-state matching and synchrony in

mother-infant interactions of nondepressed versus

depressed dyads. Developmental Psychology, 26,

7-14.

Fiske, A. P. (1992). The four elementary forms of

sociality. Framework for a unified theory of social

relations. Psychological

Review,

99, 689-723.

Frank, R. H. (1988). Passions within reason. New

York: Norton.

Fridlund, A. J. (1991). Evolution and facial action in

reflex, social motive, and paralanguage. Biological

Psychology, 32, 3-100.

Fridlund, A. J. (1992). The behavioral ecology and

sociality of human faces. Review of Personality

and Social

Psychology.

13,

90-121.

Frijda, N. (1986). The emotions. Cambridge, En-

gland: Cambridge University Press.

Frijda, N. H., & Mesquita, B. (1994). The social roles

and functions of emotions. In S. Kitayama & H.

Marcus (Ed.), Emotion and culture: Empirical

studies of mutual influenced

(pp.

51-87). Washing-

ton, DC: American Psychological Association.

George, L. K., Blazer, D. G., Hughes, D. C, &

Fowler, N. (1989). Social support and the outcome

of major depression. British Journal of Psychiatry,

154, 478-485.

Germans, M. K., & Kring, A. M. (1997, October).

Hedonic deficit in anhedonia: Support for the role

of approach motivation. Poster presented at the

meeting of the Society for Research in Psychopa-

thology, Palm Springs,CA.

Gilbert, P., & Trower, P. (1990). The evolution and

manifestation of social anxiety. In W. R. Crozier

(Ed.),

Shyness and embarrassment (pp. 144-177).

New

York:

Cambridge University Press.

Gotlib, I. H. (1992). Interpersonal and cognitive

aspects of depression. Current Directions in

Psychological Science, 1, 149-154.

Gotlib, I. H., & Hooley, J. M. (1988). Depression and

marital distress: Current status and ftiture direc-

tions.

In S. Duck (Ed.), Handbook of personal

relationships (pp. 543-570). Winchester, England:

Wiley.

338KELTNER AND KRING

Gotlib, I. H., & Lee, C. (1989). The social functioning

of depressed patients: A longitudinal assessment.

Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 8,

223-237.

Gotlib, I. H., & Robinson, L. A. (1982). Responses to

depressed individuals: Discrepancies between

self-

report and observer-rated behavior. Journal of

Abnormal

Psychology,

91, 231-240.

Gottman, J. M., &

Krokoff,

L. J. (1989). Marital

interaction and satisfaction: A longitudinal view.

Journal of Consulting and Clinical

Psychology,

57,

47-52.

Gottman, J. M., & Levenson, R. W. (1986). Assessing

the role of emotion in marriage. Behavioral

Assessment, 8, 31—48.

Gunderson, J. G., Carpenter, W. T., & Strauss, J. S.

(1975).

Borderline and schizophrenic patients: A

comparative study. American Journal of Psychia-

try, 132, 1259-1264.

Gunderson, J. G., & Phillips, K. A. (1991). A current

view of the interface between borderline personal-

ity disorder and depression. American Journal of

Psychiatry, 148, 967-975.

Halford,

K., & Hayes, R. L. (1995). Social skills in

schizophrenia: Assessing the relationship between

social skills, psychopathology, and community

functioning. Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric

Epidemiology, 30, 14-19.

Hammer, M. (1986). The role of social networks in

schizophrenia. In G. D. Burrow, T. R. Norman, &

G. Rubinstein (Eds.), Handbook of studies on

schizophrenia, Part 2 (pp. 115-128). New York:

Elsevier Science.

Hargreaves, W., Starkweather, J., & Blacker, K.

(1965).

Voice quality in depression. Journal of

Abnormal

Psychology,

70, 218-229.

Hatfield, R, Cacioppo, J. T., & Rapson, R. L. (1994).

Emotional contagion. New York: Cambridge Uni-

versity Press.

Hauser, M. D. (1996). The evolution of communica-

tion.

Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Hazan, C, & Shaver, P. (1987). Romantic love

conceptualized as an attachment process. Journal

of Personality and Social Psychology, 52, 511-

524.

Henriques, J. B., & Davidson, R. J. (1991). Left

frontal hypoactivation in depression. Journal of

Abnormal

Psychology,

100, 535-545.

Hoffman, M. L. (1984). Interaction of affect and

cognition in empathy. In C. Izard, J. Kagan, & R.

Zajonc (Eds.), Emotions, cognition, and behavior

(pp.

103-131). New York: Cambridge University

Press.

Hokanson, J. E., Loewenstein, D. A., Heden, C, &

Howes, M. (1986). Dysphoric college students and

roommates: A study of social behaviors over a

three-month period.

Personality

and

Social

Psychol-

ogy Bulletin, 12, 311-324.

Hokanson, J. E., & Rubert, M. P. (1991). Interper-

sonal factors in depression. In D. G. Gilbert & J. J.

Connolly (Eds.), Personality, social skills, and

psychopathology: An individual differences ap-

proach (pp. 157-184). New

York:

Plenum Press.

Hooley, J. M. (1985). Expressed emotion: A critical

review of the literature. Clinical Psychology

Review, 5, 119-139.

Hooley, J. M., Richters, J. E., Weintraub, S., & Neale,

J. M. (1987). Psychopathology and marital distress:

The positive side of positive symptoms. Journal of

Abnormal

Psychology,

96,

27-33.

Izard, C. E. (1977). Human emotions. New York:

Plenum Press.

Jenkins, J. H., & Karno, M. (1992). The meaning of

expressed emotion: Theoretical issues raised by

cross-cultural research. American Journal of Psy-

chiatry, 149,9-21.

Joiner, T. E. (1994). Contagious depression: Exis-

tence, specificity to depressed symptoms, and the

role of reassurance seeking. Journal of Personality

and Social

Psychology,

67, 287-296.

Joiner, T. E. (1995). The price of soliciting and

receiving negative feedback: Self-verification theory

as a vulnerability to depression theory. Journal of

Abnormal

Psychology,

104, 364-372.

Joiner, T. E, (1996). Depression and rejection: On

strangers and friends, symptom specificity, length

of relationship, and gender. Communication Re-

search, 23,

451-471.

Joiner, T. E. (1997). Shyness and low social support

as interactive diatheses, with loneliness as media-

tor: Testing an interpersonal-personality view of

vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Journal of

Abnormal

Psychology,

106, 386-394.

Joiner,

E., Alfano, M. S., & Metalsky, G. I. (1992).

When depression breeds contempt: Reassurance

seeking, self-esteem, and rejection of depressed

collage students by their roommates. Journal of

Abnormal

Psychology,

101, 165-173.

Joiner, T. E., & Metalsky, G. I. (1995). A prospective

test of an integrative interpersonal theory of

depression: A naturalistic study of college room-

mates.

Journal of Personality and Social Psychol-

ogy, 69, 778-788.

Jones,

I. H., & Pansa, M. (1979). Some nonverbal

aspects of depression and schizophrenia occurring

during the interview. Journal of Nervous and

Mental Disease, 167, 402^09.

Kaplan, P. S., Bachorowski, J.-A., & Zarlengo-

Strouse, P. (in press). Infant directed speech

produced by mothers with symptoms of depression

fails to promote associated learning in four-month

old infants. Child Development.

Keltner, D. (1995). The signs of appeasement:

Evidence for the distinct displays of embarrass-

ment, amusement, and shame. Journal of Personal-

ity and Social

Psychology,

68, 441-454,

SPECIAL ISSUE: EMOTION AND SOCIAL FUNCTIONING339

Keltner, D., & Bonanno, G. A. (1997). A study of

laughter and dissociation: The distinct correlates of

laughter and smiling during bereavement. Journal

Personality

and Social

Psychology,

73, 687-702.

Keltner, D., & Buswell, B. N. (1997). Embarrass-

ment: Its distinct form and appeasement functions.

Psychological Bulletin, 122, 250-270.

Keltner, D., Ellsworth, P. C, & Edwards, K. (1993).

Beyond simple pessimism: Effects of sadness and

anger on social perception. Journal of Personality

and Social

Psychology,

64, 740-752.

Keltner, D., & Gross, J. J. (in press). Functional

accounts of

emotions.

Cognition and Emotion.

Keltner, D., & Haidt, J. (1997). Social functions of

emotions at multiple levels of analysis. Manuscript

submitted for publication.

Keltner, D., Locke, K. D., & Audrain, P. C. (1993).

The influence of attributions on the relevance of

negative emotions to personal satisfaction. Person-

ality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 19, 21-29.

Keltner, D., Moffitt, T., & Stouthamer-Loeber, M.

(1995).

Facial expressions of emotion and psycho-

pathology in adolescent

boys.

Journal of Abnormal

Psychology, 104, 644-652.

Keltner, D., Young, R., & Buswell, B. N. (1997).

Appeasement in human emotion, personality, and

social practice. Aggressive

Behavior,

23, 359-374.

Keltner, D., Young, R. C, Oemig, C, Heerey, E.,

& Monarch, N. D. (in press). Predictors and social

consequences of

teasing:

Face threat and re-

dressive action in hierarchical and intimate

relations. Journal of Personality and Social

Psychology.

Kerr, S. & Neale, J. M. (1993). Emotion perception in

schizophrenia: Specific deficit or further evidence

for generalized poor performance? Journal of

Abnormal

Psychology,

102, 312-318.

King, S., & Dixon, M. J. (1996). The influence of

expressed emotion, family dynamics, and symptom

type on the social adjustment of schizophrenic

young adults. Archives of General Psychiatry, 53,

1098-1104.

Klein, D. (1984). Depression and anhedonia. In D. C.

Clark & J. Fawcett (Eds.), Anhedonia and affect

deficit states (pp.

1-14).

New

York:

PMA.

Klinnert, M., Campos, J., Sorce, J., Emde, R.,

& Svejda, M. (1983). Emotions as behavior

regulators: Social referencing in infants. In R.

Plutchik & H. Kellerman (Eds.), Emotion theory,

research, and experience:

Vol.

2. Emotions in early

development (pp. 57-68). New York: Academic

Press.

Knutson, B. (1996). Facial expressions of emotion

influence interpersonal trait inferences. Journal of

Nonverbal

Behavior,

20, 165-182.

Krause, R., Steimer-Krause, R, & Hufnagel, H.

(1992).

Expression and experience of affects in

paranoid schizophrenia. Revue Europienne de

Psychologie Appliquie, 42, 131-138.

Krause, R., Steimer, E., Sanger-Alt, C, & Wagner, G.

(1989).

Facial expressions of schizophrenic pa-

tients and their interaction partners. Psychiatry, 52,

1-12.

Kring, A. M., & Bachorowski, J.-A. (in press).

Emotion and psychopathology. Cognition and

Emotion.

Kring, A. M., & Earast, K. S. (1998). Emotional

responding in schizophrenia: Microexpressive fa-

cial activity and correspondence among emotion

components. Manuscript in preparation, Vanderbilt

University.

Kring, A. M., Germans, M. K., & Earnst, K. S.

(1997).

Heightened electrodermal reactivity to

emotional stimuli is specific to a subgroup of

schizophrenia patients. Manuscript submitted for

publication.

Kring,

M, Kerr, S. L., Smith,

A., & Neale, J. M.

(1993).

Flat affect in schizophrenia does not reflect

diminished subjective experience of emotion.

Journal of Abnormal

Psychology,

102, 507-517.

Kring, A. M., & Neale, J. M. (1996). Do schizophren-

ics show a disjunctive relationship among expres-

sive,

experiential, and psychophysiological compo-

nents of emotion? Journal of Abnormal Psychology,

105, 249-257.

Kruedelbach, N., McCormick, R. A., Schultz, S. C,

& Grueneich, R. (1993). Impulsivity, coping styles,

and triggers for craving in substance abusers with

borderline personality disorder. Journal of Person-

ality

Disorders,

7, 214-222.

Lara, M. E., Leader, J., & Klein, D. N. (1997). The

association between social support and course of

depression: Is it confounded with personality?

Journal of Abnormal

Psychology,

106, 478-482.

Larsen, R. J., & Diener, E. (1992). Promises and

problems with the circumplex model of emotion.

Review of Personality and Social Psychology, 13,

25-59.

Lazarus, R. S. (1991). Emotion and adaptation. New

York: Oxford University Press.

Leary, M., & Kowalski, R. M. (1995). Social anxiety.

New York: Guilford Press.

LeDoux, J. (1996). The emotional brain. New York:

Simon & Schuster.

Lemer, J., & Keltner, D. (1997). The effects of fear

and anger upon estimates of risk and loss.

Manuscript in preparation, University of Califor-

nia, Berkeley.

Levenson, R. W. (1992). Autonomic nervous system

differences among emotions. Psychological Sci-

ence,

3,23-27.

Levenson, R. W., Carstenson, L., & Gottman, J. M.

(1994).

The influence of age and gender on affect,

physiology, and their interrelations: A study of

340KELTNER AND KRING

long-term marriages. Journal of Personality and

Social

Psychology,

67, 56-68.

Levenson, R. W., Ekman, P., & Friesen, W.

(1990).

Voluntary facial action generates emotion-specific

autonomic nervous system activity. Psychophysiol-

ogy, 27, 363-384.

Levenson, R. W., & Gottman, J. M. (1983). Marital

interaction: Physiological linkage and affective

exchange. Journal of Personality and Social

Psychology, 45, 587-597.

Levin, S., Hall, J. A., Knight, R. A., & Alpert, M.

(1985).

Verbal and nonverbal expression of affect

in speech of schizophrenic and depressed patients.

Journal of Abnormal

Psychology,

94, 487-497.

Levine, D., Marziali, E., & Hood. J. (1997). Emotion

processing in borderline personality disorders.

Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 185,

240-246.

Liberman, R. P. (1982). Assessment of social skills.

Schizophrenia Bulletin, 8, 62-84.

Liberman, R. P., DeRisi, W. J., & Mueser, K. T.

(1989).

Social skills training for psychiatric

patients. New

York:

Pergamon Press.

Liebowitz, M. R. (1987). Social phobia. Modern

Problems in Pharmacopsychiatry, 22, 141-173.

Linehan, M. M. (1987). Dialectical behavior therapy

for borderline personality disorder. Bulletin of the

Menninger

Clinic,

51, 261-276.

Unszen, D. H., Dingemans, P. M., Annet Nugter, M.,

Van der Does, A. J. W., Scholte, W. E, & Lenior,

M. A. (1997). Patients attributes and expressed

emotion as risk factors for psychotic relapse.

Schizophrenia Bulletin, 23, 119-130.

Lumsden, E. A. (1993). Borderline personality

disorder: A consequence of experiencing affect

within a truncated time frame? Journal of Person-

ality

Disorders,

7, 265-21

Lutz, C. (1988). Unnatural emotions. Chicago:

University of Chicago Press.

Lutz, C. A., & Abu-Lughod, L. (1990). Language and

the politics of emotion. New York: Cambridge

University Press.

Lutz, C, & White, G. (1986). The anthropology of

emotions. Annual Review of Anthropology, 15,

405-436.

Mandler, G. (1975). Mind and emotion. New York:

Wiley.

Marcus, D. K., & Wilson, J. R. (1996). Interpersonal

perception of social anxiety: A social relations

analysis. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychol-

ogy, i5, 471^87.

Marks, T., & Hammen, C. L. (1982). Interpersonal

mood induction: Situational and individual determi-

nants.

Motivation and

Emotion,

6, 387-399.

Mattes, R. M., Schneider, E, Heimann, H., &

Birbaumer, N. (1995). Reduced emotional re-

sponse of schizophrenic patients in remission

during social interaction. Schizophrenia Research,

17,249-255.

Miklowitz, D. J. (1994). Family risk indicators in

schizophrenia. Schizophrenia Bulletin, 20, 137—

149.

Miklowitz, D. J., Goldstein, M. J., & Nuechteriein,

K. H. (1995). Verbal interactions in the families of

schizophrenic and bipolar affective patients. Jour-

nal of Abnormal

Psychology,

104, 268-276.

Miller, R. S. (1987). Empathic embarrassment:

Situational and personal determinants of reactions

to the embarrassment of another. Journal of

Personality and Social

Psychology,

53, 1061-1069.

Miller, R. S., & Leary, M. R. (1992). Social sources

and interactive functions of emotion: The case of

embarrassment. In M. Clark (Ed.), Emotion and

social behavior (pp. 202-221). Beverly Hills, CA:

Sage.

Millon, T, & Davis, R. O. (1996). Disorders of

personality: DSM-1V and beyond (2nd ed.). New

York: Wiley.

Mineka, S., & Cook, M. (1993). Mechanisms

involved in the observational conditioning of fear.

Journal of Experimental Psychology: General,

122,

23-38.

Mineka, S., Davidson, M., Cook, M., & Keir, R.

(1984).

Observational conditioning of snake fear in

Rhesus monkeys. Journal of Abnormal Psychol-

ogy, 93, 355-372.

Modestin, J., & Villiger, C. (1989). Follow-up study

on borderline versus nonborderline personality

disorders.

Comprehensive

Psychiatry,

30, 236-244.

Monroe, S. M., Bromet, E. J., Connell, M. M., &

Steiner, S. C. (1986). Social support, life events,

and depressive symptoms: A one year prospective

study. Journal of

Consulting

and Clinical Psychol-

ogy, 54,

424-431.

Mueser, K. T., Bellack, A. S., Douglas, M. S., &

Morrison, R. L. (1991). Prevalence and stability of

social skills deficits in schizophrenia. Schizophre-

nia

Research,

5, 167-176.

Mueser, K. T., Bellack, A. S., Morrison, R. L., &

Wixted, J. T. (1990). Social competence in

schizophrenia: Premorbid adjustment, social skill,

and domains of functioning. Journal of Psychiatric

Research, 24,

51-63.

Mueser, K. T, Doonan, R., Penn, D. L., Blanchard,

J. J., Bellack, A. S., Nishith, P., & DeLeon, J.

(1996).

Emotion recognition and social compe-

tence in chronic schizophrenia. Journal of Abnor-

mal

Psychology,

705,271-275.

Mueser, K. T., & Sayers, M. D. (1992). Social skills

assessment. In D. J. Kavanagh (Ed.), Schizophre-

nia: An overview and practical handbook (pp.

182-204). London: Chapman & Hall.

Murray, I. R., & Arnott, J. L. (1993). Toward the

simulation of emotion in synthetic speech: A

review of the literature on human vocal emotion.

SPECIAL ISSUE: EMOTION AND SOCIAL FUNCTIONING341

Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 93,

1097-1108.

Nesse, R. M. (1990). Evolutionary explanations of

emotions. Human

Nature,

1, 261-289.

Nezlak, J. B., Imbrie, M., & Shean, G. D. (1994).

Depression and everyday social interaction. Jour-

nal of Personality and Social Psychology, 67,

1101-1111.

Ohman, A. (1986). Face the beast and fear the face:

Animal and social fears as prototypes for evolution-

ary analysis of emotion. Psychophysiology, 23,

123-145.

Ohman,

A.,

& Dimberg, U. (1978). Facial expressions

as conditioned stimuli for electrodermal responses:

A case of "preparedness?" Journal of Personality

and Social

Psychology,

36, 1251-1258.

Owren, M. J., & Rendall, D. (in press). An

affect-conditioning model of nonhuman primate

vocal signaling. In N. S. Thompson (Series Ed.) &

H. Owings & M. D. Beecher (Vol. Eds.),

Perspectives in ethology:

Vol.

12. Communication.

New York, Plenum.

Paris,

J. (1992). Social risk factors for borderline

personality disorder: A review and hypothesis.

Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 37, 510-515.

Parker, G., & Hadzi-Pavolvic, D. (1990). Expressed

emotion as a predictor of schizophrenic relapse: An

analysis of aggregated data. Psychological Medi-

cine, 20, 961-965.

Pelaez-Nogueras, M., Field, T., Cigales, M., Gonza-

lez, A., & Claskly, S. (1994). Infants of depressed

mothers show less "depressed" behavior with their

nursery teachers. Infant Mental Health

Journal,

15,

358-367.

Pickens, J., & Field, T. (1993). Facial expressivity in

infants of depressed mothers. Developmental

Psychology, 29, 986-988.

Plutchik, R. (1993). Emotions and their vicissitudes:

Emotions and psychopathology. In M. Lewis &

J. M. Haviland (Eds.), Handbook of emotions (pp.

53-66).

New York: Guilford Press.

Provine, R. R. (1992). Contagious laughter: Laughter

is a sufficient stimulus for laughs and smiles.

Bulletin of the Psychonomic

Society,

30, 1-4.

Provine, R. R. (1993). Laughter punctuates speech:

Linguistic, social, and gender contexts of laughter.

Ethology, 95, 291-298.

Rauktis, M. E., Koeske, G. F., & Tereshko, O. (1995).

Negative social interactions, distress, and depres-

sion among those caring for a seriously and

persistently mentally ill relative. American Journal

of Community Psychology, 23, 279-299.

Rothbart, M. L. (1973). Laughter in young children.

Psychological Bulletin, 80, 247-256.

Russell, J. A. (1994). Is there universal recognition of

emotion from facial expression? A review of

cross-cultural studies. Psychological Bulletin, 115,

102-141.

Sacco, W. P., Milana, S., & Dunn, V. (1985). Effects

of depression level and length of acquaintance on

reactions of others to a request for help. Journal of

Personality and Social Psychology, 49, 1728-

1737.

Sack, A., Sperling, M, Fagen, G., & Foelsch, P.

(1996).

Attachment style, history, and behavioral

contrasts for a borderline and normal sample.

Journal of Personality

Disorders,

10, 88-102.

Salem, J. E., Kring,

M., & Kerr, S. L. (1996). More

evidence for generalized poor performance in

facial emotion perception in schizophrenia. Jour-

nal of Abnormal

Psychology,

105,480-483.

Scherer, K. R. (1986). Vocal affect expression: A

review and model for future research. Psychologi-

cal Bulletin, 99, 143-165.

Schlenker, B. R., & Leary, M. R. (1982). Social

anxiety and self-presentation: A conceptualization

and model. Psychological

Bulletin,

92, 641-669.

Schwarz, N. (1990). Feelings as information: Informa-

tional and motivational functions of affective

states.

In E. T. Higgins & R. M. Sorrentino (Eds.),

Handbook of motivation and cognition, Volume 2

(pp.

527-561). New

York:

Guilford Press.

Seyfarth, R. M., & Cheney, D. L. (1990). How

monkeys see the

world.

Chicago: University of

Chicago Press.

Shearin, E. N., & Linehan, M. M. (1994). Dialectical

behavior therapy for borderline personality disor-

der: Theoretical and empirical foundations. Ada

Psychiatrica Scandinavica, Supplementum, 379,

61-68.

Simons, R. F, MacMillian, F. W., & Ireland, F. B.

(1982).

Anticipatory pleasure deficit in subjects

reporting physical anhedonia: Slow cortical evi-

dence. Biological

Psychology,

14, 297-310.

Smith, D. A., Vivian, D., & O'Leary, K. D. (1990).

Longitudinal prediction of marital discord from

premarital expressions of affect. Journal of Consult-

ing and Clinical

Psychology,

58, 790-798.

Snyder, S., & Pitt,

M. (1985). Characterizing anger

in the DSM-lII borderline personality disorder. Ada

Psychiatrica Scandinavica,

72,

464—469.

Soloff,

H. (1981). A comparison of borderline with

depressed and schizophrenic patients on a new

diagnostic interview. Comprehensive Psychiatry,

22,

291-300.

Soloff,

P. H., & Millward, J. H. (1983). Developmen-

tal histories of borderline patients. Comprehensive

Psychiatry, 24, 574-588.

Soloff,

P. H., & Ulrich, R. F. (1981). Diagnostic

interview for borderline patients: A replication

study. Archives of General Psychiatry, 38, 686-

692.

Solomon, R. C. (1990). A passion for justice.

Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.

Sorce, J. F, & Emde, R. N. (1981). Mother's presence

is not enough: The effect of emotional availability

342KELTNER AND KRING

on infant exploration. Developmental Psychology,

17, 737-745.

Tangney, J. P., Miller, R. S., Flicker, L., & Barlow,

H. (1996). Are shame, guilt and embarrassment

distinct emotions? Journal of Personality and

Social

Psychology,

70, 1256-1269.

Thorne, A. (1987). The press of personality: A study

of conversations between introverts and extraverts.

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 53,

718-726.

Tomarken, A. J., Davidson, R. J., Wheeler, R. E., &

Doss,

R. C. (1992). Individual differences in

anterior brain asymmetry and fundamental dimen-

sions of emotion. Journal of Personality and Social

Psychology, 62, 676-687.

Tomarken, A. J., Elkins, L. E., Anderson, T., Shelton,

R. E., & Hitt, S. (1997). Sleep deprivation

selectively potentiates positive affect during antide-

pressant

treatment.

Manuscript submitted for

publication.

Tomarken, A. J., Garber, J., & Simien, C. (1997).

Individual differences in resting frontal brain

asymmetry predicts differential risk for depression

among adolescents. Manuscript in preparation.

Tomarken, A. J., & Keener, A. D. (in press). Frontal

brain asymmetry and depression: A self-regulatory

perspective. Cognition and Emotion.

Thoits,

A. (1985). Self-labeling processes in mental

illness: The role of emotional deviance. American

Journal of Sociology, 92, 221-249.

Thoits, P. A. (1990). Emotional deviance: Research

agendas. In T. Kemper (Ed.), Research agendas in

the sociology of emotions (pp. 180-203). Albany,

NY: SUNY Press.

Tooby, J., & Cosmides, L. (1990). The past explains

the present: Emotional adaptations and the struc-

ture of ancestral environments. Ethology and

sociobiology,

11,

375^424.

Trivers, R. L. (1971). The evolution of reciprocal

altruism. Quarterly Review of Biology, 46, 35-57.

Tronick, E. Z. (1989). Emotions and emotional

communication in infants. American Psychologist,

44, 112-119.

Tronick, E. Z., Als, H., Adamson, L., Wise, S., &

Brazelton, T. B. (1978). The infant's response to

entrapment between contradictory messages in

face-to-face interaction. Journal of American

Academy of Child

Psychiatry,

17, 1-13.

Trull, T. J. (1995). Borderline personality disorder

features in nonclinical young adults: 1. Identifica-

tion and validation. Psychological Assessment, 7,

33-41.

Trull, T. J., Useda, J. D., Conforti, K., & Doan, B. T.

(1997).

Borderline personality disorder features in

nonclinical young adults: 2. Two-year outcome.

Journal of Abnormal

Psychology,

106, 307-314.

Ulrich, G., & Harms, K. (1985). A video analysis of

the nonverbal behavior of depressed patients and

their relation to anxiety and depressive disorders.

Journal of Affective

Disorders,

9, 63-67.

Walden, T. A., & Ogan, T. A. (1988). The develop-

ment of social referencing. Child Development, 59,

1230-1240.

Wallace, S. T., & Alden, L. E. (1997). Social phobia

and positive social events: The price of success.

Journal of Abnormal

Psychology,

106, 416-424.

Walster, E., Walster, G. W., & Berscheid, E. (1978).

Equity: Theory and research. Boston: Allyn &

Bacon.

Watson, D. (1988). Intraindividual and interindivid-

ual analyses of positive and negative affect: Their

relation to health complaints, perceived stress, and

daily activities. Journal of Personality and Social

Psychology, 62, 489-505.

Watson, D., Clark, L. A., & Carey, G. (1988). Positive

and negative affectivity and their relation to

anxiety and depressive disorders. Journal of

Abnormal

Psychology,

97, 346-353.

Watson, D., Clark, L. A., Mclntyre, C. W, &

Hamaker, S. (1992). Affect, personality, and social

activity. Journal of Personality and Social

Psychol-

ogy, 63, 1011-1025.

Waxer, P. H. (1974). Nonverbal cues for depression.

Journal of Abnormal

Psychology,

83, 319-322.

White, G. M. (1990). Moral discourse and the rhetoric

of emotions. In C. A. Lutz & L. Abu-Lughod

(Eds.),

Language and the politics of emotion (pp.

46-68).

New York: Cambridge University Press.

Youngren, M. A., & Lewinsohn, P. M. (1980). The

functional relationship between depression and

problematic behavior.

Journal

of Abnormal

Psychol-

ogy, 89,

333-341.

Zahn-Waxler, C, & Radke-Yarrow, M. (1982). The

development of altruism: Alternative research

strategies. In N. Eisenberg (Ed.), The development

of prosociat behavior (pp. 109-138). New York:

Academic Press.

Zeskind, P. S., & Lester, B. M. (1978). Acoustic

features and auditory perceptions of the cries of

newborns with prenatal and perinatal complica-

tions.

Child Development, 49, 580-589.

Received November

3,1997

Revision received April

1,1998

Accepted April 22, 1998 •

Pengaruh dark triad personality terhadap perilaku cyberbullying: Empati dan regulasi emosi sebagai mediator

Article

Full-text available

Apr 2024

Currently, cyberbullying remains a problem globally. This issue is prevalent among teenagers. Several studies have explored this problem, but none have attempted to test the theoretical model of the dark triad personality, empathy, and emotional regulation on cyberbullying. This research aims to test a model involving cyberbullying, dark triad personality, empathy, and emotional regulation as mediators. A total of 309 out of 1205 high school students from two private schools (207 students) and one public school (102 students) in Yogyakarta voluntarily participated in this study. Purposive sampling was used to recruit respondents. The cyberbullying scale (α = .932), dark triad personality scale (α = .752), empathy scale (α = .785), and emotional regulation scale (α = .915) were used to collect data. Content validity and internal consistency reliability were applied. Data analysis was conducted using Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) with Amos 12 software. The results of this study indicate that the model of dark triad personality, empathy, and emotional regulation as mediators of cyberbullying behaviour produces a well-fitting model with its empirical data (CMIN=.747, p=862, RMSEA= .000, GFI= .999). Emotional regulation and empathy partially mediate the influence of psychopathy and narcissism on cyberbullying behaviour. Psychopathy is the only personality trait of the dark triad that directly or indirectly affects cyberbullying. The implications of the research are the need to develop interventions to reduce the dark triad personality traits and enhance empathy and emotional regulation in adolescents, in order to avoid cyberbullying behavior.

Automating the analysis of facial emotion expression dynamics: A computational framework and application in psychotic disorders

Article

Mar 2024
P NATL ACAD SCI USA

Facial emotion expressions play a central role in interpersonal interactions; these displays are used to predict and influence the behavior of others. Despite their importance, quantifying and analyzing the dynamics of brief facial emotion expressions remains an understudied methodological challenge. Here, we present a method that leverages machine learning and network modeling to assess the dynamics of facial expressions. Using video recordings of clinical interviews, we demonstrate the utility of this approach in a sample of 96 people diagnosed with psychotic disorders and 116 never-psychotic adults. Participants diagnosed with schizophrenia tended to move from neutral expressions to uncommon expressions (e.g., fear, surprise), whereas participants diagnosed with other psychoses (e.g., mood disorders with psychosis) moved toward expressions of sadness. This method has broad applications to the study of normal and altered expressions of emotion and can be integrated with telemedicine to improve psychiatric assessment and treatment.

Expressing the Good in Bad Times: Examining Whether and Why Positive Expressivity in Negative Contexts Affects Romantic Partners’ Responsive Support Provision

Article

Full-text available

Jan 2024

Receiving high-quality, responsive support in times of distress is critical but difficult. In a theoretical review, we previously proposed a process model that explains why support-seekers’ positive expressivity can elicit—but may sometimes suppress—supportive responses from partners (providers) within distress-related contexts. In the current work, we aimed to test direct and indirect pathways linking seeker’s positive expressivity in negative disclosures to provider’s support while addressing notable gaps in the existing literature. Studies considered seeker-expressed positivity as broad, unitary construct (Studies 1, 2, and 4) and explored different types of positivity (Studies 1, 3, and 4): partner-oriented positivity (e.g., gratitude), stressor-oriented positivity (e.g., optimism), and unspecified positivity (e.g., pleasant demeanor). In behavioral observation studies of romantic couples (Studies 1 and 4), seeker-expressed positivity in negative disclosures positively predicted provider responsiveness, even when controlling for seeker-expressed negativity and other plausible third variables. Online experiments with manipulations of seeker-expressed positivity (Studies 2 and 3) yielded causal evidence of positivity’s direct support-eliciting effects. Considering positivity types, partner-oriented positivity and stressor-oriented positivity showed the most robust support-eliciting potential; unspecified positivity also appeared valuable in some contexts. Evidence for several of the model’s indirect pathways emerged in correlational (Study 4) and experimental (Studies 2 and 3) work, providing insights into support-eliciting and support-suppressing mechanisms through which positivity operates. These findings underscore support-seekers’ active role in obtaining support, highlight the value of positive expressivity for eliciting high-quality support, and lay the groundwork for further research on positive expressivity’s effects in support-seeking contexts.

Social anxiety is associated with personal distress and disrupted recognition of negative emotions

Article

Full-text available

Feb 2024

Past research investigating the relation between social anxiety (SA), empathy and emotion recognition is marked by conceptual and methodological issues. In the present study, we aim to overcome these limitations by examining whether individuals with high (n = 40) vs. low (n = 43) social anxiety differed across these two facets of empathy and whether this could be related to their recognition of emotions. We employed a naturalistic emotion recognition paradigm in which participants watched short videos of individuals (targets) sharing authentic emotional experiences. After each video, we measured self-reported empathic concern and distress, as well as their ability to recognize the emotions expressed by the targets in the videos. Our results show that individuals with high social anxiety recognized the targets’ emotions less accurately. Furthermore, high socially anxious individuals reported more personal distress than low socially anxious individuals, whereas no significant difference was found for empathic concern. The findings suggest that reduced recognition of emotions among SA individuals can be better explained by the negative effects of social stress than by a general deficit in empathy.

IMARISS: Story Creation Tools - Inspiration Mobile Augmented Reality Interactive Story System

Article

May 2024

Yaojiong Yu

Understanding Emotions: The Received View

Chapter

May 2024

While experiences of emotions emerge at the level of psychological description, they seem to be causally related to neurobiological processes. The exploration of the involvement of the neural system in the experience and expression of emotions has benefitted immensely by the technological innovations in the study of brain processes. A historical perspective on the scholarship in this area has brought into focus the involvement of several subcortical and cortical centers and pathways as main contributors to emotion processes. In broad terms, the dominant models of emotions include basic emotion models, appraisal models, and constructionist models. The various lines of inquiry tend to suggest that an emotion is not an entity or a distinct faculty with its distinct mechanism. While the story is still unfolding, current understanding suggests that emotions and feelings do not have an essence and there is no one-to-one correspondence between a behavior, a physiological response pattern, and an emotion word. Emotions are constructed as experiences or perceptions in which interoception also plays an important role. Emotions are categories emerging from complex dynamics within the nervous system. They emerge as the brain makes meaning of sensory inputs from the body and the external world. The implications of this view are presented.

Does leader humor style matter employee knowledge sharing? From the lens of emotional contagion process

Article

Apr 2024
J Knowl Manag

Purpose This study aims to explore the enabling and suppressing effects of leader affiliative and aggressive humor on employee knowledge sharing form the lens of emotional contagion process, which provides theoretical reference for the applications of different leader humor style, thereby enhancing employee knowledge sharing. Design/methodology/approach This study collected three waves of data and surveyed 379 employees in China. Regression analysis, bootstrapping and latent moderation structural equation were adopted to test the hypotheses. Findings Leader affiliative humor has a positive impact on employee knowledge sharing, whereas leader aggressive humor has a negative impact on employee knowledge sharing. Positive emotion plays a mediating role between leader affiliative humor and employee knowledge sharing, and negative emotion plays a mediating role between leader aggressive humor and employee knowledge sharing. Moreover, supervisor–subordinate Guanxi moderates the relationship between leader affiliative humor and positive emotion, and between leader aggressive humor and negative emotion, respectively. Originality/value This study not only adds to the knowledge sharing literature calling for the exploration of antecedents and mechanism of employee knowledge sharing, but also contributes to our comprehensive understanding of the suppressing and enabling effects of leader humor style on employee knowledge sharing. Besides, this study also unpacks the dual-path mechanism and boundary condition between leader humor style and employee knowledge sharing and augments the theoretical explanations of emotional contagion theory between leader humor style and employee knowledge sharing.

I love you but I can’t say: adaptation of the Measure of Verbally Expressed Emotion (MoVEE) to Turkish and investigation of psychometric properties

Article

Full-text available

Apr 2024
CURR PSYCHOL

This study aims to adapt the scale of “The Measure of Verbally Expressed Emotion” into Turkish and examine its psychometric properties. 614 participants were between the ages of 18–65. In the study, the Expression of Emotions Scale was used for convergent validity, and the Emotional Responsiveness Scale was used for divergent validity. According to the exploratory factor analysis, the scale has a 17-item and five-factor structure that explains approximately 66% of the total variance, and according to the confirmatory factor analysis, the goodness-of-fit values of the five-factor structure are acceptable (χ2/df = 2.98, RMSEA = 0.059, GFI = 0.94, CFI = 0.84, SRMR = 0.050). This scale, which evaluates the experience before expressing emotion, is valid and reliable for Turkish use. Expressed emotions compared on gender, education level, working and health status. It was observed that those with a psychiatric diagnosis were less comfortable expressing romantic love, and those with chronic diseases were less comfortable expressing happiness. Adapted scale will contribute to both research and practical use by using it in clinical, social psychology, and therapy studies.

Coherence of emotional response systems: Theory, measurement, and benefits

Chapter

Jan 2024

Group Flow: A Theory of Group Member Interactions in the Moment and over Time

Article

Jan 2024

The Association Between Social Support and Course of Depression: Is It Confounded With Personality?

Article

Full-text available

Aug 1997

A number of studies have indicated that social support is associated with the course of depression. However, none of these studies have ruled out the potentially confounding effects of personality factors, such as neuroticism. The authors examined whether social support was related to the course of depression after controlling for neuroticism and several possible confounding clinical variables. Participants were 59 patients meeting Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (American Psychiatric Association, 1987) criteria for major depression. All participants received structured diagnostic interviews and completed self-report measures of social support and neuroticism. Follow-up assessments at 6 months included the Longitudinal Interval Follow-Up Evaluation (M. B. Keller et al., 1987) and the Beck Depression Inventory (A. T. Beck, A. J. Rush, B. F. Shaw, & G. Emery, 1979). Results indicated that social support significantly predicted both severity of depression and recovery from depression at follow-up over and above the effects of initial depression severity, dysthymia, and neuroticism.

Borderline Personality Disorder Features in Nonclinical Young Adults: 2. Two-Year Outcome

Article

Full-text available

May 1997

Borderline personality disorder (BPD) is thought to develop by early adulthood, and it is characterized by lack of control of anger, intense and frequent mood changes, impulsive acts, disturbed interpersonal relationships, and life-threatening behaviors. We describe data from a 2-year follow-up study of nonclinical young adults who, at study entry, exhibited a significant number of BPD features. Individuals with borderline features were more likely to have academic difficulties over the succeeding 2 years, and these participants were more likely to meet lifetime criteria for a mood disorder and to experience interpersonal dysfunction than their peers at the 2-year follow-up assessment. These findings indicate that BPD features are associated with poorer outcome even within a nonclinical population.

Facial Expressions of Emotion and Psychopathology in Adolescent Boys

Article

Full-text available

Nov 1995

On the basis of the widespread belief that emotions underpin psychological adjustment, the authors tested 3 predicted relations between externalizing problems and anger, internalizing problems and fear and sadness, and the absence of externalizing problems and social–moral emotion (embarrassment). Seventy adolescent boys were classified into 1 of 4 comparison groups on the basis of teacher reports using a behavior problem checklist: internalizers, externalizers, mixed (both internalizers and externalizers), and nondisordered boys. The authors coded the facial expressions of emotion shown by the boys during a structured social interaction. Results supported the 3 hypotheses: (a) Externalizing adolescents showed increased facial expressions of anger, (b) on 1 measure internalizing adolescents showed increased facial expressions of fear, and (c) the absence of externalizing problems (or nondisordered classification) was related to increased displays of embarrassment. Discussion focused on the relations of these findings to hypotheses concerning the role of impulse control in antisocial behavior.

More Evidence for Generalized Poor Performance in Facial Emotion Perception in Schizophrenia

Article

Full-text available

Aug 1996

Previous studies showing that schizophrenic patients have a deficit in the ability to perceive facial expressions of emotion in others often have not used a differential deficit design and standardized measures of emotion perception. Using standardized and cross-validated measures in a differential deficit design, S. L. Kerr and J. M. Neale (1993) found no evidence for a deficit specific to emotion perception among unmedicated schizophrenic patients. The present study replicated and extended the findings of Kerr and Neale in a sample of medicated schizophrenic patients. Results showed that medicated patients performed more poorly than controls overall; however, they performed no worse on facial emotion perception tasks than on a matched control task. These findings support Kerr and Neale's conclusion that schizophrenic patients do not have a differential deficit in facial emotion perception ability. Future research should examine the nature of schizophrenic patients generalized poor performance on tests of facial emotion perception.

Affective and Social-Behavioral Correlates of Physical and Social Anhedonia in Schizophrenia

Article

Full-text available

Nov 1994

The association between scales measuring physical and social anhedonia, self-reports of affective response to emotion-elicting films, and role play measures of social skill was evaluated in patients with schizophrenia, schizoaffective disorder, and bipolar affective disorder. We hypothesized that patients with schizophrenia would report significantly greater anhedonia than the bipolar patients and that higher scores on the anhedonia scales would be related to attenuated reports of the experience of positive affect and poorer social skill. Patients with schizophrenia and schizoaffective disorder did not differ in ratings of anhedonia, but both groups had higher physical and social anhedonia scores than did bipolar patients. Higher scores on the physical anhedonia scale, but not the social anhedonia scale, were related to attenuated reports of positive affect following viewing of affect-eliciting films in schizophrenia–schizoaffective disorder patients. Neither anhedonia scale was related to role play measures of social skill performance for any patient group.

The Influence of Age and Gender on Affect, Physiology, and Their Interrelations: A Study of Long-Term Marriages

Article

Full-text available

Jul 1994

Self-reported affect and autonomic and somatic physiology were studied during three 15-min conversations (events of the day, problem area, pleasant topic) in a sample of 151 couples in long-term marriages. Couples differed in age (40–50 or 60–70) and marital satisfaction (satisfied or dissatisfied). Marital interaction in older couples was associated with more affective positivity and lower physiological arousal (even when controlling for affective differences) than in middle-age couples. As has previously been found with younger couples, marital dissatisfaction was associated with less positive affect, greater negative affect, and greater negative affect reciprocity. In terms of the relation between physiological arousal and affective experience, husbands reported feeling more negative the more they were physiologically aroused; for wives, affect and arousal were not correlated. These findings are related to theories of socioemotional change with age and of gender differences in marital behavior and health.

Flat Affect in Schizophrenia Does Not Reflect Diminished Subjective Experience of Emotion

Article

Full-text available

Nov 1993

Although accorded historical significance, affective features of schizophrenia have only begun to receive systematic empirical attention. Interestingly, both early psychopathology writers and more recent investigators have reported frequent discrepancies between schizophrenics' feelings and outward expressions of emotion. Using a more comprehensive assessment of emotion, the present study examines the relationship between emotional experience and expression in a sample of medication-free schizophrenics. Compared with their normal counterparts, schizophrenics were indeed much less facially expressive of both positive and negative emotions during emotion-eliciting films, yet they reported experiencing as much positive and negative emotion. Therefore, the blunted affect typical of some schizophrenics misrepresents their underlying emotional experience. Future research into an inhibition hypothesis is recommended.

The Four Elementary Forms of Sociality: Framework for a Unified Theory of Social Relations

Article

Full-text available

Oct 1992

Alan P Fiske

The motivation, planning, production, comprehension, coordination, and evaluation of human social life may be based largely on combinations of 4 psychological models. In communal sharing, people treat all members of a category as equivalent. In authority ranking, people attend to their positions in a linear ordering. In equality matching, people keep track of the imbalances among them. In market pricing, people orient to ratio values. Cultures use different rules to implement the 4 models. In addition to an array of inductive evidence from many cultures and approaches, the theory has been supported by ethnographic field work and 19 experimental studies using 7 different methods testing 6 different cognitive predictions on a wide range of subjects from 5 cultures.

Individual Differences in Anterior Brain Asymmetry and Fundamental Dimensions of Emotion

Article

Full-text available

Apr 1992

This research assessed whether individual differences in anterior brain asymmetry are linked to differences in basic dimensions of emotion. In each of 2 experimental sessions, separated by 3 weeks, resting electroencephalogram (EEG) activity was recorded from female adults during 8 60-s baselines. Mean alpha power asymmetry across both sessions was extracted in mid-frontal and anterior temporal sites. Across both regions, groups demonstrating stable and extreme relative left anterior activation reported increased generalized positive affect (PA) and decreased generalized negative affect (NA) compared with groups demonstrating stable and extreme relative right anterior activation. Additional correlational analyses revealed robust relations between anterior asymmetry and PA and NA, particularly among subjects who demonstrated stable patterns of EEG activation over time. Anterior asymmetry was unrelated to individual differences in generalized reactivity.

Affects Separable and Inseparable: On the Hierarchical Arrangement of the Negative Affects

Article

Full-text available

Mar 1992

Watson and Tellegen (1985) proposed a hierarchical model of self-rated affect in which 2 broad, general dimensions—Negative Affect and Positive Affect—are each composed of several correlated yet ultimately distinguishable emotions. As a partial test of this model, we conducted 4 studies examining relations among measures of fear, sadness, hostility, and guilt through a series of multitrait–multimethod matrixes. Consistent with a hierarchical model, all 4 negative affects showed significant convergent validity and adequate discriminant validity, indicating that they represent meaningful and differentiable psychological constructs. However, the measures were also consistently and substantially interrelated, thereby demonstrating the existence of a strong higher order Negative Affect factor in self-report data. Results demonstrate the importance of assessing both levels of the hierarchical structure in studies of self-rated affect.

Emotion, Social Function, and Psychopathology

Abstract

Recommended publications

Neurosis and schizophrenia: II. Modern perspectives

Sensory Disturbances.

Promises and pitfalls of untargeted metabolomics

The neurophysiological correlates of handedness: Insights from the lateralized readiness potential