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Integrative Complexity of American and Soviet Foreign Policy Rhetoric. A Time-Series Analysis

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Abstract

Used the integrative complexity coding system to analyze official American and Soviet foreign policy statements concerned with problems that bore directly on American-Soviet relations issued between 1945 and 1983. Time series (ARIMA) and 2-stage least squares analyses revealed that the integrative complexity of Soviet statements was a function of Soviet complexity levels in the past, American complexity levels in the present, Soviet military or political interventions in other countries, the successful culmination of American-Soviet negotiations, and American presidential elections. The integrative complexity of American statements was a function of American complexity levels in the past, Soviet complexity levels in the past, presidential elections, changes in presidential administrations, Soviet military or political interventions in other countries, American military or political interventions in other countries, and the successful culmination of American-Soviet negotiations. Findings are interpreted in terms of 2 complementary levels of analysis: the study of cognitive processes and the study of bargaining and impression management strategies. (77 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
... • more complex, dialectical reasoning (aspects of which are central to the notions of integrative complexity (Tetlock, 1985) and wisdom ) -i.e., recognize the uncertainty and qualify forecasts by expressing multidetermined nature of predictions and considering both positive and negative aspects of the same forecast; • an outsider viewpoint and consider base-rate information (rather than focus on the focal event alone; Kahneman & Tversky, 1982). ...
... Past work has employed a range of human-based coding strategies to characterize epistemic concerns that share family resemblance with the notion of dialectical reasoning -i.e., consideration/acceptance of seeming contradictions (for reviews, see Grossmann, 2018;Peng and Nisbett, 1999). In particular, there is a substantive body of scholarship on coding open-ended reflections and justifications for presence of integrative complexity -a measure of complex thinking that includes evaluative differentiation (i.e., consideration of a number of distinct and contradictory dimensions of a problem) and conceptual integration (i.e., development of complex connections among differentiated characteristics) (Suedfeld et al., 1992;Suedfeld and Tetlock, 1977;Tetlock, 1985). Here, the evaluative differentiation component is closely connected to the idea of dialectical thinking, and has also been linked to superior accuracy in forecasting tournaments . ...
... Notably, the interview schedule in the World after Covid projects allowed to elegantly capture dialectical reasoning: Because experts provided responses to questions about most significant positive and negative consequences, human-based coders could categorize responses as those invoking dialectical thinking/ evaluate differentiation if participants explicitly acknowledged multi-determined nature of pandemic consequences or if they explicitly mentioned the same outcome as having both positive and negative consequences. This approach is similar to how human-based coding was employed to code dialectical thinking (e.g., Grossmann et al., 2010) or integrative complexity in the past (e.g., Tetlock, 1985), with an exception of a more constrained focus on responses to specific questions rather than free format rationales for one's judgment employed in prior research. The narrower format of open-ended questions allows both for greater precision in establishing reliability across coders as well as straightforward automated analysis of dialecticism beyond "bag-of-words" approaches-i.e., scoring of texts based on % of words from pre-defined word dictionaries-used in prior scholarship (e.g., Conway et al., 2014). ...
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How do experts in human behavior think the world might change after the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic? What advice do they have for the postpandemic world? Is there a consensus on the most significant psychological and societal changes ahead? To answer these questions, we analyzed interviews from the World After COVID Project—reflections of more than 50 of the world’s top behavioral and social science experts, including fellows of National Academies and presidents of major scientific societies. These experts independently shared their thoughts on possible psychological changes in society in the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic and provided recommendations how to respond to the new challenges and opportunities these shifts may bring. We distilled these predictions and suggestions via human-coded analyses and natural language processing techniques. In general, experts showed little overlap in their predictions, except for convergence on a set of social/societal themes (e.g., greater appreciation for social connection, increasing political conflict). Half of the experts approached their post-COVID predictions dialectically, highlighting both positive and negative features of the same domain of change, and many expressed uncertainty in their predictions. The project offers a time capsule of experts’ predictions for the effects of the pandemic on a wide range of outcomes. We discuss the implications of heterogeneity in these predictions, the value of uncertainty and dialecticism in forecasting, and the value of balancing explanation with predictions in expert psychological judgment.
... A lower conceptual complexity score suggests a binary worldview, characterised by a tendency to categorise the political world into starkly drawn, often dichotomous, categories such as 'us and them', 'good and bad', and 'friend and enemy'. Conversely, individuals with a higher complexity score tend to perceive the world in more nuanced shades of grey (see Dyson, 2006;Hermann, 1980;Preston, 2001;Tetlock, 1985). ...
... Previous research has demonstrated that leaders with high levels of conceptual complexity are more effective in complex and uncertain environments (Preston, 2001;Tetlock, 1985). They display greater openness to multiple perspectives, possess a higher tolerance for ambiguity, and exhibit better adaptability to changing circumstances. ...
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This article aims to demonstrate the potential of measuring decision-making in foreign policy from a distance by examining the leadership traits of political figures. The methodology employed is the leadership trait analysis proposed by Margaret Hermann and implemented through ProfilerPlus software to analyse Vladimir Putin’s decision to invade in Ukraine in 2022. In this study, Putin’s leadership is systematically analysed using one of the most comprehensive methods of assessing leadership styles, namely, leadership trait analysis. The study compares the results of Putin’s conceptual complexity score, derived from his responses to direct questions during various interviews with both domestic and international media, with a reference group of 214 world leaders identified by Hermann. The findings suggest that Putin’s leadership exhibits lower cognitive complexity. This reduced conceptual complexity appears to have influenced his foreign policy behaviour during the Ukrainian crisis. The study demonstrates that Putin’s foreign policy choices in 2022 were significantly influenced by this individual trait, which is associated with his constricted black-and-white worldview. Consequently, the study emphasises the significance of Putin’s personal characteristics in shaping foreign policy and provides a systematic assessment of how measuring from a distance can elucidate the behaviour of high-level political leaders.
... However, most of the research on integrative complexity has used archived texts. For example, integrative complexity has been measured from speeches (Suedfeld, "fetlock, & Ramirez, 1977;Tetlock, 1983), diplomatic documents , interview transcripts (Tetlock, 1984), policy statements (Tetlock, 1983(Tetlock, , 1985Tetlock & Boettger, 1989;Walker & Watson, 1994), and personal letters (Porter & Suedfeld, 1981;Suedfeld & Bluck, 1993). ...
... Furthermore, there is extensive research on integrative complexity that uses cross-cultural data. Studies have examined integrative complexity in countries other than the United States (e.g., Tetlock & Boettger, 1989) and have compared the integrative complexity of leaders in countries and cultures across different historical periods (e.g., Suedfeld & Bluck, 1988;Tetlock, 1985). Finally, using content analysis to measure integrative complexity enables researchers to speak not only about individuals but also about groups. ...
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Content analysis can be a particularly suitable method for measuring cognitive variables from archived texts. Although content analysis has been underused by clinical psychologists, there are many benefits to this strategy. Longitudinal studies can be conducted retrospectively, the range of possible research participants can be expanded to include individuals otherwise unavailable (e.g., the famous or the dead), existing data sets can be used and reused to answer new questions, and studies across cultures and across levels of analysis (individual vs. group) can be facilitated. To illustrate the use and usefulness of content analysis to measure cognitive variables, the authors focus on the examples of causal attributions and integrative complexity, describing past research and sketching future applications to clinical research and practice.
... However, some work on ideology and integrative complexity suggests a pattern partially consistent with this hypothesis. Work on the relation between ideology and integrative complexity has consistently shown that politicians on the left are more complex than those on the right (Tetlock, 1983(Tetlock, , 1984(Tetlock, , 1985Tetlock et al., 1985;Tetlock et al., 1994;Thoemmes & Conway, 2007;Wasike, 2017;see Houck & Conway, 2019, for a summary meta-analysis). Although this work did not measure RWA or LWA, it is possible that this difference arises in part because persons high in LWAwho presumably comprise part of each liberal sampleexperience more value conflict on average than persons low in LWA, thus driving liberal scores up overall. ...
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Left‐wing authoritarianism (LWA) has a controversial history in psychology. Some researchers have expressed skepticism about the existence of LWA, whereas others have argued that LWA is a valid construct. In the present article, we offer a framework to reconcile these two perspectives by proposing that ideologically based authoritarian norms are sometimes in conflict with the processes that create authoritarian individuals. In Western political contexts, authoritarian norms are more likely to occur on the conservative side of the political spectrum; but authoritarian attributes can occur in both conservatives and liberals. In our model, left‐wing authoritarians thus often occupy the space where forces influencing authoritarianism are in conflict. We review existing evidence related to the model, present novel evidence related to the model, derive four hypotheses from the model, and discuss criteria for falsifying the model. We conclude by considering the model's place in current research on the complexities of ideology.
... Örgüt kültürü, örgüt içinde yer alan farklılıkları ve çatışmaları azaltan ve çalışanları ortak bir amaç etrafında birleştiren bir etmendir (Akıncı, 1997). Bu açıdan örgütsel demokrasi, çalışanların dayanışmasına ve fikirlerin özgürce ifade edilmesi sürecine dayanmaktadır (Collom, 2001 (Tetlock, 1985;Geçkil ve Tikici, 2015). Bu açıdan örgütsel demokrasinin olduğu örgütlerde, karar sistemi olarak hafif derecede işçi katılımı ve işçilerin kendi kendilerini yönettikleri bir süreç söz konusu olabilmektedir (Smith, 1976). ...
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A great deal of scholarship links leaders’ psychological traits to their monadic tendency to use force abroad, but virtually no work considers how the interaction of leadership psychology influences the systematic likelihood of dyadic interstate conflict. We develop and test several competing explanations of how the interactive conceptual complexity of leaders—a psychological trait that consistently predicts monadic conflict propensity—might affect the ebb and flow of conflict within rivalries. Our time-series analyses of the US–Soviet Cold War rivalry, utilizing the leadership trait analysis coding scheme, demonstrate that, in accordance with the monadic logic, increases in the interactive conceptual simplicity between US presidents and Soviet premiers predict a significantly higher incidence of militarized interstate dispute initiation and a greater volume of conflictual dyadic (COPDAB, conflict and peace data bank) behavior. At the same time, however, the least conflict-prone pairing is one in which a conceptually complex leader interacts with a conceptually simplistic counterpart. This suggests that the presence of even one complex leader can increase empathy and diminish the aggressive misperception and retaliatory “downward spirals” that haunt rivalries.
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Are U.S. political leaders becoming simpler in their rhetoric? To evaluate, we place the two most recent Presidents’ integrative complexity against a historical context for three different types of comparable materials. Results reveal that both Biden and Trump are simple when compared to the typical President. Further, segmented regression analyses reveal Biden's and Trump's low complexity is partially the continuation of an ongoing historical decline in complexity among Presidents. Importantly, this complexity decline is occurring for both Republicans and Democrats.
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Researchers have long assumed that complex thinking is determined by both situational factors and stable, trait-based differences. However, although situational influences on complexity have been discussed at length in the literature, there is still no comprehensive integration of evidence regarding the theorized trait component of cognitive complexity. To fill this gap, we evaluate the degree that cognitive complexity is attributable to trait variance. Specifically, we review two domains of evidence pertaining to (a) the generalizability of individuals’ complex thinking across domains and the temporal stability of individuals’ complex thinking and (b) the relationship of complex thinking with conceptually related traits. Cumulatively, the literature suggests that persons’ cognitive complexity at any point in time results partially from a stable and generalizable trait component that accounts for a small-to-moderate amount of variance. It further suggests that cognitively complex persons are characterized by chronic trait-based differences in motivation and ability to think complexly.
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Previous studies have found that the cognitive performance of government decision-makers declines in crises that result in war. This decline has been attributed to crisis-produced stress which leads to simplification of information processing. The present study tested the disruptive stress hypothesis in the context of Japan's decision for war in 1941. Two content analysis techniques, integrative complexity coding (Schroder et al.,) and cognitive mapping (Axelrod, 1976) were used to analyze the translated records of statements by key Japanese policy-makers. Comparisons between statements made in the early and late periods of the 1941 crisis yielded only weak evidence of cognitive simplification. Interestingly, however, the social context in which statements were made significantly affected the complexity of cognitive performance: Statements made in Liaison conterences (in which policies were formulated) were significantly less complex than statements made in Imperial conferences (in which policies were presented to the Emperor for approval). Theoretical and methodological implications of the results were discussed.
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An integrative complexity coding system was used to explore the relations between cognitive style and political ideology among US Supreme Court justices who served on the Court between 1964 and 1978. The integrative complexity of case opinions that Ss authored during their 1st terms on the Court and the overall liberalism–conservatism of their voting records throughout their tenure were assessed. Consistent with past work on cognitive style and political ideology, Ss with liberal and moderate voting records exhibited more integratively complex styles of thought in their early case opinions than did those with conservative voting records. Unexpectedly, these relationships between cognitive style and ideology were more powerful on cases involving economic conflicts of interest than on cases involving civil liberties and rights issues. Results remain significant after controlling for a variety of demographic and background characteristics of the Ss (e.g., age, religion, quality of law school attended) and characteristics of the judicial opinions scored for integrative complexity (unanimous or split-Court, majority–minority status of opinion). Possible explanations for the results and processes that limit the cross-issue generality of relationships between cognitive style and ideology are discussed. (60 ref)
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• Tested the cognitive vs rhetorical style hypothesis (conservatives have more simplistic rhetorical, not cognitive styles than liberals or moderates) by assessing the integrative complexity of 10 paragraph-sized statements of 81 senators in 5 US Congresses: 3 dominated by liberals and moderates (the 82nd, 94th, and 96th Congresses) and 2 dominated by conservatives (the 83rd and 97th Congresses). Results show that liberals and moderates were more complex than conservatives in the 82nd, 94th, and 96th Congresses but that these differences among ideological groups were much less pronounced in the 83rd and 97th Congresses. The change in pattern was due to sharp declines in the complexity of liberals and, to a lesser extent, moderates in conservative-dominated sessions, not to an increase in the complexity in conservatives. Conservatives displayed more traitlike stability in integrative complexity both within and across Congressional sessions. It is suggested that the integrative complexity of senatorial debate may be a joint product of relatively context-specific styles of political impression management and relatively stable cognitive styles of organizing the political world. (41 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved) • Tested the cognitive vs rhetorical style hypothesis (conservatives have more simplistic rhetorical, not cognitive styles than liberals or moderates) by assessing the integrative complexity of 10 paragraph-sized statements of 81 senators in 5 US Congresses: 3 dominated by liberals and moderates (the 82nd, 94th, and 96th Congresses) and 2 dominated by conservatives (the 83rd and 97th Congresses). Results show that liberals and moderates were more complex than conservatives in the 82nd, 94th, and 96th Congresses but that these differences among ideological groups were much less pronounced in the 83rd and 97th Congresses. The change in pattern was due to sharp declines in the complexity of liberals and, to a lesser extent, moderates in conservative-dominated sessions, not to an increase in the complexity in conservatives. Conservatives displayed more traitlike stability in integrative complexity both within and across Congressional sessions. It is suggested that the integrative complexity of senatorial debate may be a joint product of relatively context-specific styles of political impression management and relatively stable cognitive styles of organizing the political world. (41 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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"Construct validation was introduced in order to specify types of research required in developing tests for which the conventional views on validation are inappropriate. Personality tests, and some tests of ability, are interpreted in terms of attributes for which there is no adequate criterion. This paper indicates what sorts of evidence can substantiate such an interpretation, and how such evidence is to be interpreted." 60 references. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2006 APA, all rights reserved).
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UN General Assembly speeches concerning the Middle East conflict made by representatives of Israel, Arab countries (Egypt and Syria), the USA, and the USSR were scored for integrative complexity. Speeches were sampled from twenty years between 1947 and 1976. Complexity of information-processing was significantly reduced in speeches made in months preceding the outbreak of war (1948, 1956, 1967, and 1973), except in the case of the USSR. Israel, which with the United States exhibited the highest levels of complexity during peacetime, showed the greatest reductions prior to war. The low level of complexity characteristic of Israeli and Arab speeches during 1976 may reflect the escalation of the Lebanese civil war or may be a predictor of a major outbreak of hostilities in the near future.