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Indische Culture, and its Relationship to Urban Life
Abstract
The Brazilian historian, Gilberto Freyre, has stated that only the Portuguese had the innate adaptive capacity which enabled them to stay in the tropics and, through intermarriage with indigenous people and imported slaves, create a new culture suitable to the challenges of an underdeveloped tropical environment. He emphasized that it was particularly Northern Europeans who were incapable of adjustment. They returned home after their tours of duty, and those few remaining invariably degenerated. Yet many Dutch and other Europeans stayed on in Batavia (present-day Djakarta), and through intermarriage with Indonesians helped create a new Indonesian-European culture. Admittedly this resulted initially through imitation of the Portuguese style of life, but it is nevertheless evident that the new Indische culture became in many ways as adaptive to local conditions as the mestizo culture of Brazil, and as much a channel for the introduction of new cultural elements.
... The problematic of urban waters and the unhealthy city plagued the colonial town of Batavia from its founding in 1619. High rates of mortality in the 1700s that demoted Batavia from the Queen to the Graveyard of the East were attributable to water borne disease (Abeyasekere 1987); however, prior to the nineteenth century there were no direct links made between the health of body 3 In the last quarter of the nineteenth century the resident, 'mixed blood' or Indische population and their characteristic lifestyle was gradually eliminated in favour of a more rigid, racialized European population and domestic milieu (Milone 1967;Taylor 1983). 4 Between 1890-1920 the number of European men in the colony doubled, while the number of European women increased by almost 300% (Locher-Scholten 1997; Van Doorne 1983). ...
... The provision of public infrastructure to facilitate private sector profits (providing the conditions for capital) thus justified the modernization of urban infrastructure,5 and inaugurated unprecedented government-led initiatives to combat public health issues threatening the image of the colony as a place for private sector investment (Argo 1999). The project of creating a modern city with all of the attendant infrastructure to support the influx of European bodies and European capital was begun, setting in motion a process that would change the urban landscape and the relationship between urban populations (see Milone 1967). ...
... The shift from recognizing many waters of various beneficial properties, to only one scientifically defined nature for water with its quality determined negatively (in other words, by what it did not contain) precipitated the development of centralized systems of water supply throughout the world (see Melosi 2000). Within the Netherlands Indies this new understanding of water also circulated a new discourse around modern identities and development that re-rationalized colonial authority upon the basis of technological mastery and increasingly racialized the previous class based divisions between urban spaces and urban populations (see Milone 1967). In other words, the colonial authority which imposed European domination upon an indigenous population was now constructed as legitimate because of its advanced technical and scientific knowledge about the relationship between water and health. ...
... The colonial government's construction of an artesian water supply system for European residents enabled the European population to distance itself from surface water both spatially (proximity of residences) and bio-physically (replacing drinking water sources with groundwater). With the urban landscape in a process of physical transformation from the decentralized riverside 'garden villas' of the 'Indische' or 'Tempo Dulu' colonial society to a more spatially segregated, and geographically concentrated, European population (see Milone, 1967), the construction of artesian hydrants within the growing clusters of European residences facilitated the respatialization of the city according to race, and provided contrasts between the 'civilized' urban life of the Europeans and the 'primitive' and rural lifestyles of native residents (see van der Kroef, 1954;Van Doorne, 1983). This project was so successful that by the 1920s visitors to the city observed that: 'Batavia is a European town built by Europeans, except for the natives freely bathing in the canals and rivers' (van der Kop, 1926: 149, emphasis added). ...
... The 'degenerate' European residents were largely of mixed descent; legally considered as 'European', these residents were the offspring of the 'long time colonial settlers' who had adopted an Asianized urban culture, seeTaylor (1983) andMilone (1967). 12 In 1923 a housing ordinance addressed this problem, making connection to the city's piped water network mandatory for all houses of a certain socio-economic class (monthly rent over 25 guilders), the vast majority of which were occupied by European residents(Eggink, 1930). ...
This article seeks to extend recent debates on urban infrastructure access by exploring the interrelationship between subjectivity, urban space and infrastructure. Specifically, it presents a case study of the development and differentiation of the urban water supply in Jakarta, Indonesia. Drawing on concepts of governmentality and materiality, it argues that the construction of difference through processes of segregation and exclusion enacted via colonial and contemporary ‘technologies of government’ has spatial, discursive and material dimensions. In particular, it seeks to ‘rematerialize’ discussions of (post‐)colonial urban governmentality through insisting upon the importance of the contested and iterative interrelationship between discursive strategies, socio‐economic agendas, identity formation and infrastructure creation. In exploring these claims with respect to Jakarta, the article draws on data derived from archival, interview and participant observation research to present a genealogy of the city's urban water supply system from its colonial origins to the present. We illustrate how discourses of modernity, hygiene and development are enrolled in the construction of urban subjects and the disposition of water supply infrastructure (and are also resisted), and document the relationship between the classification of urban residents, the differentiation of urban spaces and lack of access to services. The article closes with a discussion of the implications for analyses of the differentiation of urban services and urban space in cities in the global South.
Résumé
Cet article tente d’élargir les récents débats sur l’accès aux infrastructures urbaines en explorant l’interrelation entre subjectivité, espace urbain et infrastructure. Plus précisément, il présente une étude de cas sur l’aménagement et la différenciation de l’approvisionnement en eau de Jakarta, en Indonésie. À partir des concepts de gouvernementalité et de matérialité, il fait valoir que la construction d’une différence par des processus de ségrégation et d’exclusion, mis en œuvre par des « technologies de gouvernement » coloniales et contemporaines, a des dimensions spatiales, discursives et physiques. Ce travail vise notamment à« rematérialiser » les discussions sur la gouvernementalité urbaine (post‐)coloniale en insistant sur l’importance de l’interrelation contestée et itérative entre stratégies discursives, programmes socio‐économiques, formation d’identité et création d’infrastructures. Tout en explorant ces idées dans le cadre de Jakarta, l’article exploite des données issues d’archives, d’entretiens et d’observations participantes afin de présenter une généalogie du réseau urbain de distribution d’eau, de ses origines coloniales jusqu’à nos jours. Il montre comment les discours sur la modernité, l’hygiène et l’aménagement s’inscrivent dans la représentation des sujets urbains et dans la disposition de l’infrastructure d’approvisionnement en eau (et comment s’exprime la résistance) ; de plus, il expose la relation entre la classification des résidents, la différenciation des espaces urbains et le manque d’accès aux services de la ville. La conclusion termine par les conséquences pour les analyses sur la différenciation des services urbains et de l’espace urbain dans les grandes villes des pays du Sud.
... This was the first time after three centuries of colonisation, water (particularly drinking water and sanitation) has been high on the colonial government's agenda (Kooy and Bakker, 2008). They wanted to create a hierarchy of decent colonies, while maintaining their high position as the colonial government (Milone, 1987). As a result, some investments were made in the water and sanitation sector, such as transferring artesian wells to the natives in 1920 (as the wells were redundant for Europeans who now enjoyed superior spring water) and Kampung Improvement Programme (KIP) in the natives' settlements in 1928 (Hadimadja, 2012;Van der Heiden, 1990). ...
This paper presents an analysis of the evolution of flood policy in a city in the developing world. Jakarta was selected in order to analyse the role of colonialisation on water policy. Drawing data from historical sources and interviews of key informants, we mapped the history of flood-related investments made in the city for the past 400 years. Using analysis informed by historical institutionalism, we argue that Jakarta’s flood management institutions have been locked-in to infrastructural measures. Some major flood events were able to create critical junctures, resulting in the implementation of old policies and the instigation of flood research. However, they were not able to introduce institutional changes. The persistence of engineering-driven solutions to cope with flooding can be explained by the positive feedback mechanisms taking place after major floods. Infrastructure, albeit expensive, provides a fast relief to flooding, which is ideal to short political cycles. Scientific knowledge introduced by the colonial government plays an important role in sustaining this persistence. The current massive seawall proposal to alleviate increasing flood risks due to land subsidence and sea level rise exacerbates the path dependency of infrastructural measures.
... Or, il n'est pas si simple d'établir une filiation en ligne directe entre la nouvelle population de Jacatra à compter de 1619 (une population majoritairement chinoise et balinaise) et le monde bantenois « lusitanisé 35 ». Si le kroncong a existé à Batavia au xvii e siècle, ce fut surtout, très probablement, par l'entremise d'une petite strate de population malaise non sédentaire, composée de marins de Johore et de Malacca en transit, et des Mardijkers -ces descendants d'esclaves des places-fortes de l'Estado da India rendus à la liberté par leurs maîtres ou ramenés à Java par les Hollandais à l'issue de la prise de Malacca en 1641 36 . Le terme Mardijker viendrait ainsi du sanskrit maharddhika, signifiant en monde malais la condition d'homme libre 37 . ...
From Lusitanian heritage to discourse of autochtony. An insight into the political history and sociology of the Betawi demands in Jakarta - Much has been written about the survival of Portuguese-speaking Euro-Asian communities in the Malay world. For example, the re-invention of the "kristang identity" in Malacca, or the link between popular Catholicism and Portuguese speaking in Flores or Timor, have been the subject of detailed historical and ethnological studies. However, there is one ethnonym which has been given a Portuguese-speaking origin or dimension, but the history of which has just begun to be written: the orang Betawi of Jakarta. Yet this "betawi identity" is currently the focus of intense politicisation processes, and it is therefore of interest to shed light on the complex historicity of the "betawi identity". In August 2007, the main candidate to the position of Governor of Jakarta, Fauzi Bowo, conspicuously tried to woo "ethnic votes" by emphasising his betawi identity. This political manoeuvre cannot be explained without taking into account the story of betawi claims since the 1970s. The leaders of the "orang Betawi community "claim the orang Betawi are the direct heirs to the first inhabitants of the little port-city of Jacatra (Jakarta). Endorsing a discourse of autochtony that pits pribumi against non-pri (recent migrants to the capital), they advocate a principle of "ethnic priority". We will review the documentary evidence regarding the history of the orang Betawi since the early 17th century. We will then scrutinize the ways the "betawi identity" has been crafted by self-proclaimed spokespersons. Finally, we will try to decipher the underground relationships that link the Djakarta city council to some violent betawi gangs such as the Betawi Brotherhood Forum (FBR) set up in the 1990s by Fadloli el-Muhir.
... In parallel, the legitimization of colonial authority required the creation of a modern, hygienic city that would both physically and discursively maintain the rationality of a racialized hierarchy of government. From 1870 onwards, the influx of new kinds of European bodies, and the maintenance of colonial authority required new kinds of urban spaces that would support new relations between urban populations, who throughout the 1800s had been characterized by a racially mixed 'Indische' colonial society whose hierarchy was built upon socio-economic class rather than race (Milone, 1967;Taylor, 1983). 3 From 1840 to 1870 the Dutch colonial government imposed the 'cultivation system', a form of monopoly capitalism whereby 1/5th of all plantation land on Java and other colonial territory was obliged to be planted with products under the direct supervision of the colonial government. ...
This paper queries the relevance of the ‘splintering urbanism’ thesis to postcolonial cities of the South, and responds to calls for the production of a decentered theory of urbanization through a case study of Jakarta. Drawing on archival and interview data, the paper demonstrates that Jakarta has, since its inception, been characterized by a high degree of differentiation of access to water supply, and of fragmentation of water supply networks. We document the origins of this fragmentation in the colonial era, and trace the legacy of the colonial constructions within the postcolonial city. Moreover, we demonstrate that the introduction of private sector management (in 1988) has not significantly disrupted, and certainly not caused, this pattern. In short, we provide evidence to support our claim that Jakarta’s water supply system is ‘splintered’ rather than ‘splintering’, and demonstrate that this phenomenon was not caused by the rise (or fall) of the ‘modern infrastructural ideal’. In order to explain this sustained fragmentation of infrastructure and access, the paper develops a conceptual framework of postcolonial governmentality that emphasizes the interrelationship between materiality, governmentality, identity, and urbanization, in particular through demonstrating how contested and evolving process of social differentiation are linked to the differentiation of water supply infrastructures and of urban spaces. Although we are wary of any simplistic comparisons between the colonial past and present, we argue that the optic of postcolonial governmentality provides a powerful lens for dissecting the power relations that continue to structure access to water supply and urban space in cities in the South.
... Or, il n'est pas si simple d'établir une filiation en ligne directe entre la nouvelle population de Jacatra à compter de 1619 (une population majoritairement chinoise et balinaise) et le monde bantenois « lusitanisé 35 ». Si le kroncong a existé à Batavia au xvii e siècle, ce fut surtout, très probablement, par l'entremise d'une petite strate de population malaise non sédentaire, composée de marins de Johore et de Malacca en transit, et des Mardijkers -ces descendants d'esclaves des places-fortes de l'Estado da India rendus à la liberté par leurs maîtres ou ramenés à Java par les Hollandais à l'issue de la prise de Malacca en 1641 36 . Le terme Mardijker viendrait ainsi du sanskrit maharddhika, signifiant en monde malais la condition d'homme libre 37 . ...
Much has been written about the survival of Portuguese-speaking Euro-Asian communities in the Malay world. For example, the re-invention of the "kristang identity" in Malacca, or the link between popular Catholicism and Portuguese speaking in Flores or Timor, have been the subject of detailed historical and ethnological studies. However, there is one ethnonym which has been given a Portuguese-speaking origin or dimension, but the history of which has just begun to be written: The orang Betawi of Jakarta. Yet this "betawi identity" is currently the focus of intense politicisation processes, and it is therefore of interest to shed light on the complex historicity of the "betawi identity". In August 2007, the main candidate to the position of Governor of Jakarta, Fauzi Bowo, conspicuously tried to woo "ethnic votes" by emphasising his betawi identity. This political manoeuvre cannot be explained without taking into account the story of betawi claims since the 1970s. The leaders of the "orang Betawi community "claim the orang Betawi are the direct heirs to the first inhabitants of the little port-city of Jacatra (Jakarta). Endorsing a discourse of autochtony that pits pribumi against non-pri (recent migrants to the capital), they advocate a principle of "ethnic priority". We will review the documentary evidence regarding the history of the orang Betawi since the early 17th century. We will then scrutinize the ways the "betawi identity" has been crafted by self-proclaimed spokespersons. Finally, we will try to decipher the underground relationships that link the Djakarta city council to some violent betawi gangs such as the Betawi Brotherhood Forum (FBR) set up in the 1990s by Fadloli el-Muhir.
One of the interesting themes but not widely featured in Indonesian and French literatures in the 19th and 20th centuries is nyai and demi-mondaine. Both have a similar meaning, namely the mistress of a man from the upper-middle class. This study looks at the exclusions that occur in the lives of nyai and demi-mondaine in an Indonesian novel titled Bumi Manusia by Pramoedya Ananta Toer and a French novel titled La Dame aux Camélias by Alexandre Dumas (philosophers). The analysis was carried out using Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis approach to examine the exclusion process in the two novels, which describes the realities that occur in society. This study found that the mistresses are excluded primarily through labeling and stereotyping. Despite the exclusion from the discourse of ‘honor’ in society, the mistresses find their own way of surviving in a society that does not like them.
Salah satu tema menarik namun tidak banyak ditampilkan dalam karya sastra Indonesia dan Prancis di abad 19 dan 20 adalah kehidupan nyai dan demi-monde. Keduanya memiliki pengertian yang hampir serupa, yakni perempuan simpanan dari seorang laki-laki kelas menengah ke atas. Sikap masyarakat yang cenderung merendahkan mereka dapat dipandang sebagai proses eksklusi. Penelitian ini menelusuri bagaimana ekslusi yang terjadi dalam kehidupan nyai dan courtesan di Indonesia dan Prancis seperti yang ada pada novel Bumi Manusia karya Pramoedya Ananta Toer dan novel La Dame aux Camélias karya Alexandre Dumas (fils). Analisis dilakukan dengan metode analisis wacana kritis dari Fairclough untuk melihat proses eksklusi di kedua novel tersebut, yang merupakan gambaran dari realita yang terjadi di masyarakat. Penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa proses eksklusi paling banyak terjadi melalui labelling dan stereotyping. Meski demikian, para perempuan simpanan yang mengalami eksklusi dari wacana ‘kehormatan’ di masyarakat memiliki cara sendiri untuk bertahan di tengah masyarakat yang tidak menyukai mereka.
Digital technologies are widely used in various settings, including in translator training. The advancement of digital technologies, particularly translation technologies, has altered both translator training and professional setting. The present study investigates how these technologies can empower students in their learning environment. A group of 21 undergraduate translation students at Sultan Sharif Ali Islamic University conducted a series of 12-week media translation projects, consisting of social media translation and subtitling. The study results were made based on their project reports and a questionnaire to determine their attitudes towards technologies, such as Aegisub and Memsource. Based on the findings, the students showed positive attitudes towards projects and technologies. Most of them see improvements in their confidence. The projects prepared them with sufficient translation and technical skills to become professional translators, including critical thinking and teamwork skills.
This entry offers an overview of Jakarta and major dimensions of scholarship over time following the changes in the social and political contexts of Indonesia. It also indicates future directions in the research on the city.
In his influential edited volume Slavery, bondage and dependency in Southeast Asia, Anthony Reid suggests that long-term slave-based systems of production were absent from agriculture in Southeast Asia, and had an ambiguous presence at best in other areas of economic activity. The argument he presents suggests that indigenous slavery in the region merged into a , a situation that continued after the arrival of Europeans whose slave-holding practices were profoundly shaped by the local traditions they encountered: . Reid's analysis is insightful and his conclusions persuasive. But he also notes a single exception to this general picture: . The nutmeg estates of the Banda Islands, in eastern Indonesia, provide a rare unequivocal example of a slave mode of production in Southeast Asia, and its sole instance in an agricultural context. The islands have a similar status within established accounts of slavery in Asia more generally. While some degree of geographic and historical variation is usually acknowledged, European slavery practices in Asia are regarded as distinct from colonial slavery in the New World, where European systems were imported wholesale. Against this conclusion, the perkenier system in the Banda Islands has been described as a form of exploitation , one that represented a . In other words, Dutch nutmeg cultivation in the Bandas constituted a New World style system of slavery operating in an Asian context.FootnotesPhillip Winn is currently a Research Fellow in Anthropology within the School of Culture, History and Language; College of Asia & the Pacific at The Australian National University, where he is part of a research project exploring diverse expressions of Islam in eastern Indonesia. Correspondence in connection with this paper should be addressed to: phillip.winn@anu.edu.au
The common assertion that the major residential divisions in Southeast Asian cities, as a class, are along ethnic lines is not appropriate for Philippine provincial cities. The various Christian language groups amalgamate without serious difficulty, and Muslims and Chinese, though ethnically distinct, are in most cases too few (and Chinese are too intermixed) to determine the basic residential lineaments of the city.
In the seventeenth century, the Dutch established a trading base at the Indonesian site of Jacarta. What began as a minor colonial outpost under the name Batavia would become, over the next three centuries, the flourishing economic and political nucleus of the Dutch Asian Empire. In this pioneering study, Jean Gelman Taylor offers a comprehensive analysis of Bataviaâs extraordinary social world—its marriage patterns, religious and social organizations, economic interests, and sexual roles. With an emphasis on the urban ruling elite, she argues that Europeans and Asians alike were profoundly altered by their merging, resulting in a distinctive hybrid, Indo-Dutch culture. Original in its focus on gender and use of varied sources—travelersâ accounts, newspapers, legal codes, genealogical data, photograph albums, paintings, and ceramics—The Social World of Batavia, first published in 1983, forged new paths in the study of colonial society. In this second edition, Gelman offers a new preface as well as an additional chapter tracing the development of these themes by a new generation of scholars.
‘Njai Dasima’ dalam Dua Versi
- Ali
De Bevolking van de Regentschappen Batavia, Meester Cornelis en Buitenzorg
- Tideman