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Modern racism and market fundamentalism: The discourses of plausible deniability and their multiple functions. Journal of Community and Applied Social Psychology, 16, 83-99
Abstract
Recently, considerable energy has been focused on extending the mandate of anti-racism. Modern (or symbolic) racism and discursive psychology have argued that racism has taken on more covert forms. A longitudinal examination of newspaper coverage of two important race-related newsprint stories in New Zealand (involving Winston Peters, Tuku Morgan and New Zealand First) identified discourses of ‘plausible deniability’ involved in warranting or defending statements about minorities against accusations of racism. We discuss implications of symbolic politics for minorities who are perceived to have violated societal norms, and show how nationalism is used as a framework for denying racist intent. Analyses of historical context show how ‘race’ forms only one lens from which to view issues of intergroup relations. While the press was sensitive to issues of racism, they demonstrated little awareness of concurrent issues of neo-liberal economics, or market fundamentalism. Anti-racism may be motivated not only by the ideals of egalitarianism, but also by underlying dynamics of economic power in a global economy. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
... Old-fashioned (or overt) racism can be thought of as including notions of racial superiority (McConahay, 1986), negative and derisive affect, open denigration of minorities, segregation, and systematic discrimination (van Dijk, 2000). Modern (McConahay, 1986) or symbolic (Sears & Henry, 2002) racism conceals negative affect while maintaining disparity by invoking egalitarian principles that deny structural disadvantages and position minorities as demanding special treatment or violating group norms (Liu & Mills, 2006;Reeves, 1983;Wetherell & Potter, 1992). ...
... Subtle racism was also frequently present, including denial of racist intent (van Dijk, 2006;Liu & Mills, 2006), along with anti-migrant speech warranted by ideals of equality (Henry & Sears, 2002). The openness of racist remarks observed within the YouTube sample was in direct contrast with what was found in the newspaper medium (Reeves, 1983;Liu & Mills, 2006). ...
... Subtle racism was also frequently present, including denial of racist intent (van Dijk, 2006;Liu & Mills, 2006), along with anti-migrant speech warranted by ideals of equality (Henry & Sears, 2002). The openness of racist remarks observed within the YouTube sample was in direct contrast with what was found in the newspaper medium (Reeves, 1983;Liu & Mills, 2006). YouTube has a particularly youth-oriented demographic that may be partially responsible for some of these results, but this does not explain the quantitatively different reactions to the two videos (posted on the same website). ...
Compared with the wealth of research accumulated on face-to-face social interactions, relatively little research has examined race talk within anonymous Web 2.0 mediums. We investigated online threaded comments on YouTube video clips of two race-related incidents involving New Zealand television presenter Paul Henry. Through thematic content analysis, thematic analysis, and discourse analysis, it was found that characteristics unique to Web 2.0 were associated with the appearance of old-fashioned racism and high-levels of obscenity (together with modern racism/symbolic racism). The hyper-low context of communication led to interpretive ambiguity; conversation sequences failed to follow Gricean maxims for cooperative communication, with most comments attracting no replies and the modal sequence being two turns. There was almost never resolution to a disagreement online: rather there was points-scoring against opposing opinions and a tangential style of dialogue influenced by the asynchronous and anonymous nature of communication. The YouTube medium shaped but did not determine the message, as obscenity and racist content in the target video from the eliciting public figure influenced the subsequent degree of obscenity and hostility in the responses. A third corpus that examined responses to our own research on race talk presented on a news website (stuff.co.nz) underlined this point by engendering a dramatically different response to the same subject, retaining the tangential style of communication, but with little to no obscenity. A framework to understand race talk as a function of both medium and context effects is proposed. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
... Estonians argued that everyone's adjustment was in their own hands. This is completely consistent with the individualistic premises of neoliberalism (Liu & Mills, 2006). Hence, it is a question of willingness and mindset rather than systemic obstacles. ...
... Virtually, no system justifying quotes was written by Russian participants, in contrast to pervasive system justification from Estonians. But, both groups employed liberal arguments and historical arguments to justify themselves (see Liu & Mills (2006) for analysis of neoliberal discourse usage in intergroup relations). ...
... They also used liberal democratic arguments to justify their ethnic policies. Therefore, both groups mobilized universal arguments on the basis of basic principles of liberal democracy (Liu & Mills, 2006) to justify their respective positions, but the two treated the past in polemical ways that frequently inverted the other group's system of meaning (Gillespie, 2008). ...
Societal changes involving power reversal may pose challenges to system justification by a subordinate minority group that had previously held a more privileged position. Derived from originally exploratory qualitative investigation, this paper presents an account of endorsement of justifying the status quo versus the voicing relative deprivation in the context of post-Soviet Estonia. Experiences of alternative societal arrangements in history were actively deployed by (minority ethnic) Estonian Russians to generate temporal comparisons with the past as a cognitive alternative to the present status quo and give voice to experiences of relative deprivation. A struggle for positive social identity was interpreted to motivate Estonian Russians to mobilize the past as a cognitive alternative to delegitimize the status quo. By contrast, Russians were portrayed as invaders, and the Soviet past was represented as unjust by (the majority ethnic) Estonians, whereas the present system was depicted as fair and equitable. Mutually, polemical representations of history and narratives of identity provide the lenses through which the legitimacy of new societal arrangements following the major social change is interpreted. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
... These studies show that racial talk about specific groups, especially in elite discourses, takes on a variety of forms and is used as a means to delegitimize groups, to justify existing negative characteristics, recontextualize events (Beciu et al., 2017) or even normalize, and deny racism (Guillem Martinez, 2017). A number of studies have also indicated how current racial discourses have shifted to framing minorities in relation to sociocultural incompatibilities or the manner in which they violate the norms and values of the mainstream population, referred to by scholars as the 'new or modern racism' (Gale, 2004;Liu and Mills, 2006;Simmons and Lecouteur, 2008). In line with these new ways of framing racial talk in the media, we carry out an MCDA of a corpus of texts to reveal how events are recontextualized to foster specific interests, and how this new racism is instrumental for authorities and media to sidestep accusations of racism. ...
... In our corpus of Romanian Press reporting on the evictions and repatriations of Roma from France, we certainly identify what is called the 'new racism' (Liu and Mills, 2006;Simmons and Lecouteur, 2008). We are told repeatedly that for many parties -for ordinary and reasonable French citizens, for French politicians of different ideologies, for educated Romanian people -the Roma's social and cultural practices are utterly incompatible with those of wider society. ...
In this article, we carry out a Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis (MCDA) of a sample from a larger corpus of Romanian news articles that covered the controversial camp evictions and repatriation of Romanian Roma migrants from France that began in 2010 and continue to the time of writing in 2017. These French government policies have been highly criticized both within France and by international political and aid organizations. However, the analysis shows how these brutal, anti-humanitarian events became recontextualized in the Romanian Press to represent the French government’s actions as peaceful and consensual. In addition, the demonization of the Roma in the press serves as a strategy to continuously disassociate them from their Romanian counterparts. While there is a long history of discrimination against the Roma in Romania, these particular recontextualizations can be understood in the context of the Romanian government’s need to gloss over its failure to comply with the Schengen accession requirements and acquire full European Union (EU) membership.
... " MODERN RACISM " AND DENIALS OF RACISM Overt expressions of racism such as those associated with blackface performances and minstrel shows are now broadly taboo in Western countries (see Augoustinos and Every, 2007; McConahay, 1986; Wetherell and Potter, 1992). Instead, research on " modern " or " symbolic " racism has shown that racism no longer manifests as overtly racist acts but rather in more subtle forms, such as arguments stating that marginalised groups transgress norms within communities (Augoustinos et al, 1999; Augoustinos and Every, 2007; Liu and Mills, 2006). This research suggests that racially marginalised groups are no longer overtly discriminated against on the basis of race per se, but are instead criticised for violating traditional values, and are therefore constructed as deserving of the criticism they receive (Simmons and LeCouteur, 2008). ...
... Riggs argues that such denials overlook the social consequences that racism may have, regardless of the initial intention, and therefore denials of racist intent are predicated on the speaker's denial of the effects of entrenched racism in colonial societies. Similarly, Liu and Mills argue that what they term " plausible deniability " is theoretically central for the communication of modern racism… Plausible deniability is a communication tactic that is used to warrant or defend public discourse about minority groups against accusations of racism by constructing statements in such a way that the speaker can convincingly disavow any racist intent (Liu and Mills, 2006, p. 84). ...
In early October 2009, a blackface parody of the Jackson Five performed on the Hey Hey It's Saturday reunion reached not only an audience of over 2.5 million people in Australia, but also millions of people around the world after guest judge Harry Connick Jr accused the skit and the show of racism. The incident was widely discussed within various online communities, and whilst widely condemned internationally, online comment sections and responses to online newspaper polls suggested that the overwhelming opinion within Australia was that the skit was not racist. This paper considers the way in which such denials of racism were performed in online comments to a number of newspaper articles and polls.
... Neoliberalism also constructs new notions of cultural identity so that belonging and alienation are no longer tied to phenotype or race. Aided by neoliberal discourse, as Melamed (2006) and Liu and Mills (2006) argue, racism undergoes metamorphosis as discrimination unrelated to visible difference, so that 'minorities are criticised not on the basis of their ethnicity, but because they violate values in mainstream society' (Liu and Mills 2006, 84). Liu and Mills (2006) deconstruct a significant political speech made by the New Zealand First politician, Winston Peters, at the time of the 1996 elections, which showed him repeatedly resorting to the notion of 'Kiwi traditional values' and 'Kiwi nationalism' seemingly against the neoliberal corporatisation of the country but which, in actual fact, appealed to public sentiments around racist anti-Asian immigration. ...
... Aided by neoliberal discourse, as Melamed (2006) and Liu and Mills (2006) argue, racism undergoes metamorphosis as discrimination unrelated to visible difference, so that 'minorities are criticised not on the basis of their ethnicity, but because they violate values in mainstream society' (Liu and Mills 2006, 84). Liu and Mills (2006) deconstruct a significant political speech made by the New Zealand First politician, Winston Peters, at the time of the 1996 elections, which showed him repeatedly resorting to the notion of 'Kiwi traditional values' and 'Kiwi nationalism' seemingly against the neoliberal corporatisation of the country but which, in actual fact, appealed to public sentiments around racist anti-Asian immigration. Similarly, Melamed (2006) points to the erasure of racism-as-body in the political rhetoric of the US. ...
On the face of it, neoliberalism and race are distinct paradigms. Yet, evidence shows that, neoliberal policy profoundly influences, and is influenced by, racial politics. The present paper examines the articulation of these two ‘frames’ in the specific case of migration policies in New Zealand. Since the mid-1980s, immigration policy in New Zealand has clearly worked towards neoliberal goals of attracting skilled labour and boosting economic productivity. Equally, it has also mirrored race politics. Contrary to existing research that sees migration policy as a tool to ‘whiten the population’, this paper highlights a more complex inter-weaving between neoliberalism and race politics in New Zealand's migration policy. Focusing notionally on the construction of the ‘desirable migrant’, the analysis shows that while desirability was marked by race throughout the mid-1990s, in the new century, the interplay between race and economics has become far more complicated. In what seems to be an emerging form of new race politics, the desirable migrant is constructed as someone who shares similarities in global, consumptive ‘culture’, regardless of race.
... The minorities' lack of these competences, whether the lack pertains to right education, cultural knowledge, good taste, appropriate lifestyle or linguistic competence, makes them less desirable and less worthy than others who possess these skills. These criteria, especially since they function as moral judgements, have been long used to legitimise the marginalised status that some ethnic and religious minorities have held in society (Entman & Rojecki, 2001;Liu & Mills, 2006). Therefore, minorities' social exclusion and poverty are not regarded as structural issues (e.g., because of massive discrimination on the job markets, lack of access to education, housing, health care) but rather as the result of their traditional ways of life or their refusal to comply with the requirements of modern societies (Ansell, 2016;Entman & Rojecki, 2001). ...
Research shows that the public image of Roma on television reinforces existing prejudice and stereotypes in relation to illiteracy, criminality, primitiveness, or refusal to comply with societal norms and values. Scholars have drawn attention to the various forms of racism, both overt and covert, we find in media and political discourse. Yet, one aspect that is less explored is the role of humor and ridicule in communicating anti-Roma racism. In this article, I conduct a multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) of two news clips aired by one of the leading audio-visual stations in Romania. I draw attention to the use of humor and ridicule on public television as discursive strategies to belittle or conceal anti-Roma racism. I argue that such representations—where buffoonery, bad taste, cultural incompetence, and arrogance are highlighted—go beyond simple entertainment and cheap laughs but reinforce the inferior and marginalised status that Romani people have held for centuries on Romanian territories.
... Much like the defenses of Ross mounted by TAMU officials-that there is no concrete evidence of malintent or "true" racism-Smith's cultural appeal is predicated on a carefully curated polysemic, innocently packaged by the nostalgia country music provides (Mann 2008), and the affective power that expressions of Whiteness, especially working-class or "redneck" Whiteness, upholds in public culture (Hubbs 2014;Roediger 1991). Like defenses of Sul Ross, Granger has also deployed '"plausible deniability,' [which] is…central for the communication of modern racism," to both build and maintain his brand, Yee-Yee (Liu and Mills, 2006). Below, I examine Smith's career to better understand the defenses of Sul Ross, particularly since Smith is also known for his "country" and patriotic alter-ego, Earl Dibbles Jr. ...
Using methods from country music studies, performance studies, hashtag ethnography, and Black Feminist Thought (BFT), this article employs sonic, discursive, and social media analysis to examine performances of White masculinity known as “country boys.” In the opening sections, I describe examples of country boys that emerge from Texas A&M University (College Station), bringing together confederate statues and the men who identify with and defend such statues. I then turn my focus to critical analysis of one country boy in particular: county music singer, brand progenitor, and Texas icon, Granger Smith a.k.a. Earl Dibbles Jr. Highlighting the importance of country boys to the cultural identity of Texas A&M University, I argue that White publics aggregate and accrue racialized and gendered meaning in social media spaces through signs associated with Smith like the hashtag #yeeyeenation. Such signs are predicated on and normalize a rhetoric—in this case, that something or someone “is not racist”—even in the face of evidence to the contrary. Extending the insights of scholarship on the former Confederacy to contemporary country music cultures and to the present political moment, this article interrogates how White identities and related genealogies in the U.S. context are not simply established to sanitize and excuse expressions of racist, gendered, and exclusionary thought, but are sustained by aestheticized deceptions. I refer to these deceptions as mythopoetics. In this article I demonstrate how Smith’s success, particularly since he is best known for his “redneck” alter-ego, Earl Dibbles Jr., is a testament to the power and reach of mythopoetics in a hegemonic White and heteropatriarchal society. I argue that mythopoetics are not only essential to majoritarian cultural formations today, but also normalize White supremacy to such a point that its violence can circulate without consequence and in plain sight.
... The last and the foremost negative implication of pursuing a neoliberal immigration regime is that a new form of racial discrimination towards immigration may be produced. Unlike the old form of racial discrimination in which race and ethnicity is an explicit factor in selecting desirable immigrants, the new form of racial discrimination is related to immigrant economic class, personal success or failure in migration settlement, or cultural practices of immigrants that are not in line with the construction of modern cultural identity valued by the mainstream society (Lentin & Titley, 2011;Liu & Mills, 2006). This dimension consequently defines who are the desired immigrants and who are not. ...
... Secondly, as pursuing a neoliberal immigration regime, a new form of racial discrimination towards immigrants may be produced. Unlike the old form of racial discrimination in which race and ethnicity is an explicit factor in selecting desirable immigrants, the new form of racial discrimination is related to immigrant economic class, personal success or failure in migration settlement, or cultural practices of immigrants that are not in line with the construction of modern cultural identity valued by the mainstream society (Lentin & Titley, 2011;Liu & Mills, 2006). ...
The Immigration Act 1987 fundamentally transformed New Zealand's immigration policy from one that was race-based to one based on economic needs of New Zealand society. It opened the borders to immigrants from much wider regions. As a result of this "open-door" immigration policy, a substantial new Chinese immigrant community from the People's Republic of China (PRC) was established in New Zealand. Building a closely-tied multigenerational family is an important feature of family life for this immigrant group. Often, multiple generations live together or within close proximity with one another in highly interdependent relationships. However, a growing number have also started to maintain their family lives transnationally, with different family members across generations living apart but maintaining close ties, with frequent interactions across national borders. Given this transnational family arrangement is very different from Chinese traditional practices of family maintenance, the impact of this change on the wellbeing and functioning of these families and their individual family members is an issue of increasing academic interest. This thesis responds to these concerns and explores the relationship between people's experiences of transnational migration and their multigenerational family dynamics. Through engaging with individual life stories and perspectives of 45 participants across generations from new PRC immigrant families living in New Zealand, this thesis seeks to understand how those families with closely-tied multiple generations cope with dislocation and relocation during the process of transnational migration. It also investigates how transnational migration experiences contribute to new emergent domestic dynamics, including the development of new strategies and practices to PAGE | II maintain family traditions, interests and coherence across national borders, as well as shifting intergenerational relationships. The empirical data demonstrates that despite the increasing proportion of new PRC families living transnationally, their experiences of managing family lives vary. I argue that this diversification of transnational family experiences is largely attributed to the interaction of various impact factors associated with both the internal dynamics of immigrant families themselves and external contexts where those families are closely related. My research also attests that family members' transnational migration experiences accelerate changes to the way they perform family life, particularly amplifying intergenerational differences and altering intergenerational dependency. Even though those changes introduce vital challenges towards multigenerational family maintenance and coherence, my research reveals that families are resilient and able to actively forge multistranded resources as well as engage various transnational activities in response to those challenges. While this thesis poses intriguing perspectives and culturally-specific scenarios to study immigrant families in New Zealand society, more importantly, it also contributes to the broad theorisation of transnational family formation and maintenance in the increasingly globalised world.
... Scholars have also drawn attention to the fact that in contemporary societies dominated by populist ideologies, biological racism metamorphoses into a more cultural and nationalistic dimension (Burmila, 2018;Gasper, 2018). These new forms of racism focus on the cultural, rather than biological, primitiveness of minorities, their violation of western norms and values or their resistance to progress and development (Liu & Mills, 2006;Simmons & Lecouteur, 2008). In such accounts, minorities are often blamed for their own marginalised status (McGarry, 2014). ...
Research shows that news media around the world carry negative representations of ethnic minorities which incite violence, hatred or lead to more marginalisation and social exclusion [Bhatia, M., Poynting, S., & Tufail, W. (2018). Media, crime and racism. Springer; Elias, A., Mansouri, F., & Paradies, Y. (2021). Media, public discourse and racism. In A. Elias, F. Mansouri, & Y. Paradies (Eds.), Racism in Australia today (pp. 211–240). Palgrave Macmillan]. It is also the case that overt racism has become less tolerated in society and, therefore, racist discourses now tend to take more subtle forms, often disguised as reasonable concerns about threats to national culture, economic burdens or disruptions of social order [Bonilla-Silva, E. (2006). Racism without racists: Color-blind racism and the persistence of racial inequality in the United States. Rowman & Littlefield]. This is very much the case regarding the Roma. Yet, less research has been carried out on the way that the affordances of television – juxtaposition of images, captions, sound and voice-overs, editing, and resequencing – may have very specific ways to conceal racism. In this paper, using Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis, we examine the representation of the Roma in a Romanian television news report, in the case of a highly mundane story – a failure to pay electricity bills. We show how television news with its affordances can camouflage racism, and distract from the extreme poverty and social exclusion that Romani people experience in contemporary Europe.
... As modern racism, sexism, and homophobia gain more recognition in the academy and salience in society, issues of intent become hard to decipher (Liu & Mills, 2006;Wise, 2010). White people can maintain their privilege without any conscious racially based intent (Dovidio & Gaertner, 1981), but white supremacy cannot be maintained without continued choices by individuals and institutions to maintain white privilege (Gordon, 2004), even if those decisions are removed of their racial signifiers. ...
http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/98926/1/alkulick.pdf
... It personifies a wish for societal prosperity and well-being by standardizing economic and political elements and by making democratic freedom universal. However, some scholars, as early as two decades ago, began noticing that globalization also includes malignant prejudice, racism, and an indifference to large-group identities (Ç evik, 2003;Kinnvall, 2004;Ratliff, 2004;Morton, 2004;Liu & Mills, 2006;Stapley, 2006). ...
Escaping Nazi annexation of Austria, Sigmund Freud and his family left there in 1938 to live the rest of their lives in exile in the house now known as the Freud Museum in London. This paper is based upon the author’s Holocaust Day Memorial Lecture delivered virtually at this museum on January 27, 2021, which marked the 75th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz-Birkenau, the largest Nazi death camp. Besides remembering those who were lost during World War II, the content of this paper includes a description of different types of massive traumas, with a focus on disasters at the hand of the Other, and their impact on individuals and large groups. Sigmund Freud’s ideas about relationships between communities and countries with adjoining territories, as well as large-group psychology, are updated, and individuals’ and large groups’ needs to grasp onto large-group identities is explained and illustrated with case reports.
... The othering of the Roma in these extracts is based on a colour blind ideology (Bonilla-Silva, 2015), making reference to the threat Roma pose for the non-Roma by violating the social, moral and economic norms ('defecate and urinate on the corridors', 'stripped the corridors of everything', 'turned the place into a slum', 'terrified the neighbours with their bad behaviour', 'abuse the child welfare system', 'underage girls give birth') -well-established discursive patterns in Romanian contexts (see Tileagă, 2005). On the one hand, these are well-trodden media discourses to represent the Roma, which are part of the new racism (Barker, 1981;Liu and Mills, 2006) on the other hand, these discourses relate to the shift to the right in European politics, where minorities are scapegoated for societal dissatisfactions (Wodak, 2017) -they have no jobs, do not speak German, children do not go to school, they live off child support. We see clearly how the discourse about the Roma incorporates these populist ideas, such as fear of loss of jobs, declining economic prosperity, instability along with a loss of national identity under the flux of Roma migration. ...
The lifting of work restrictions for Romanian and Bulgarian citizens in the EU, in January 2014, encountered much resistance both in European political discourse and the media, as these migrants became demonised and presented as social and economic threats. In this article, we show how the Romanian press dealt with such discriminatory discourses against the Romanian migrants. We conduct a thorough Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis (MCDA) of news items published in Romanian press, prior to the lifting of work restrictions, and we argue that the Roma emerged as the perfect scapegoats that could explain the deviant and unruly behaviours ascribed by some western media to ‘Romanians’. We also show how racism toward the Roma, referred here as Romaphobia, invokes non-racial practices and instead builds on a reverse victimhood narrative. Such discourses relate in a broader sense to well-established discursive practices in Romanian context but also to the political climate across Europe which is marked by increased intolerance toward the Roma. It is the mixture of stereotypical discourses and populist rhetoric that makes racism toward the Roma appear naturalised and increasingly more difficult to challenge.
... Anti-immigration discourses regularly flare up in many locations all over the world because immigrants can be framed as threatening locals' way of life, even without any fear of terrorism (Brader et al., 2008). However, immigrants are not always constructed as a threat (van Dijk, 2000) in all countries, as the language used for framing immigrants can sometimes be subtle or discreet (Liu & Mills, 2006). Framing immigrants as a threat may vary substantially, and therefore activate threat-based dynamics predicting attitudes to immigrants to a different degree across cultures (see Claassen & McLaren 2019). ...
Immigration is a worldwide subject of interest, and studies about attitudes towards immigrants have been frequent due to immigration crises in different locations across the globe. We aimed at understanding individual-level effects of human values and ideological beliefs (Right-Wing Authoritarianism – RWA, and Social Dominance Orientation – SDO) on attitudes towards immigrants, and whether country-level variables (perception of Islamic Fundamentalism as a threat, perception of immigrants as a threat, and international migrant stock) moderate these relations. With representative samples from 20 countries (N = 21,362) (the Americas, Europe, Asia, and Oceania), and using Multilevel Bayesian regressions, results showed the negative effect of RWA, SDO, and existence values on attitudes towards immigrants, and the positive effects of suprapersonal and interactive values. Cross-level interactions indicated that the effects of RWA, SDO and suprapersonal and existence values were intensified in countries with societally high levels of perceiving Islamic fundamentalism as a threat. International migrant stock served as a country-level moderator for the effects of SDO and RWA only. When country-level moderators were included simultaneously, Islamic fundamentalism as a threat was the most consistent moderator. Framing theory is offered as a plausible explanation of these results.
... These numbers highlight the changing social landscape in today's digital age-a landscape in which online interactions and resources have become a central aspect of daily living in the majority of the world (Bargh & McKenna, 2004;Wellman, Haase, Witte, & Hampton, 2001). More so, the Internet has been considered a vital platform that may allow dissemination of racism beyond the transnational boundaries (Miller, 2008;Nagel, 2005), with unknown implications on the global racial dynamics (Liu & Mills, 2006). On the Internet, it is possible to consume all sorts of information available around the world produced by people with diverse perspectives and unknown credibility (Kirkpatrick, 2011). ...
Objective: Racism continues to thrive commonly and violently on the Internet in today’s digital age. Online specific factors such as increased anonymity and “digital freedom of speech” have allowed users to freely disclose their racist ideologies for the public to witness without fear of consequence and direct responsibility. Yet, little attention has been paid to examining racism in online experiences. In bringing the issue to the forefront, we provide a conceptual framework in characterizing the prevalence of racism in online settings. Approach: We articulate the processes underlying the racism visible in online settings based on review of relevant online communication and racism theories and studies that have examined online social mechanisms. Notably, increased anonymity on the Internet, or online anonymity, gives rise to several online attitudes that can foster racist representations in online settings: (a) a sense of invisibility and online confidence for people to act radically different than they would in nonanonymous settings, (b) a reliance on familiar group norms (e.g., race norms) and stereotypes as people navigate an online world that lack social and physical cues, and (c) an inclination to seek out like-minded people who share similar racist beliefs. Conclusion: Our conceptualization model outlines how people can resort to expressing racist views and opinions more visibly, commonly, and perhaps explicitly, on the Internet compared with offline interactions. We also bring attention to several initial research directions on theory building, impact of online racism, mental and physical costs, and antiracism efforts.
... In the process it transformed formerly predominantly categorical identifications into relational ones. Apart from the concept of "race" that has been formally discredited over the last 20 years and that has potentially warranted strategies of "plausible deniability" (LIU & MILLS, 2006) in its public use, this very shift of the boundary work to intimate spaces and the corresponding reciprocal experience of practices might have contributed to a more culturalist framing of differences. The empirical use of the term culture now refers less to relatively abstract, large collectivities, but more to practices. ...
Many strands of discourse analysis conceive discourses as relatively large structural connections. They are thus able to comprehend seemingly scattered phenomena as articulations of macro-level structures. Their focus on the macro-level of analysis, however, comes often at the neglect of the local contexts in which discourses are reproduced and employed. Action and interpretation are not only instructed by discourses, but also by local systems of relevance of resilient groups, communities or organizations.
In this article, we develop interpretive strategies to distinguish between discourses and their reproductive local context. Based on a case study that analyzes students' narrations about their experiences of the transformation process at a higher education institution in South Africa, we reconstruct the "ethnographic context" of these narrations. We demonstrate how the use of a specific discourse—thematically linked to "race" and "culture"—is shaped by local groups, in our case by student residences at this higher education institution. We frame our case in social-constructivist terms and pursue a sociology of knowledge approach to discourse.
URN: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs130342
... First, although social dominance theory has stated that hierarchy-attenuating and hierarchy-enhancing ideologies and institutions are not always what they seem, there is considerably more research and theorizing necessary to understand how dominative or liberal ideologies get disguised as something else, how particular ideologies (e.g., meritocracy) change functions, how ideologies get co-opted, and how institutional functions get modified. Incorporating theories of rhetorical strategies, communications, and norm changes may be theoretically useful and prompt new research (e.g., Liu & Mills, 2006). ...
Social dominance theory was developed to account for why societies producing surplus take and maintain the form of group-based dominance hierarchies, in which at least one socially-constructed group has more power than another, and in which men are more powerful than women and adults more powerful than children. Although the theory has always allowed for societies to differ in their severity of group-based dominance and how it is implemented, it has predicted that alternative forms of societal organization will occur rarely and not last. This paper revisits aspects of the theory that allow for the possibility of societal alternatives and change. We also consider boundary conditions for the theory, and whether its current theoretical apparatus can account for societal change. By expanding the typical three-level dynamic system to describe societies (micro-meso-macro) into four levels (including meta) to consider how societies relate to one another, we identify political tensions that are unstable power structures rather than stable hierarchies. In research on institutions, we identify smaller-scale alternative forms of social organization. We identify logical, empirical, and theoretical shortcomings in social dominance theory's account of stability and change, consider alternative forms of social organization, and suggest fruitful avenues for theoretical extension.
... Fourth, dominants may adopt insidious uses of even emancipative ideologies, through hypocrisy or plausible deniability (Aupers, 2012;Liu & Mills, 2006), to counter the empowerment of disadvantaged groups' political cultures (e.g., Jackman, 1994). More subtle consideration of ideologies, beyond their oppressive or emancipative nature, to the ways in which they are used, is essential for theories of social and political development. ...
Most people in the world today can expect to eat better, learn more, and live longer than any of their known ancestors. Yet for many, especially for members of disadvantaged groups and states, trust in domestic political leadership and institutions are low. This irony—that greater material empowerment is accompanied by greater distrust—can be explained by a nuanced understanding of power, the psychology of trust, and the socio-political dynamics of contemporary societies. This chapter describes the social-psychology of people's power situations and of their responses to those situations, specifically in relation to standards for and orientations towards governments.
... Equality in particular is a core value with the dual character of aspiration and description that has become troubling for Western societies. As long as they kept growing, Western societies could maintain an ideology or principle of equality in the face of manifest inequalities in fact (Liu & Mills, 2006). Globalization has been hollowing out equality in fact in Western societies for about forty years now, since the collapse of Keynesian economics in the 1970s 2 . ...
Globalization has changed almost every facet of life for people around the world, and today the flow of influence is no longer uni-directional. It is argued that East Asian (and especially Chinese) societies are anchored in an indigenous form of hierarchical relationalism where social structure is produced by relational obligations of an ethical and normative nature that have slowed its traditional culture “melting into air” as prophesied by Marx. The successfully modernization of East Asia has involved hybridization, compartmentalization, and sequencing of traditional psychological features of Confucianist societies such as delay of gratification and respect for education, paternalistic leadership, filial piety, and beliefs in harmony or benevolence. Features of hierarchical relationalism are adaptable to creating niches for East Asian societies that thrive under globalization as characterized by the paradoxical coupling of economic inequality in fact with discourses of equality in principle. Moral, ethical demands for enlightened leadership constrain East Asian elites to at least attempt to protect subordinates and protect societal (rather than merely individual or familial) well-being. A fundamental contribution of East Asia to global society may be in the articulation of how to ameliorate economic inequality using Confucian principles of hierarchical relationalism.
... During recent years, there has been a considerable amount of research reported on the transformation of traditional racism to more subtle and covert forms. (Brief, Dietz, Cohen, Pugh & Vaslow, 2000;Liu & Mills, 2006;Swim, Aikin, Hall & Hunter, 1995). On this ground, there is an emerging demand for research on subtle denigration of racial and ethnic groups under the veil of benign humor which is embodied in ethnic humor (Barnes, Palmary & Durrheim, 2001). ...
Research on ethnic humor has been centered on initiators and functions of ethnic humor, ignoring people's ethical attitudes toward this type of humor. The purpose of the present article was to develop a scale measuring the ethical attitude toward ethnic humor, named EATEH (study 1). Further, we evaluated its relation to personal distress, empathic concern, perspective taking, authoritarianism, and self-efficacy (study 2). Exploratory factor analysis favored a one-factor structure, interpreted as a general ethical attitude toward ethnic humor that accounted for 55.9% of the total variance. EATEH obtained Cronbach's alpha of .94, indicating a high reliability. Multiple regression analysis showed that EATEH had considerable unique variance that was not explained by the tested psychological constructs (study 2). Hence, our scale is a novel and objective measure for evaluating ethical attitude toward ethnic humor.
... Despite international efforts to endow "all members of the human family" with the essence of "reason and conscience" and "inalienable rights"-as expressed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights-mental segretation re-occurs in yet different guises (cf. Liu & Mills, 2006;Wetherell & Potter, 1992). ...
Projecting essence onto a social category means to think, talk, and act as if the category were a discrete natural kind and as if its members were all endowed with the same immutable attributes determined by the category's essence. Essentializing may happen implicitly or on purpose in representing ingroups and outgroups. We argue that essentializing is a versatile representational tool (a) that is used to create identity in groups with chosen membership in order to make the group appear as a unitary entity, (b) that outsiders often draw on a group's essentialist self-construal in their judgements about the groups, (c) that judgements about members of forced social categories are often informed by essentialist thinking that easily switches to discrimination and racism, and (d) that under certain historical and political conditions members of social categories and groups may contest their essentialized identity, such as parts of the feminist movement, or that they may attempt to reconstruct an essentialized identity, such as parts of the homosexual movement or the largely defunct European nobility. Besides explicit political and power interests, we see communication processes and language use as a tacit force driving essentialization of social categories.
... According to Herman and Chomsky (1988), however, this means that democracies must have an array of consent-based techniques to produce the consensus necessary to wage war. We argue that this machinery for ''manufacturing consent'' cannot be wielded arbitrarily for the benefit of political and economic elites as Herman and Chomsky sometimes have appeared to suggest, but rather follow societal rules of deliberative practice (e.g., Liu & Mills, 2006;Sullivan & Transue, 1999), and collective emotions (e.g., concerning displays of national symbols; Skitka, 2005). Certain targets, like the authoritarian dictator that Saddam Hussein was, are easier to mobilize popular support against in democratic states, particularly in a post-9=11 environment where a threat to peace has driven Americans to emphasize security concerns (Janoff-Bulman & Sheikh, 2006). ...
Surveys in the USA, New Zealand, Taiwan, Japan, and China examined attitudes toward the Iraq War and the Cross-Straits Relationship between China and Taiwan. Factor analyses revealed a four-factor solution of justice concerns: (a) national mandate for military intervention, (b) international mandate against military action, (c) procedural justice, and (d) distributive justice issues. Americans and mainland Chinese were significantly different in an in-group favoring direction compared to other societies regarding justice concerns involving their nation. Taiwan, the low-powered society in the Cross-Straits Relationship, was like the uninvolved societies. Justice in international relations is filtered through in-group favoritism for powerful states.
... Building on theories of modern or symbolic racism, several British and Australian researchers have studied how dominant group members use language to deny that their words have any racist intent ( Liu and Mills 2006;Simmons and Lecouteur 2008). These "discourses of plausible deniability" implicitly defend racist structures and blame minorities for social problems in a way that allows the speaker to claim no racist intent. ...
This article uses data drawn from nine months of fieldwork and student, teacher, and administrator interviews at a southern high school to analyze school racial conflict and the construction of racism. We find that institutional inequalities that stratify students by race and class are routinely ignored by school actors who, we argue, use the presence of so-called redneck students to plausibly deny racism while furthering the standard definition of racism as blatant prejudice and an individual trait. The historical prominence of rednecks as a southern cultural identity augments these claims, leading to an implicit division of school actors into friendly/nonracist and unfriendly/racist and allowing school actors to set boundaries on the meaning of racism. Yet these rhetorical practices and the institutional structures they mask contributed to racial tensions, culminating in a race riot during our time at the school.
Racism has become more covert in post-civil rights America. Yet, measures to combat it are hindered by inadequate general knowledge on what “colorblind” race talk says and does and what makes it effective. We deepen understanding of covert racism by investigating one type of discourse – racial code words, which are (1) indirect signifiers of racial or ethnic groups that contain (2) at least one positive or negative value judgment and (3) contextually implied or salient meanings. Through a thematic analysis of 734 racial code words from 97 scholarly texts, we develop an interpretive framework that explains their tropes, linguistic mechanisms and unique roles in perpetuating racism, drawing from race, linguistic and cultural studies. Racial code words promote tropes of White people’s respectability and privilege and Racial/Ethnic Minorities’ pathology and inferiority in efficient, adaptable, plausibly deniable and almost always racially stratifying ways, often through euphemism, metonymy and othering. They construct a “colorblind” discursivity and propel both “epistemic racism” (racism in knowledge) and systemic racism (racism in action). We further strengthen applications of Critical Race Theory in sociolegal studies of race by presenting a “racial meaning decoding tool” to assist legal and societal measures to detect coded racism.
This chapter develops the central organising concepts of the book’s analysis. Myths are understood as the stories that are told to make sense of excessively complex realities. They involve processes of differentiating and ordering that, through repetition, can establish more or less accepted blueprints for identities, affects, values and how they relate to each other. Attention to myths in the parliamentary debates therefore illuminates how arguments about the stirring up hatred offences coalesced around particular constructs of identity and ‘good’ order.
In 2016, Colin Kaepernick, a Black NFL quarterback, began sitting and kneeling during the Star-Spangled Banner to protest oppression against people of color in the United States. Instead of beginning a discussion on race, however, Kaepernick’s resistance sparked criticisms that he was unpatriotic. Using aversive racism, symbolic/modern racism, and colorblind racism as a theoretical framework, this critical discourse analysis of ten American newspapers found that patriotic ideals—the American flag, military, and National Anthem, in particular—were used as a way to avoid completely discussions on racism.
This study analyses the legal action taken for defamation in the case of the ‘human zoo’, an alleged defamatory portrayal of the Paiwan people, a Taiwanese indigenous group, by Japan’s public broadcaster, NHK. The analysis of this case is presented in two stages, the first of which employs a critical discourse analysis (CDA) to examine the covert racist discourse regarding the Paiwan people in a four-episode NHK documentary series on the history of the modernization of Japan. Second, the study evaluates the discursive patterns of the legal documents resulting from the subsequent lawsuits. The analysis incorporates the findings of interviews with key stakeholders in the human zoo case in its investigation of the presence of insidious racial prejudice against the Paiwan people, combined with a lack of sensitivity towards indigenous peoples in general, both in the documentary and in the responses from NHK in the subsequent lawsuits.
Aotearoa New Zealand is a small but wealthy country, geographically located in the South Pacific, yet strongly interlinked economically, culturally, and militarily to other western settler states as well as to Western Europe. NZ is known for punching above its weight in international relations, and for being a committed liberal internationalist player and promoter of a rules-based global order. NZ may therefore seem an unlikely host for an electorally successful populist party, which is known for its disdain of political correctness and identity politics, its anti-elitism and its dog whistle politics against Asians, Muslims, and some aspects of biculturalism between settlers and Indigenous Maori. Yet New Zealand First (NZF) has played an important role in the electoral system since its formation in 1993, routinely taking a key role in coalition governments. In this chapter, I use the example of NZF to problematize the relationship between populism and democracy as it is often articulated in the recent populism literature. Jan-Werner Müller in particular has argued that populism is by its very nature opposed to pluralism. Yet, electorally successful populist parties can demonstrate their longevity by embodying elements of both populism and pluralism, depending on whether they are in government or not, and whether or not they are in the midst of an election campaign.
This study adds to the tradition of studying race talk in the context of a flash point in biculturalism in Aotearoa New Zealand. The research examined constructions of the Mayor of New Plymouth (Andrew Judd) following his advocacy for extended Māori representation on the New Plymouth District Council. Data comprised reports, editorials, opinion pieces, and letters to the local newspaper immediately after Judd's appearance on a nationally broadcast current affairs television show when he announced the end of his mayoralty. The analysis considered constructions of Judd as both hero and anti‐hero, with complimentary constructions of the local community as racist, or not. In subscribing to the view for extended representation on the grounds of cultural constituency, Judd was variously positioned as culturally and politically naïve, as a hero for the cause for greater political representation for Māori, and an anti‐hero responsible for letting his own community down and bringing negative publicity to the town he was meant to serve. Judd was the target of abuse that prompted him to end his mayoralty, and this abuse stimulated constructions of widespread community racism. The discussion includes an interrogation of what it means to be a recovering racist, and finally, it is argued that the analysis provides further evidence of the sinuousness of racism.
The present world has evolved as a global neighborhood. Cultural and religious confrontations, floods of refugees, and acts of terrorism have increased concerns regarding large-group identities. The metaphorical question “Who are we now?” has spread worldwide. This paper explores how this question has influenced a large number of American voters during the recent presidential election.
This chapter argues for the importance of studying prejudice and the challenge this provides for social researchers. The history of prejudice is briefly reviewed within a framework of colonisation and the physical and cultural genocide associated with ‘new’ settlers in countries such as the USA, Australia, and New Zealand. In yet another bleak chapter of human history, the colour-coded prejudices that enabled trading in human slaves are also reviewed. Traditional social psychological approaches to studying prejudice and discrimination are discussed. These accounts variously locate the sources of prejudice as faulty thinking, as faulty personality traits, and as a function of group psychology. Critical approaches to the study of prejudice, grounded in social constructionist epistemology, are introduced, and the importance of examining everyday talk and text as a site of social action is posited. For social constructionists, language is not simply a route to interior cognitions but provides the very building blocks on which prejudicial assumptions rest. Thus, prejudice is inextricably involved with language, and the challenge for critical scholars is to interrogate the linguistic resources which enable prejudice. The chapter concludes with a discussion of two areas of research which build on the history of critical engagement and point towards future research possibilities.
The paper presents findings of a study of ethnic attitudes of contemporary Russian youth in three regions of Russia and Latvia involving 1069 respondents aged 13 to 20. The author identifies 4 forms of ethnic attitudes, analyzes gender, age and regional differences in ethnic attitudes, describes relation of ethic attitudes to type of an educational institution, financial situation, interpersonal relations and conceptions of the future.
A new scale summarizing the central and core elements of a social representation of individual versus group-based entitlement to resourceallocations in New Zealand (NZ) is presented. Item content for the Equality Positioning Scale was drawn from qualitative analyses of the discourses of NZ's citizens, its political elites, and the media. As hypothesized, equality positioning differentiated between Pakeha (NZ European) undergraduates who supported liberal versus conservative political parties.People who positioned equality as group-based tended to support the Labour and Green parties and those who positioned equality as meritocracy tended to support the National and NZ First parties. Regression models predicting political party support in the two months prior to the 2005 NZ general election demonstrated that the effects of equality positioning on political party preference were unique, and were not explained by universal (Study 1: Big-Five Personality, Social Dominance Orientation, Right-Wing Authoritarianism, liberalism- conservatism) or culture-specific; Study 2: pro-Pakeha ingroup attitudes, support for the symbolic principles of biculturalism) indicators derived from other theoretical perspectives. Taken together, these findings indicate that the Equality Positioning Scale provides a valid and reliable measure that contributes to models of the psychological and ideological bases of voting behaviour in NZ. Moreover, our findings suggest that the positioning of equality provided an axis of meaning that aided in the creation and mobilization of public opinion regarding resource-allocations, land claims, affirmative action programs, and a host of other material issues in the months leading up to the 2005 NZ election.
We interrogated historical continuity and change in discourses of enlightenment and racism through the analysis of 160 years of New Zealand Speeches from the Throne (1854–2014, 163 speeches). Enlightenment discourses of benevolence and perfectibility were prevalent in all periods, much more so than racism. ‘Old-fashioned’ racism took the form of an assumed civilizational superiority (including accusations of ‘barbarism’) during colonization, with ‘modern’ racism taking forms like blaming Māori for not ‘productively’ using the land. Both declined to almost zero by the 20th century, undermining the idea of ‘old-fashioned’ versus ‘modern’ racism. Utilitarian discourses peaked in the late 19th to early 20th centuries as justification for Māori land alienation. ‘Master discourses of enlightenment’ consisted of a central core of social representations that changed at the periphery, with a gradual expansion of symbolic inclusion of Māori in discourses of national identity to the point where biculturalism is the dominant discourse for elites today.
Description of colonization reveals initial conflicts over land which was originally guaranteed to remain with the original owners. Recognition of Maori displacement and forced assimilation into cities reveals an early loss of indigenous culture. Protest movements are presented as engendering revival of culture and revision of the initial treaty to include tribal self-management, equality for all, cooperation, and redress. Historical review of the government responses to arrivals of various immigrant groups demonstrates discrimination and European preference. Ward and Liu explain that while these policies have changed, discrimination is still present in many areas. The authors express the view that relative deprivation and relative advantage have increased negative attitudes between groups. Discussion of recent research reveals the prevalence of multicultural ideology in New Zealand today and factors associated with positive attitudes are described. Research is also cited which reflects a preference for integration, but unwillingness to accommodate other cultural practices. In exploring means to improve ethnic relations, the authors identify the blending of biculturalism and multiculturalism as necessary given the special circumstances in New Zealand. Recent government initiatives are noted to have provided services to help equalize immigrants, particularly the recently proposed Multi-cultural cultural Act which provides recognition of Maori status, cultural maintenance, and participation for all groups. Cheryl Jorgensen
The media is widely held as a force that both shapes and reflects how citizens think about immigrants and immigration. This
article explores two recent developments in the literature on media coverage of immigrants and immigration: the application
of Hegelian dialectical theory to the study of discourses about immigration; and a debate concerning the shift from outright
racism to subtler forms of ‘new racism’ and its implications for media coverage. The former development views the media as
embodying oppositional constructions of ‘us’ and ‘them’, and argues that we stand to learn much about national self-conception
by interrogating media narratives about immigration. The latter development suggests that while there have been progressive
changes in the field of journalism, negative constructions of racialized immigrant Others persist in new forms. Here, we consider
the intersection between these two developments. We adopt the dialectical approach to examine media coverage of the town of
Hérouxville, Quebec’s 2007 publication of a ten-page warning about the ‘limits to accommodation’. Because it was written by
‘non-immigrants’ the publication of this document provides an ideal case with which to consider the ‘us’ side. We find that
the media framed the document and its authors as racist and anti-immigrant, thereby inscribing a (problematic) definition
of the ‘us’ side as being multicultural and anti-racist.
We reflect on our embodied experiences of living out the various layers of anti-Black racism in
our daily lives. Our starting point is our powerful gut reaction to the experiences of Black youth
in a research study exploring youth violence and healing in Canada. We were awed by the
intensity of anti-Black racism that youth wrestle with and their creative strategies of healing from
its violence. As researchers, we were stunned into reflexive realization that we were inextricably
woven into the tangled webs of anti-Black racism even as we were struggling to disentangle
ourselves and break free. We were astounded by how the tensions that grip Black youth were our
own tensions as well. In this paper, we ground ourselves in these tensions that we harbour deep
within our bodies as we explore the theoretical contours of anti-oppression. The stories we tell
emerge from our stepping back in critical self-reflection and following our powerful gut feelings
to their cultural and structural roots. We seek to critically engage our own anti-oppressive
practices in order to open up transformative possibilities for ourselves and those we work with.
Keywords: Anti-Black racism, oppression, anti-oppressive practice, youth violence
The Stereotype Content Model states that stereotypes express generalised
evaluative beliefs that vary according to the degree of warmth and competence
ascribed to group members. The present study applied this model to examine
the societal stereotypes (or meta-stereotypes) of Pākehā, Māori, Pacific
Nations, and Asian New Zealanders using a national random postal sample
(N = 246). Pākehā (or New Zealanders of European descent) were viewed as
highly warm and highly competent relative to other ethnic groups. Stereotypes
of Asian and Pacific Nations New Zealanders were mixed, however. Asian
New Zealanders were seen as highly competent (comparable to Pākehā),
but low in warmth relative to other ethnic groups. Pacific Nations peoples,
in contrast, were seen as highly warm (comparable to Pākehā), but low in
competence relative to other ethnic groups. Stereotypes of Māori exhibited
a strikingly different pattern, and indicated that Māori as a social group were
seen as low-to-moderate in both warmth and competence, relative to other
ethnic groups. These different mixed stereotype combinations have important
implications for understanding how socio-structural characteristics of ethnic
group relations (competition and status) foster fundamentally different forms
of legitimizing ideology, prejudice and discriminatory behaviour toward
different ethnic groups in the New Zealand context.
The Third International Conference on Racisms in the New World Order: Realities of Culture, Colour and Identity was jointly organised by The Cairns Institute James Cook University and the Australian Human Rights Commission. The themes of the conference were significant nationally and internationally and included:
• Manifestations and Impacts of Racism
• Fear, Nationalism and Race Hate
• Racism in Specific Contexts
• Developing Anti-Racist Futures – Visualising alternatives for the future
The papers in these Conference proceedings provide thought provoking studies and ideas from a diversity of authors and make a significant contribution to scholarly knowledge in this field. Each paper has been blind-refereed by two other academic peers and complies with normal academic refereeing processes.
The ways in which national prototypes are defined constitute an important symbolic resource for maintaining hierarchy between groups within society. Two studies examined how New Zealanders downplayed or emphasized inclusionary versus exclusionary features of the national prototype. Study 1 tested a structural equation model indicating that people high in Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) rated monocultural features that best fit an exclusionary (Anglo/European) ideal as characteristic of the national prototype (citizenship and ancestry, rugby/sporting culture). Simultaneously, people high in SDO also rated pluralistic features that were inclusive as less important for the national prototype (cultural awareness, liberal democratic values; n = 95). Study 2 replicated and extended these opposing effects to show that they held controlling for Right-Wing Authoritarianism and patriotism (n = 258). People high in the competitive-driven motivation for group-based hierarchy and inequality position representations of the national prototype in ways that privilege some groups over others in defining who constitutes a ‘true’ citizen. This likely helps legitimize various subtle discriminatory and exclusionary practices directed toward recent immigrant groups, to the extent that such groups are seen as not really ‘belonging’ to the nation.
P>Massive traumas at the hands of “others” lead to shared humiliation, shame, fear of being assertive, and difficulty mourning for large ethnic, national, or religious groups. Large-group narcissistic injury may lead to a corresponding defensive increase of shared narcissism linked to large-group identity. Once the traumatic event is over — following the end of an occupation by the “other,” the removal of the oppressive regime, or the break-up of a political system — smoldering narcissistic injuries among the former sufferers and among their descendants through transgenerational transmissions can spark new large-group processes of “entitlement ideologies.” Such processes, with or without a change in function, may remain active for generations, at times with malignant and destructive consequences. When exacerbated, they play a role in the creation of an atmosphere that encourages leaders with narcissistic personality organization to reactivate and manipulate “entitlement ideologies” and related emotions within the large group. This, in turn, increases the shared narcissistic investment in large-group identity and changes its characteristics. Such leaders can function to repair old wounds, returning mature pride and confidence to the group, or conversely, narcissistic leaders with an underlying paranoid orientation can foment violence and massive destruction in the name of “ethnic cleansing” and genocide.
ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Vamik D. Volkan, MD, is Senior Erikson Scholar, Erik H. Erikson Institute, Austen Riggs Center, Stockbridge, Massachusetts. J. Christopher Fowler, PhD, is Director of Research, Erik H. Erikson Institute.
Address correspondence to: Vamik Volkan, MD, 25 Main St., Stockbridge, MA.01262
Dr. Volkan and Dr. Fowler have disclosed no relevant financial relationships.
EDUCATIONAL OBJECTIVES
Describe large-group narcissism and how to detect it.
Outline the role of “chosen traumas” in sustaining and fomenting large-group narcissism.
Describe the interplay between narcissistic leaders and the need for a savior in large groups. </OL
Recent discursive research suggests that contemporary racism is typically accomplished in terms of subtle, flexibly managed and locally contingent discussion of the `problems' associated with minority groups. This study contributes to this work by focusing on the ways in which a particular formulation: `the possibility of change' was repeatedly implicated in descriptions of two `riots' that received widespread media attention in Australia: one involving Indigenous, and the other involving non-Indigenous, community members. Data were drawn from a corpus of newspaper articles, television and radio interviews, and parliamentary debates. Analysis demonstrated how, in respect to the event involving Indigenous Australians, `change' was repeatedly represented as an outcome that was not achievable. By contrast, descriptions of problems within the non-Indigenous community regularly represented `change' as an achievable outcome. We discuss how discourses around `the possibility of change' can thus be seen as another identifiable practice in terms of which `modern' forms of racism are regularly accomplished in media discourse.
In the context of bicultural race relations in New Zealand (NZ) between indigenous Maori people and the dominant group NZ Europeans, standard societal discourses for talking about (bi)cultural diversity render illegitimate actions to rectify the disadvantaged position of Maori. However, Maori have considerable symbolic power in NZ to recognize or validate the ethnic identity of the dominant group because the foundation of the nation's sovereignty is based on the Treaty of Waitangi between Maori and NZ Europeans. Based on content rich analysis of previous discursive work in this area, we hypothesized that "attitude strength" (ratings of certainty of opinion about an issue), and what we refer to as "societal anchoring" (the degree to which an issue is talked about interpersonally and debated in media) would exert differential effects on support for bicultural policy and related issues. Hierarchical Linear Modeling showed that intrapersonal attitude certainty had positive associations and societal anchoring had negative associations with support for bicultural policy in a sample of NZ European undergraduates. The importance of the distinction between attitude certainty and societal anchoring for social representations theory and the core and peripheral elements within a representation is discussed in relation to discourse analysis and attitude theory.
This article examines postcolonial race politics and the re-centering of embodied whiteness and mediated white bodies as constituted through "white flight" and the so-called browning of rugby in New Zealand. Previous studies have problematized the ways in which rugby union is often framed within the national imaginary as a culturally unifying space—commonly depicted as transcendent of New Zealand's postcolonial racial tensions. Here we extend these critiques by pointing to several themes that have recently emerged within popular sports media, namely, those that position male MÄori and Pacific Islander bodies as a threat to the well-being of the national game and the national identities it authorizes, and [End Page 294] those that locate the PÄkehÄ (white) male sporting body as under duress, or made vulnerable, by the brown-bodied, interloping "Other." The article concludes with a discussion of how these popular representations of racialized rugby-playing bodies, in the age of global mobility and national multiculturalism, articulate to and within foundational (white) national myths of white-settler meritocracy, rurality, and coloniality.
This study investigates the role and performance of the print media in (re)presenting the voice of different groups in its coverage of bicultural relations in Aotearoa New Zealand. Specifically, it explores media coverage of Maori protest occupations in terms of the agency afforded to these groups, and in terms of the reiterative role of the media in 'performatively' reproducing the social spaces that constitute New Zealand. The 1995 occupation of Pakaitore/Moutoa gardens in Wanganui by local Maori, was the focus for this investigation. The study located eighty articles printed in The New Zealand Herald and eighty seven articles printed in The Dominion over the 79-day occupation period. First, coding and word counts were used to determine amount of voice afforded to the main interest groups. Second, the way media (re)present these voices was examined through: amount of quoting vs. paraphrasing; length of quote; and juxtaposition of accounts with alternative accounts. The amount of voice afforded to Maori was found to be more consistent with status as a minority under multiculturalism, than with their status as equal partners under the Treaty of Waitangi (and biculturalism). Media (re)presentation of Maori voices was found to differ from that of other interest groups involved in the occupation on these measures. We contend the outcome was a diminution of agency for Maori.
Discourse analysis of public submissions arising from an overt racial conflict in New Zealand in 1979 has yielded a number of patterns in the talk of Pakeha New Zealanders. An outline of two such patterns is presented and these are then drawn upon in the deconstruction of a piece of contemporary Pakeha discourse. This analysis is designed to shed some light on the significance of the patterns presented; their durability, their function, and their contribution to the apparent success of the sample discourse and their role in a broader Pakeha ideology of Maori/Pakeha relations in Aotearoa (New Zealand).
argue [that] it is emotion based on some enduring predisposition rather than on the tangible costs and benefits of the matters to which the [political] symbol refers / offers a theory of individual psychology, described as a theory of symbolic politics, to explain this phenomenon / takes up the major alternatives to a symbolic politics theory in three contexts: the implicit theories of human nature undergirding political theories of democratic systems, the major classic general psychological theories, and contemporary sociopsychological research on information processing (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
The status of black Americans is the longest standing and most glaring exception to the American promise of freedom and equality. For this, as well as other reasons, social psychologists have long sought to shed light on the ways in which racial attitudes, beliefs, and values affect and are affected by patterns of black-white relations. Blackwhite relations now seem more complex and contradictory than ever before. From basic economic and demographic indicators to indicators of racial attitudes and beliefs, simultaneous patterns of progress, deterioration, and lack of change can be discerned.
Everyday explanations of human actions have been studied as event perception, with language part of method, used by experimenters for describing events and obtaining causal judgments from Ss. Recently, language has acquired theoretical importance as the medium of causal thinking. Two developments are the linguistic category model of T. K. Au (1986), R. Brown and D. Fish (1983), and K. Fiedler and G. R. Semin (1988) and the conversational model of W. Turnbull and B. R. Slugoski (1988) and D. J. Hilton (1990). Three areas of weaknesses are identified: the relation between linguistic and psychological analysis, the nature of ordinary discourse, and the action orientation of event descriptions. A discursive action model is proposed for investigating everyday causal attribution. Although a cognitive psychology of discursive attribution is considered feasible, this must follow a reconceptualization of language as social action. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
The general aim of this paper is to show some of the limitations of the attribution theory approach to ordinary reasoning when compared to a discourse analytic alternative. Three central shortcomings with attribution theory are documented, each stemming from the method of presenting subjects with factual vignettes from which they are required to draw inferences: (a) its asocial and unexplicated notion of information; (b) its realist view of linguistic description; (c) its constrained account of participants' activity. These paws are illustrated in practice through a discourse analytic study of the management of factual versions in a political dispute (over a controversial briefing between a British politician, Nigel Lawson, and a group of journalists). Specifically, it focuses on ‘consensus information’, examining the way notions of consensus are used when warranting and undermining versions. Two features of consensus accounts are examined: (a) consensus across a group of observers of an event; (b) corroboration between independent individuals. In each case, the rhetorical organization of factual accounts is documented by analysing both the way the consensus is constructed and the way it is undermined or discounted. The analysis explores how the ‘facts of the matter’, rather than existing as criteria for the resolution of disputation, were themselves part and parcel of the disputation itself: In attribution theory terms, the clear distinction between ‘consensus information’ and the attributions which flow from it becomes unworkable. It is suggested that the analysis provides an exemplar for a discourse orientated social psychology of fact.
The effect of interpersonal environment, as measured by the degree of heterogeneity or homogeneity of political party preferences among important others in an individual's social network, was investigated using a national probability sample in Japan and regional sample in New Zealand. In both cultures, the interpersonal environment exerted significant and consistent effects on individual voting preferences. Those who reported inhabiting relatively homogeneous interpersonal political environments (IPEs) displayed a strong tendency to vote for the same political party as the important others in their social network. This effect was robust even after controlling for party identification, attitudes, media exposure, and objectively defined group memberships. Importantly, this tendency was not predicated on the frequency of talk about politics with significant others. Implications are discussed for both micro-level and macro-level theories of social structure and political behavior; an argument is made for the importance of a middle path—the psychology of enduring relationships between people.
Socially shared representations of history have been important in creating, maintaining and changing a people's identity. Their management and negotiation are central to interethnic and international relations. We present a narrative framework to represent how collectively significant events become (selectively) incorporated in social representations that enable positioning of ethnic, national and supranational identities. This perspective creates diachronic (temporal) links between the functional (e.g. realistic conflict theory), social identity, and cognitive perspectives on intergroup relations. The charters embedded in these representations condition nations with similar interests to adopt different political stances in dealing with current events, and can influence the perceived stability and legitimacy of social orders. They are also instrumental in determining social identity strategies for reacting to negative social comparisons, and can influence the relationships between national and ethnic identities.
The context of intergroup relations in Aotearoa/New Zealand was investigated using perceptions of history by Maori (Polynesian-descended) and Pakeha (European-descended) samples from university and the general public. There was strong consensus that the Treaty of Waitangi was the most important event in New Zealand's history, but only Maori, the subordinate ethnic group, showed in-group favouritism in their judgements regarding the Treaty. Pakeha, the dominant group, showed outgroup favouritism, and distanced themselves front past injustices using linguistic strategies. Maori students showed interest in their ethnic origins (ontogeny), rating the distant past and Polynesian history higher, and free-recalling more events prior to European arrival than other groups; Maori in the general population shared a more similar perception of history to Pakeha. Both in-group favouritism and ontogeny were found in sentence-completion choices. Historical perceptions were strongly related to positions on current political issues. Results are related to social identity theory, social representations theory, and social dominance theory. Copyright (C) 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
This is an updated edition which takes account of changes in New Zealand's political life. It offers commentary and information on current affairs, as well as alternative models that attempt to integrate both economic and social outcomes.
The context of intergroup relations in Aotearoa/New Zealand was investigated using perceptions of history by Maori (Polynesian-descended) and Pakeha (European- descended) samples from university and the general public. There was strong consensus that the Treaty of Waitangi was the most important event in New Zealand's history, but only Maori, the subordinate ethnic group, showed in-group favouritism in their judgments regarding the Treaty. Pakeha, the dominant group, showed outgroup favour- itism, and distanced themselves from past injustices using linguistic strategies. Maori students showed interest in their ethnic origins (ontogeny), rating the distant past and Polynesian history higher, and free-recalling more events prior to European arrival than other groups; Maori in the general population shared a more similar perception of history to Pakeha. Both in-group favouritism and ontogeny were found in sentence- completion choices. Historical perceptions were strongly related to positions on current political issues. Results are related to social identity theory, social representations theory, and social dominance theory. Copyright # 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
This article focuses on the rhetorical and argumentative organization of a major political address by the Prime Minister of Australia on the topics of reconciliation and apologizing to the Stolen Generations of Indigenous peoples. The analysis documents the interpretative repertoires that were mobilized to argue around these sensitive, controversial issues in a public forum, in particular the deployment of discursive formulations of `togetherness', of `culture' and of `nation'. The analysis also demonstrates the ways in which a limited number of rhetorically self-sufficient arguments, identified in recent studies of the language of contemporary racism, was mobilized in this important public speech. We argue that the flexible use of such rhetorically self-sufficient arguments concerning practicality, equality, justice and progress worked to build up a particular version of reconciliation which functions to sustain and legitimate existing inequalities between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples in Australia.
In a plural society, the manner in which issues of race or ethnic relations are conceptualised is of considerable importance. So too are the processes by which such linguistic constructions are analysed. This article presents a detailed account of the analysis of one pattern observed in our analysis of submissions made to the Human Rights Commission (HRC) in 1979. The submission writers were explicitly asked to account for a physical confrontation between a group of Auckland University students performing a caricature of a Maori haka and a group of young Polynesians who objected to their performance. Sensitivity and related terms were used by 36 writers to accomplish various goals, particularly in attributing blame for the incident. The article describes the patterns of use and how they function for the writer.
List of figures and tables Acknowledgements Objectivity Introduction 1. The meaning of 'racism': its limitations when applied to the study of discourse dealing with race relations 2. The meaning of 'ideology' and its relationship to discourse 3. The economic foundations of racial division 4. The state, levels of political articulation, and the discourse of the Conservative and Labour parties 5. British political values and race relations 6. The nature of discursive deracialisation 7. Deracialised justification: a case study (an analysis of parliamentary debates on immigration) 8. Conclusion: ideology and British race relations Appendices Bibliography and references Indexes.
This article presents a discursive analysis of student talk on disadvantage and affirmative action from two focus group discussions on ‘race’ relations in Australia. Our analysis builds upon previous research in the discursive tradition on affirmative action and demonstrates how participants draw on resources, which construct affirmative action as largely problematic. Liberal principles such as individualism, merit, and egalitarianism were recurrently drawn upon to justify, argue and legitimate opposition to affirmative action. Speakers managed their opposition to affirmative action while presenting as fair, principled and lacking in prejudice. One argument, which was commonly deployed, constructed affirmative action as undermining meritocratic principles and ideals. This meritocratic discourse has a self-sufficient, taken-for-granted quality which participants assumed to be a moral and normative standard that needed to be protected and upheld. This argument was also associated with a closely related one that ‘everyone should be treated equally or the same’, regardless of social background. Although our analysis emphasizes the deployment of discursive resources that function primarily to uphold the ideals of meritocracy, individualism and equality, participants did produce talk that on occasion challenged the ideology of individual achievement and acknowledged the existence of Aboriginal disadvantage. We discuss how these contradictions are reflective of the competing values of egalitarianism and individualism in western liberal democracies like Australia and how the language of the ‘new racism’ is framed by such ideological dilemmas and ambivalence.
Outlines the basic concepts of research in social psychology and indicates strategies of research design (e.g., experimental design, manipulations, and validity) and methods of assessment (e.g., observation, interviews, and content analysis). Ethical considerations, as well as scientific and social responsibilities, of researchers are considered. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
The dynamical systems theory of groups claims that interpersonal political environment and party identification are dynamically interrelated to provide heuristics under uncertainty. Panel data over the course of a year examined the longitudinal dynamics between social networks, social identifications, and voting behavior among a national sample of registered voters in Japan and a regional sample in Wellington, New Zealand. Respondents with more stable party identification had greater stability in the political preferences of their interpersonal network in both countries; moreover, stability in party identification was predicted by interpersonal political environment and older age in both countries. Stability of party identification predicted voting consistency in both countries, whereas stability of interpersonal political environment made an independent contribution to voting consistency in Japan only. There were cultural differences in levels of interpersonal political environment stability, but the amount of political discussion and ideological stability did not make independent contributions to any of the three main variables. Results provided support for the dynamical systems theory of groups.
While there have been repeated exhortations that the study of political behaviour be accorded greater status in social psychological research, such calls have gone relatively unheeded. This thesis is intended to address to some small extent this problem. Specifically, an argument is presented to address the flaws of a little-heralded theory of political behaviour, symbolic politics theory (Sears, 1993), by re-articulating that theory within a broader theory of social behaviour, social representations theory (Moscovici, 1973; 1988). At its heart symbolic politics contends that political behaviour is based on the evocation of 'symbolic predispositions' in response to symbolic content of political objects. Following Verkuyten (1985) political symbols and symbolic predispositions are re-interpreted from the perspective of social representations theory. The result is a shift in emphasis onto the role of values, discourse, and social interaction in political preference and opinion. These concepts are investigated using data derived from a four-phase panel survey of the Wellington, New Zealand, electorates, as well as transcripts of parliamentary debates, and a laboratory experiment to provide support for the re-articulation of symbolic politics within this framework. The first two studies present qualitative and quantitative analyses of open-ended questions designed to probe the subjective meanings of ideological labels, and the concepts, ideas, and values associated with the major political parties of the time. The results indicate that the boundaries of group membership are defined by differences in representational content between groups, as well as within-group consensus. The second set of studies investigate the role of social values in political perception and preference. Firstly, political parties were differentiated by the frequency of rhetorical use by their members of the two values of freedom and equality, consistent with the predictions of Rokeach (1973). Secondly, survey respondents used a value-attribution instrument to indicate the values which they perceived parties to oppose or endorse. Again, the values associated with these parties were shown to be predictive of preference. Thirdly, respondents completed the Schwartz (1992) values inventory, which was used to produce a value profile of supporters of different parties' supporters. Weak support was found for Rokeach's (1973) two-value model of politics, with the parties differentiable on two discriminant functions defined by self-reliance values and equality values. The final study in this section presents the results of a laboratory manipulation in which groups of participants viewed different party political advertisements before rating the major parties for favourability and value attributions. This study indicates that exposure to political media may influence the values parties are seen to represent, and that this may impact positively or negatively on perceptions of the favourability of those parties. The final empirical chapter utilises a social network measure to investigate the role, if any, that one's interpersonal environment may play in political preference and representations. A clear relationship was found between the political composition of the environment and primary respondent preference and ideological self-identification. These findings are interpreted as supporting the social representational theory of symbolic politics. Qualifications and limitations of a representational theory of symbolic politics are discussed, as are the implications for such a conceptualisation of political and social behaviour.
The issue of 'race' has assumed an extraordinarily salient position in Australian politics since the election of the conservative Howard government in 1996. Central to debate in the Australian policy has been the nature of the relationship between indigenous, or Aboriginal, Australians and the rest of the population, in particular over the issue of the land rights of indigenous people. Land rights, or 'native title', assumed a pre-eminent position in national political life in 1996/97 with the handing down by the High Court of the so-called 'Wik judgment'. The discursive management of the ensuing debate by Australia's political leaders is illuminative of key sites of interest in the analysis of political rhetoric and the construction of 'racially sensitive' issues. Taking the texts of 'addresses to the nation' on Wik by the leaders of the two major political parties as analytic materials, we examine two features of the talk. First, examine how the speakers manage their stake in the position they advance, with an extension of previous work on reported speech into the area of set-piece political rhetoric. Second, in contrast to approaches which treat social categories as routine, mundane and unproblematic objects, we demonstrate the local construction of category memberships and their predicates as strategic moves in political talk. Specifically, we demonstrate how the categories of 'Aborigines' and 'farmers', groups central to the dispute, are strategically constructed to normatively bind certain entitlements to activity to category membership. Furthermore, inasmuch as such categories do not, in use, reflect readily perceived 'objective' group entities in the 'real' world, so too 'standard' discursive devices and rhetorical structures are themselves shown to be contingently shaped and strategically deployed for contrasting local, ideological and rhetorical ends.
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