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Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1500125
Through the Eyes of The Guardian Newspaper: Securitization and Humanitarian
Discourses and the Arrival of Hungarian (1956-1957) and Kosovar Refugees (1999) on
Prince Edward Island, Canada
Bobby Thomas Robert Cameron
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Honours Program in History,
University of Prince Edward Island
2009
Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1500125
PERMISSION TO USE UNDERGRADUATE HONOURS THESIS
Title of thesis: Through the Eyes of The Guardian Newspaper: Securitization and
Humanitarian Discourses and the Arrival of Hungarian (1956-1957) and
Kosovar Refugees (1999) on Prince Edward Island, Canada
Name of Author: Bobby Thomas Robert Cameron
Degree: Undergraduate Honours in History
Year: 2009
In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for an honours degree in history
from the University of Prince Edward Island, I agree that the libraries of this university may
make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of
this thesis work for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Special Collections staff of the
Robertson Library. It is understood that any copying or publication use of this thesis or parts
thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also
understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of Prince Edward
Island in any scholarly use which may be made of any material in my thesis.
Signature: ___________________________
Address: P.O. Box 56, Crapaud, PE C0A 1J0,
Canada
Date: May 19, 2009
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Tanya Mullally and Erin Grinnel with the Canadian Red Cross and Bill
Campbell, Prince Edward Island Co-ordinator of the 1999 Kosovar Refugee Sponsorship
Program.
I would also like to acknowledge Leo Cheverie executive board member of World University
Service of Canada (WUSC) at the University of Prince Edward Island (UPEI), Erica Stanley,
International Student Advisor at UPEI, and Julie Bull Director of the UPEI Aboriginal Student
Centre.
I would like to thank Dr. Edward MacDonald and Dr. Godfrey Baldacchino for their insightful
comments and advice.
I consider myself very fortunate to have been able to work under the supervision of Dr. Lisa
Chilton. I extend my gratitude to Dr. Chilton for her continuous support and guidance
throughout all stages of this study.
Thank you.
i
Abstract
This study was conceptualized from the author‟s experiences while he was completing the
Canada Exchanges with the Mediterranean: Migration Experiences and their impact on
Nationalism, Trans-nationalism and Identity (CEMMENTI) exchange with the University of
Malta in 2008. While completing the program, the author was enrolled in a Contemporary
Migrations course through the European Research and Documentation Centre and also
volunteered at Marsa Open Refugee Centre. The powerful role that the media has in shaping the
opinions Maltese have towards refugees was identified in the Migrations course and also through
the author‟s personal experiences at Marsa Centre. Based on this premise that the media has a
role in affecting the reception experiences of refugees, this research examines sets of articles
from Prince Edward Island‟s The Guardian newspaper which focused on refugee arrivals during
the 1950s, 1980s, and 1990s. The 1950s articles demonstrate that the arrival of Hungarian
refugees to the Island was welcomed by residents. This is contrasted by the 1990s articles which
demonstrate that apprehension existed among residents impending the arrival of Kosovar
refugees to the Island. The articles from the 1980s discuss two discourses: a discourse which
securitizes refugees and a discourse which reaffirms humanitarianism among residents of the
host community.
ii
Contents
Abstract ............................................................................................................................................ i
Contents .......................................................................................................................................... ii
Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1
Historiographical Context: Refugee Studies ................................................................................... 3
Sources ............................................................................................................................................ 6
Part One: The Media‟s Role in Securitization and Reaffirming Humanitarian Values: The Cases
of „Illegal Immigrant‟ Hian Chan and Stow-Away Abdul Koroma ............................................. 13
Chan and Securitization ............................................................................................................ 16
Koroma and Humanitarianism .................................................................................................. 21
Conclusion: Securitization and Humanitarianism, Chan and Koroma ..................................... 24
Part Two: A Comparison of the Hungarian and Kosovar Experience .......................................... 26
Hungarian Refugees – Push Factors and the Canadian Government‟s Response ..................... 28
Prince Edward Island Receives Hungarian Refugees, 1956 ..................................................... 31
Kosovar Refugees – Push Factors and the Canadian Government‟s Response ........................ 39
Prince Edward Island Receives Kosovar Refugees, 1999......................................................... 43
Conclusion: Kosovar and Hungarian Refugees Received......................................................... 51
Part Three: Epilogue and Conclusion: An Interview with a Refugee on Prince Edward Island .. 54
Bibliography ................................................................................................................................. 58
Appendix A Consent Form ........................................................................................................... 71
Appendix B Interview Schedule ................................................................................................... 72
Appendix C Questionnaire ............................................................................................................ 73
Appendix D Research Ethics Certificate of Approval .................................................................. 74
Appendix E Access to Information Requests ............................................................................... 76
1
Introduction
Studies of immigration to Prince Edward Island largely reflect the ethnic composition of
the Island, that is, they focus on the history of the English, Irish, and Scottish.1 There is also a
small body of work that examines the immigration of United Empire Loyalists, Lebanese and
Dutch to Prince Edward Island.2 The Institute of Island Studies at the University of Prince
Edward Island has recently begun to examine contemporary migration to Prince Edward Island.
Most of the Institute‟s studies have focused on ways to attract and retain immigrants.3 Literature
on the personal experiences of non-British immigrants on the Island is limited. Studies focusing
on refugees on Prince Edward Island are almost non-existent. The only studies of refugees on
Prince Edward Island are Brendan O‟Grady‟s Exiles and Islanders: The Irish Settlers of Prince
1 See Catholic Church, The Arrival of the First Scottish Catholic Emigrants in Prince Edward Island and After
(1922); Susan Hornby, Celts and Ceilidhs – A History of Scottish Societies on Prince Edward Island (1981);
Brendan O‟Grady, How the Irish came to Prince Edward Island (Audio recording, 1982), The Monaghan settlers
(Audio recording, 1983); A people set apart : the County Monaghan settlers in Prince Edward Island (1986), and
Exiles and Islanders the Irish settlers of Prince Edward Island (2004); Bruce S. Elliot, “English Immigration to
Prince Edward Island, Part I,” (1996) and “English Immigration to Prince Edward Island, Part II,” (1997) The Island
Magazine. See bibliography for more information on these studies.
2 See David Weale, Lebanese on P.E.I., VHS, (Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, 1986) and A Stream out of
Lebanon (1988); Frank Zakem, The Neighbourhood Family Run Corner Store Experience (2002) and The Zakem-
Marji Story - Five Generations (2006); Paul Michael, Lebanese Reminiscences (1974); Cathy-Ann Molnar
(Compiler), Today‟s Memory…Tomorrow‟s Dream – 100th Anniversary of the Lebanese Community on Prince
Edward Island, ed. Larry Rashed, Paul Tawell, and Frank Zakem (1988) in particular p.24; Brigette VanVliet, We
Came We Saw We Stayed (1982); Orlo Jones and Doris Haslam (Eds.), An Island Refuge: Loyalists and Disbanded
Troops on the Island of Saint John (1983); Wilbur H. Siebert and Florence E. Gilliam. The Loyalists in Prince
Edward Island. See bibliography for more information on these studies.
3 See Godfrey Baldacchino, Immigrant Entrepreneurs on Prince Edward Island (2008); Recent Settlers on Prince
Edward Island Speak: Suggestions and Recommendations for Improvement, Action and Public Policy (2007);
Recent Settlers on Prince Edward Island Speak: Positive „Selling Points‟ Regarding PEI (2007); Recent Settlers to
Prince Edward Island: Why They Come and Why They Stay (2006); Settling in Charlottetown and PEI: Recent
Settlers Speak (2006); Coming to, and Settling on, Prince Edward Island: Stories and Voices : A Report on a Study
of Recent Immigrants to PEI; Andrea W. Bird, Islandness and Immigration - Insiders and Outsiders on Prince
Edward Island (2008) (document obtained from Bird); Blake L. Doyle, Attraction Retention and Integration
Challenges of Economic Immigrants in Prince Edward Island (2005) See bibliography for more information on
these studies; and Hung–Min Chiang, Chinese Islanders: Making a Home in the New World (Charlottetown: Island
Studies Press, 2006), in particular, see pp. 119-132.
2
Edward Island, Robert Rankin‟s, The Coming of Disbanded Troops and Loyalist Refugees to the
Island of Saint John and Asifa Rahman‟s 1986 report, Immigrant and Refugee Women of P.E.I.4
Using newspapers to research refugees on Prince Edward Island offers a new approach to
the study of this topic. The newspaper holds a certain amount of authoritative power in society.
Especially in highly literate societies such as that on Prince Edward Island, newspapers are “a
dominant force in shaping and reinforcing points of view.”5 Elizabeth Larson writes that
although factors such as government policy, aid, education, and skills also affect the refugee‟s
experience, “the way in which refugees are portrayed in the media often contributes to their
struggles.”6 This study opens a discussion on the experiences of refugees on Prince Edward
Island, the reaction of the host community when receiving refugees, and the identities and
characteristics of refugees that newspapers construct.
My previous studies as an undergraduate student in Political Studies and History
stimulated my interest in this topic. To date, History has not made as many contributions to the
Refugee Studies field as has other social sciences.7 Khalid Koser, Pnina Werbner, and Ien Ang
write that “[w]e run a real danger of reinventing the wheel with our studies sometimes, and I
suspect a historical perspective might be very useful. A lot of these migration and refugee
processes that we are seeing now have actually happened in the past, and just have not been
studied or understood enough.”8 Historians have not yet explored this subject in their work. This
4 Brendan O‟Grady, Exiles and Islanders the Irish Settlers of Prince Edward Island (Montreal : McGill-Queen's
University Press, 2004); Robert Allan Rankin, The Coming of Disbanded Troops and Loyalist Refugees to the Island
of Saint John (1783-1786) (Charlottetown : University of P. E. I., 1973); and Asifa Rahman, Immigrant and Refugee
Women of P.E.I. – Their Needs and Experiences, P.E.I. Women‟s Group, 1986.
5 Elizabeth M. Larson, “Through the Eyes of the Media: Perceptions of Nicaraguan Refugees in Costa Rica in the
1980s,” (paper presented at Conference of Latin Americanist Geographers, Costa Rica, 1995): 2.
6 Elizabeth M. Larson, 1.
7 Khalid Koser, Pnina Werbner, and Ien Ang, “Cultural Research and Refugee Studies – New Knowledge,
Methodologies, and Practical Implications; A Panel Commentary,” Social Analysis 48, no. 03 (Fall, 2004): 59.
8 Ibid.
3
study aims to begin the process of bringing History and Refugee Studies together. It provides an
introduction to refugee discourses in The Guardian during post-Word War Two.
I am a Canadian-born resident of Prince Edward Island. I have never been an immigrant
of any type and therefore, obviously never a refugee. I am not able to relate to the personal
experiences of refugees (or immigrants). This study has allowed me to gain a greater
understanding of the experiences of refugees on Prince Edward Island. It is hoped that this study
will inform others, with personal experiences similar to my own, about how refugees have been
received in our community.
Historiographical Context: Refugee Studies
“Through the Eyes of The Guardian” is both a historical and contemporary thesis
situated within the field of Refugee Studies. It aims to begin a discussion on the topic of refugees
on Prince Edward Island. My analysis of Guardian articles relies heavily on existing literature in
the Refugee Studies discipline. A brief discussion of the field will be provided to explain the
context within which scholars are writing and the issues which are affecting their scholarly
output. The past twenty years have witnessed the discipline evolve from a loose collection of
unpublished papers written by nongovernmental organizations into an academic genre. As the
number of refugees worldwide continues to grow, so does the need for a field studying this type
of migration. Developing conceptual frameworks to complete this study is an ongoing scholarly
endeavor.9 The migration experiences of refugees differs greatly from that of economic migrants.
Therefore, a discipline for the study of the refugee experience is warranted. Specialized research
centres, academic journals, and research organizations are the academic home of Refugee
9 Roger Zetter, “Refugees and Refugee Studies – A Valedictory Editorial,” Journal of Refugee Studies 13, no. 04
(2000): 349.
4
Studies.10 The field has come to be interdisciplinary with input from International Relations,
Law, Anthropology, Sociology, History, and Economics.11 Refugee Studies is still evolving. A
current focus in the field is on further defining terminologies and theories.12
Eftihia Voutira and Giorgia Doná write that conceptual clarification of Refugee Studies is
still required. The term refugee is complex.13 With the field only recently having become
professional, key terms have to be reexamined and emerging trends have to be identified.14
Central to the field of Refugee Studies is its multi- and interdisciplinary nature, a bottom-up
approach, and the unique relationship between scholarship and advocacy.15 The field is multi-
and interdisciplinary because the field is refined from the input of a number of different
disciplines. The complexity of the field emerges from this collective input. A “pidgin language,”
understandable only by those working in the field, has emerged.16 The experiences of refugees
requires the analysis provided by a number of different schools: racism, xenophobia,
immigration policies, violence and war, human rights, state sovereignty, development,
citizenship, diaspora, memory, historicity are just a few of the variables affecting refugees.17
Refugee Studies is a common ground where scholars from a multitude of different fields meet to
provide analysis. Scholars are continuing to become interdisciplinary, that is, applying the
10 Richard Black, “Fifty Years of Refugee Studies: From Theory to Policy,” International Migration Review 35, no.
01 (Spring, 2001): 57.
11 Claudena Skran and Carla N. Daughtry, “The Study of Refugees Before „Refugee Studies,‟” Refugee Survey
Quarterly 26, no. 03 (2007): 16.
12 See Khalid Koser, Pnina Werbner, and Ien Ang,.
13 Although many contemporary scholars write that the complexity of refugee studies has emerged in the past twenty
years, scholars studying forced migration earlier in the century were also writing about the complexities of refugee
studies. See, See Jacques Vernant, The Refugee in the Post-War World (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd.,
1953), 3-23.
14 Eftihia Voutira and Giorgia Doná, p. 164.
15 Eftihia Voutira and Giorgia Doná, “Refugee Research Methodologies: Consolidation and Transformation of a
Field,” Journal of Refugee Studies 20, no. 02 (2007): 163.
16 Eftihia Voutira and Giorgia Doná, p. 166.
17 Liisa H. Malkki, “Refugees and Exile: From „Refugee Studies‟ to the National Order of Things,” Annual Review
of Anthropology, 24 (1995): 496.
5
“coherent and integrated research strategies … which incorporate the knowledge, methods,
theories, and concepts of a number of different disciplines.”18
Most of the literature within the field takes a bottom-up approach. Particularly the
history, anthropology, and sociology disciplines are refugee-centric in their scholarship.19
Finally, inherent to Refugees Studies is the relation between scholarship and advocacy. The
human side of the refugee experience becomes evident when professionals engage in the
discipline.20 It becomes very difficult for researchers not to communicate humanitarian
advocacy through their work. Karen Jacobsen and Loren Landeau write that a dual imperative
exists: “[scholars] want to believe that our research and teaching will contribute to our theoretical
understanding of the world while actually helping millions of people caught up in humanitarian
disasters and complex emergencies.”21At the 1998 Growth of Forced Migration Conference at
the University of Oxford, Barbara Harrell-Bond said that those working in the field of Refugee
Studies were “working towards a world without refugees.”22 A result of the relationship between
advocacy and scholarship is the concept that refugees are a resource rather than a problem.23
18 Barbara E. Harrell-Bond, “Refugee Studies at Oxford „Some‟ History,” (paper presented at The Growth of Forced
Migration: New Directions in Research, Policy, and Practice Conference, University of Oxford, March 25-27,
1998). Robbinson writes “[b]ecause Refugee Studies is a multi-disciplinary and even interdisciplinary field of study
it tends to lack an institutional base within academe. Refugee Studies thus becomes a subsidiary focus for the
individual, who may occasionally research refugee issues as pro bono work, whilst focusing on other issues to gain
academic recognition and advancement.” in Vaughan Robinson, “The Importance of Information in the
Resettlement of Refugees in the UK,” Journal of Refugee Studies 11, no. 02 (1998): 154.
19 Ibid.
20 Khalid Koser writes, “I am not sure that we, as academics, as anthropologists, sociologists, and the rest of us, are
really making a difference anymore.” p. 60 He also writes “I have this real dilemma, a personal dilemma, about
balancing out being an academic and an advocate. Part of me thinks that my job as an academic is to be a proper
social scientist and go out and collect data…But, increasingly, what I find myself doing is going out, collecting the
data … and then presenting a certain part of it that does not undermine asylum seekers‟ rights.” p. 61 in Khalid
Koser, Pnina Werbner, and Ien Ang,.
21 Karen Jacobsen and Loren Landau, “The Dual Imperative in Refugee Research: Some Methodological and
Ethical Considerations in Social Science Research on Forced Migration,” Disasters 27, no. 03 (2003): 185.
22 Barbara E. Harrell-Bond,.
23 Eftihia Voutira and Giorgia Doná, p. 166.
6
There is concern that Refugee Studies has become too policy-oriented. Some scholars
believe that since much of this policy-oriented research is funded by operational agencies, there
is a tendency for the results to be “highly geographically, temporally, and organizationally
limited.”24 This research tends to be repetitive and biased in favour of the funding agent.25 More
academic research is needed coming from individuals “working on the ground.”26 Harrell-Bond
believes that “[u]nless researchers keep in close touch with the multiple dimensions of the
experience of the people we study, our work is unlikely to inform policy makers, much less give
voice to what is perhaps the most powerless category of people in our world today.”27
Sources
Newspapers have been chosen as the source through which to determine the reactions of
the host community. Newspapers are the communicators of “current history.”28 Newspapers are
“both an integral part of the ideological apparatus of capitalist societies and one of the main
agencies for the reproduction of these societies through their interpretation, packaging, and
distribution of reality throughout society.”29 What is presented in newspapers is not randomly
selected. Newspaper content reflects the “will … and interests of dominant economic groups.”30
Christiane Akwa writes that the media is an integral part of our environment which affects our
24 Richard Black, p. 67.
25 Richard Black, p. 68.
26 Richard Black, p. 70.
27 Barbara Harrell-Bond. It is interesting to note that Harell-Bond‟s belief was shared by her academic predecessors
as early as 1961. Robert Kee writes that, “[at Geneva … [you can only learn] about the theory of the refugee world
almost as if it were an academic subject, like metaphysics or the natural sciences. But to the refugee himself all this
bears little relation to the reality he knows. For an effective understanding of the refugee problem, it is the refugee‟s
own world that counts, and that is not at all a neat or logical place however hard people may work to try to make it
seem so in Robert Kee, Refugee World (London: Oxford University Press, 1961), 3.
28 Dorothy Leggit, “Reading Newspapers and Magazines,” Social Studies 29, no. 07 (November, 1938): 296.
29 Roberto Franzosi, “The Press as a Source of Socio-Historical Data,” Historical Methods 20, no. 01 (Winter,
1987): 6.
30 Ibid.
7
thoughts and behaviours.31 In addition, geographic or temporal restraints may determine that
newspapers are the only available sources of data.32 Some scholars write that newspaper
reporting is biased, and therefore the reliability of the data is forfeited. Further, messages in the
newspaper are interpreted differently from individual to individual. To determine the effect
media messages have on public perception is made difficult. When analyzing papers, the
researcher is sometimes examining newspaper reporting as opposed to historical events.33 The
researcher has to be aware of this reality and examine collections of articles as opposed to
individual sets. Doing so allows one to determine recursive themes in the newspaper and thus
what issues are important or newsworthy to the dominant groups in society.34
This study has been developed from a thematic textual analysis of Prince Edward Island‟s
The Guardian newspaper. The Guardian was chosen because it is the primary source for the
Island‟s local news and covers news stories from all parts of the province. Although I have no
way of knowing for sure what each journalist meant to convey when writing his or her articles,
examining collections of articles allows one to identify various themes, patterns, and attitudes.
Similarly, comparing what is learned from articles in The Guardian with knowledge and insights
gained from secondary sources uncovers underlying and implicit themes.
Using the term „refugee‟ in The Guardian‟s online search engine produced approximately
300 articles.35 Due to the time constraints of an undergraduate honour‟s thesis, I have limited
discussion in this study to an analysis of four sets of articles within the post-World War Two and
pre-9/11 period. After searching the University of Prince Edward Island‟s archives, as well as
31 Christiane Dike Nsangue Akwa, “The Feedback Phenomenon in the Cameroonian Press, 1990-1993,” Africa
Today 51, no. 01 (Fall, 2004): 86.
32 Ibid.
33 Ibid.
34 Mustafa Hussain, “Islam, Media, and Minorities in Denmark,” Current Sociology 48, no. 04 (2000): 101.
35 See www.theguardian.pe.ca.
8
The Guardian‟s online search engine, articles relating to refugee arrivals during the 1950s,
1980s, and 1990s have been identified as particularly relevant to this study.36 The articles from
the 1950s collection focus on the arrival of Hungarian refugees to Prince Edward Island; the
articles from the 1990s focus on the arrival of Kosovo refugees. The articles from the 1950s and
1980s were found under the term „refugee‟ in the Robertson Library‟s archives. The articles from
the 1990s were found using the terms „Kosovo‟ and „refugee‟ in The Guardian‟s online search
engine. As the online search only produced summaries of the articles, I then found the full
articles using the Robertson Library‟s microfilm collection. I selected Kosovo articles which
focused on their reception in Prince Edward Island and excluded articles which focused on
international affairs and NATO‟s role in Kosovo as these topics fell outside of the parameters of
this study.37
Over 37,000 Hungarian refugees came to Canada during 1956-1957. Citizenship and
Immigration Canada‟s (CIC) records do not indicate the number of people who immigrated to
Prince Edward Island during these years. According to CIC in 1999, 13538 people immigrated to
Prince Edward Island and of these 39 were refugees.39 However, the number of refugees who
immigrated to the Island in 1999 can be debated. The Department of Canadian Heritage states
that over one hundred Kosovo refugees came to the province in 1999. Articles from The
36 The Guardian‟s online search function will retrieve articles that were published post-1997. I located the 1950s and
1980s articles through a microfilm search at the University of Prince Edward Island‟s Robertson Library.
37 Using the term „Kosovo‟ and „refugee‟ will also produce articles which focus on international affairs and NATO‟s
operations in Kosovo.
38 Canada, Citizenship and Immigration Canada, Canada – Permanent residents by province or territory,
http://www.cic.gc.ca/english/resources/statistics/facts2007/permanent/17.asp (accessed April 10, 2009).
39 Canada, Citizenship and Immigration Canada, Canada – December 1st stock of humanitarian population by
province or territory and urban area, http://www.cic.gc.ca/english/resources/statistics/facts2007/temporary/25.asp
(Accessed April 10, 2009).
9
Guardian indicates that over one hundred Kosovo refugees came to the Island in 1999.40 The
discussion in this thesis concerning the refugees of the 1950s and 1990s is, in part, inspired by
Binoy Kampark‟s study of Jewish refugees to Australia in 1936 and Muslim refugees in 2001.41
This thesis is a historical investigation of public and political reactions to refugees in two time
periods.
One could greatly expand this study to include the multitude of other articles that The
Guardian published on refugees post-World War Two. After briefly examining the articles
which were produced from a „refugee‟ term search in The Guardian‟s search engine, two general
themes emerged: securitization and humanitarianism. The sets of articles from the 1980s best
demonstrated these themes and thus were used as examples to discuss the concept of the
securitized refugee and the humanitarian refugee.42 The arrival of Burmese refugees in 2006
also gained The Guardian‟s attention.43 As this was the next large movement of refugees to
Prince Edward Island following the Kosovo refugees, one could use these two groups as case
studies to see what effect 9/11 had on the way The Guardian reports on refugees arriving in the
province. In 2007, El Salvadorian refugees gained The Guardian‟s attention after enduring many
hardships and reuniting on Prince Edward Island.44 The Guardian‟s attention to Momo Kanneh‟s
40 Through personal communication via e-mail with Bill Campbell, Co-ordinator of the Kosovar Refugee
Sponsorship Program, on April 13, 2009 it was learned that 104 Kosovar refugees came to the Island in 1999. There
were 61 remaining Kosovar refugees as of September 13, 1999.
41 Binoy Kampark, “‟Spying for Hitler‟ and „Working for Bin Laden‟: Comparative Australian Discourses on
Refugees,” Journal of Refugee Studies 19, no. 01 (2006): 1.
42 The Guardian‟s online search engine will only retrieve articles published post-1997. The 1980s articles were
found in the Special Collections section of the University of Prince Edward Island‟s Robertson Library under the
term „refugee‟.
43 See “P.E.I. man seeks to smuggle daughter out of Burma,” The Guardian, 17 March 2008; “P.E.I. receiving
Myanmar refugees,” The Guardian, 13 September, 2006;” Peter McKenna, “Does Canada have a duty to protect the
people of Burma?,” The Guardian, 21 May 2008; “Burmese refugees could be heading for P.E.I.,” The Guardian,
20 June 2008; et al. see the results of „refugee‟ query in The Guardian‟s online archival search.
44 See Teresa Wright Constable, “Family reunites on P.E.I. after 14-year battle,” The Guardian, 23 April 2007 and
“El Salvador family reunites in P.E.I.,” The Guardian, 25 September 2007.
10
family‟s flight from the Ivory Coast to Island45 and also the struggles Regina Oppon of
Charlottetown endured as a refugee could have been chosen as case studies.46 Rather than
complete a meta-survey of all articles, I decided to combine the comparison of 1950s and 1990s
with the 1980s.
Through the Eyes of The Guardian47 is in part a historical and contemporary study of the
reception of refugees on Prince Edward Island as well as an examination of the media
representation of refugees. This thesis is placed within the larger field of Refugee Studies. The
inter-disciplinary nature of Refugee Studies provides me the opportunity to research refugees on
Prince Edward Island from both a historical and socio-political perspective. Using The Guardian
as a source, this study will provide: 1) a glimpse of how the Island accepted the Hungarian and
Kosovo refugees and 2) provide an example of how the newspaper has both securitized refugees
and constructed a humanitarian identity within the host community. Possible push factors
encouraging the migration of refugees to Canada will be presented through discussing secondary
literature. Similar to Terence Wright‟s study of visual representations of refugees in the media48
this study will attempt to answer the following questions: Why do certain refugees gain attention
in The Guardian? Why are some instances of migration covered by The Guardian while others
are not? And what determines the type of media treatment the refugees receive? These questions
45 See Jim Day, “Former African citizen gets word that family will soon be on P.E.I.,” The Guardian, 19 November
2004, p. 1; “Civil unrest delays Ivory Coast family‟s flight to new life,” The Guardian, 13 November 2004, p.A4;
“Transplanted African realizes dream,” The Guardian, 10 December 2004; “Kanneh family reunited,” The
Guardian, 15 September 2006; et al. see the results of „refugee‟ query in The Guardian‟s online archival search.
46 See Jim Day, “Family from Sierra Leone that lived through horror of civil war set to be reunited in P.E.I.,” The
Guardian, 26 June 2004, p. A4; “Film will raise funds for family,” The Guardian, 04 October 2004, p.A3; et al. see
the results of „Oppon‟ query in The Guardian‟s online archival search.
47 This title was borrowed from: Elizabeth M. Larson, “Through the Eyes of the Media: Perceptions of Nicaraguan
Refugees in Costa Rica in the 1980s,” (paper presented at the Conference of Latin Americanist Geographers, Costa
Rica, 1995).
48 Terence Wright, “Moving images: the media representation of refugees,” Visual Studies 17, no. 01 (2002): 53.
11
will be answered by applying the knowledge gained from secondary sources against what is
presented in The Guardian articles.
In Part One of this study I explore two thematic categories of the representation of
refugees in the media: securitization and humanitarianism. It reviews how in two separate cases,
„illegal‟ immigrants had committed crimes in Canada and then later applied for refugee status.
Yet, the way in which The Guardian covered each case was drastically different. In the first
case, The Guardian‟s coverage of „illegal immigrant‟ Hian Chan demonstrates how the media
can construct allusions in the host community that refugees are risks to the society. The second
case involving stow-away Abdul Koroma demonstrates how refugees provide the media an
opportunity to produce feel-good stories and to reaffirm who Us (the host community) is as
opposed to Them (the refugee).
In Part Two of this study I compare the migration of Hungarian refugees to Prince
Edward Island (1956-1957) to the migration of Kosovo refugees in 1999. In this section I have
determined that from 1956-1957 the Hungarian refugees were positively received on Prince
Edward Island because they were anti-soviet political symbols. This political factor, coupled
with their perceived ability to contribute to the Island‟s economy, encouraged their positive
reception. In the case of the Kosovo refugees in 1999, The Guardian demonstrated that much
more apprehension in the host community existed previous to the Kosovars‟ arrival than the
Hungarians‟ arrival. However, looking at articles after the Kosovars had arrived demonstrates
that The Guardian was involved in a process of reaffirming a “humanitarian island” image.
The epilogue of this study is a discussion of data that was obtained through an interview
and a questionnaire from one refugee who settled on Prince Edward Island. Graeme Rodgers
writes that small-scale research, working directly with refugees is the most just and efficient
12
methodological approach to take when researching refugees.49 Godfrey Baldacchino writes that
incorporating immigrants in an immigration study, “introduces a completely new perspective to
the immigration phenomenon … [and] tap[s] [into] those who are actually most affected …
Looking at the immigration phenomenon „from the other end‟ obliges a radical change of
focus.”50 For this study, the material collected through interview and questionnaire allows
researchers to gain a better understanding of the experiences of refugees on Prince Edward
Island, directly from a key-informant. The epilogue‟s limitations are obvious; only one refugee
participated. Yet, it is hoped that this section will encourage others to continue researching media
discourses with input from refugees on Prince Edward Island.
49 Graeme Rodgers, “„Hanging out‟ with forced migrants: methodological and ethical challenges,” Forced Migration
Review 21, (2004): 21.
50 Godfrey Baldacchino, Coming to, and Settling on, Prince Edward Island: Stories and Voices
‐
A
Report on a Study of Recent Immigrants to PEI, Charlottetown, Canada, University of Prince Edward Island for the
Population Secretariat, Provincial Government of Prince Edward Island, 2006.
13
Part One: The Media’s Role in Securitization and Reaffirming Humanitarian Values: The
Cases of ‘Illegal Immigrant’ Hian Chan and Stow-Away Abdul Koroma
„Othering‟51 is common in the experiences of many migrants to Canada - refugees are not
excluded from this reality. Defining one‟s own identity in terms of how it is different from „the
Other‟ is not a new phenomenon.52 Ivor Jackson writes that there is a tendency among receiving
countries to disregard the hardships of refugees and label them as abusive applicants or disguised
migrants.53 The concept of Them and Us is encouraged by securitization. Michael Pugh defines
securitization as, “the process by which issues are identified, labelled and reified as threats to the
community.”54 In the realm of migration, the media plays a role in constructing threats to the
host community in an attempt to create sensational articles and thus increase readership.55
Consciously on the part of the media or not, discourse which criminalizes refugees affects the
decisions made by those in the political realm and thus severely jeopardizes the protection of
people in danger.56
Harald Bauder writes that the media in Canada also contributes to constructing a positive
image of the refugee. Here, newspapers play an integral role in defining a national humanitarian
51 Throughout this study, the terms Other, Othered, Othering, etc. come from Benedict Anderson‟s analysis. See
Benedict Anderson. Imagined Communities (London: Verso, 1983).
52 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities (London: Verso, 1983): 131.
53 Ivor C. Jackson, “Some International Protection Issues Arising During the 1970s and 1980s With Particular
Reference to the Role of the UNHCR Executive Committee,” Refugee Survey Quarterly 27, no. 01 (2008): 35.
54 Michael Pugh, “Drowning not Waving: Boat People and Humanitarianism at Sea,” Journal of Refugee Studies 14,
no. 02 (2001): 52.
55 Ibid. Pugh writes that, “News media have created or fuelled scares to improve ratings and attract advertising
revenue.” See also Amanda Haynes, Eoin Devereux, and Michael Breen, A Cosy Consensus on Deviant Discourse:
How the refugee and asylum seeker meta-narrative has endorsed an interpretive crisis in relation to the
transnational politics of the world‟s displaced persons, Working Paper WP2004-03, University of Limerick.
Department of Sociology, 2004, http://www.ul.ie/sociology/docstore/workingpapers/wp2004-03.pdf (accessed April
11, 2009).
56 Ibid.
14
identity.57 He places refugee migration within the realm of humanitarian immigration. Within
this context, the media will represent the host community as compassionate and caring.58 In this
situation „Othering‟ also occurs. It differs from the „Othering‟ that occurs with securitization
because in this case the media will focus on what the refugee has fled and how that is different
from how they were received.59 Sharon Pickering writes that newspaper articles “sympathetic
towards asylum seekers and refugees largely appear as human interest stories.”60 This type of
newspaper article will contrast the violence and hardship that the refugee has fled to the peaceful
and secure environment within which they were received.
The way in which Singaporean Hian Meng (Bobby) Chan was reported on demonstrates
the process of securitization that The Guardian was involved in. In December of 1984 Chan was
given a two year probation sentence for his illegal entry into Canada. Chan had been arrested in
Pownal, Prince Edward Island for entering Canada illegally and working with a fake Social
Insurance Number. Another article also reports that Chan had committed crimes in England
before he entered Canada.61 On January 05, 1985 a Guardian article reports that Chan had
requested refugee status in Canada. Following his application he was held in the Sleepy Hollow
correctional facility at the request of Immigration officials.62 After being found guilty of his
crimes, Chan was awaiting a deportation order. However, having applied for refugee status, his
deportation was not to be confirmed until his refugee request could be reviewed by Immigration
Minister Flora MacDonald.63 It is noteworthy that the crimes Chan had committed in Canada -
57 Harald Bauder, “Dialects of Humanitarian Immigration and National Identity in Canadian Public Discourse,”
Refuge 25, no. 01( 2008) 84.
58 Harald Bauder, p. 85.
59 Harald Bauder, p. 91.
60 Sharon Pickering, “Common Sense and Original Deviancy: News Discourses and Asylum Seekers in Australia,”
Journal of Refugee Studies 14, no. 02 (2001): 184.
61 “Singapore Man in Court,” The Guardian, 22 December 1984, p.2.
62 “Singapore Man Seeking Refugee Status in Canada,” The Guardian, 05 January 1985, p.2.
63 “Deportation Order Awaiting Decision,” The Guardian, 19 January 1985, p.5.
15
entering the country illegally and working with a fake Social Insurance Number, and also jewel
theft in England - received a substantial amount of coverage in The Guardian articles.
In 1985 a stowaway from Sierra Leone revealed himself at the harbor in Charlottetown.
Reflecting on the Singapore case, one would assume that the Sierra Leonean‟s „illegal‟ entry into
Canada would also evoke articles which focused on the crime that this man had committed.
However, the Sierra Leonean‟s worthiness for refugee status gained more attention as opposed to
his „illegal‟ entry into the country. Examining these two cases demonstrates the role the media
plays in constructing identities of refugees and the host community. In the case of the
Singaporean, the threat of „the Other‟ was brought into sharp focus through securitization. In the
Sierra Leonean case, the Island‟s humanitarian identity was reaffirmed. The Sierra Leonean
provided an opportunity for The Guardian to encourage a humanitarian image of the Island.
Throughout the 1980s there was an increase in refugee flows. This is not only evident by
the increase in official United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) meetings that
were held throughout the decade, but also the increase in the organization‟s budget.64 The
UNHCR undertook an international campaign to ensure that countries were accepting refugees
and providing adequate settlement assistance.65 Some of the developments included the creation
of a handbook on the procedures for determining refugee status, the Protection of Asylum-
Seekers in Situations of Large Scale Influx resolution, and resolutions on how to deal with
voluntary repatriation of seekers.66 Ivor Jackson writes that throughout the decade there was a
tendency for national authorities to be more restrictive in granting applications - a reaction to the
64 Adam Roberts, “More refugees, less Asylum: A Regime in Transformation,” Journal of Refugee Studies 11, no.
04 (1998): 376. “The overall expansion in UNHCR activities since the mid-1970s is striking. The agency‟s budget,
which depends primarily on voluntary donations by states, grew from $69 m. in 1975 to $1, 307 m. in 1993, and $1,
430 m. in 1996.”
65 Ivor C. Jackson, 32.
66 Ibid. 34, and 36.
16
large increase of refugee flows. This was the international political environment that existed
when Chan and Koroma made their applications to receive refugee status.67
Chan and Securitization
The Guardian articles are representative of the securitization of Chan and an attempt to
create sensational media. The fact that Chan had previously attempted to enter Canada and was
rejected, later entered Canada with the use of false documents, gained employment illegally, and
was from Singapore allowed The Guardian to easily present Chan as an economic migrant as
opposed to a bona fide refugee. Pugh writes that those refugees who are viewed as being able to
gain economic benefits in the host country are criticised heavily in media discourse.68 Implicitly,
The Guardian was demonstrating the belief that refugees are a risk for destination countries -
refugees are „the Other‟ and their criminal activities pose a threat to the society.69 The Guardian
was writing to Islanders that the province had caught a „bogus‟ refugee. Although this may have
been the case, the way in which The Guardian reported on Chan would have altered the opinions
Islanders have towards refugees.
In the articles, the focus was on the crimes that Chan had committed. Pickering‟s survey
of the representation of asylum seekers in Australian newspapers concluded that when a refugee
is considered deviant, reports are generally “not ... interested in the issue of home country
67 Locally on Prince Edward Island, the social climate may not have been welcoming of people such as Chan and
Koroma. From The Guardian articles one can not determine the host community‟s reaction to the men, however, an
article in the Island‟s Common Ground: A Journal for Island Women discusses how immigrant and visible minority
Koli Kahn was denied a promotion by her employer because “her accent was inappropriate.” The article cites
Member of the Legislative Assembly Roddy Pratt‟s comment that Premier Joe Ghiz was a “Black boy” as a “glaring
example of the deep rooted racism still felt in Prince Edward Island.” Nydia Uribe writes in the Immigrant
Women‟s Group of P.E.I. Newsletter that on the Island, immigrants are clearly “different” than the host community.
See Anne McCallum, “Koli Kahn – The Immigrant Experience,” Common Ground: A Journal for Island Women 5,
no. 04 (September, 1986):12 and Nydia Uribe, “Refugees…Their Expectations and Some Misconceptions,”
Immigrant Women‟s Group of P.E.I. Newsletter 1, no. 04 (September 1987): 10.
68 Michael Pugh, p. 55.
69 See Michael Pugh p. 55 for further reading on the „risks‟ that host societies believe refugees present.
17
conditions or the conditions of flight.”70 This type of media coverage negatively impacts the
application of the Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and Pugh writes that it is
dehumanizing. It does not shed light on the inequalities that exist which may have encouraged
the refugee‟s movement.71
In Chan‟s case, his illegal entry into Canada gained a significant amount of attention. One
article tells that a “Singapore man has been given suspended sentences … relating to his illegal
entry into Canada.”72 Another article mentions that “Chan pleaded guilty to … coming into
Canada by the use of a false passport.”73 A Guardian contributor wrote that “the accused had
been excluded from Canada”74 Finally, “[i]n December he [Chan] was arrested and pleaded
guilty … [for his] illegal entry into Canada”75 Discourse which focuses on the “illegal” way in
which one enters a country embodies an implicit threat to national security and suggests
deviance.76 The articles implied that Chan‟s illegal entry into Canada made him an unworthy
refugee applicant. Pickering writes that “constructions of deviancy (legality and illegality) have
consistently been more concerned with casting „genuine‟ refugees in opposition to the „bogus‟
and „phoney.‟”77 The Guardian was showing how Chan had been „caught.‟
In The Guardian articles the language that was used purports that Chan‟s refugee claim
was bogus while at the same time it encouraged securitization. The description of the crimes that
Chan had committed were juxtaposed with his request to receive refugee status. The Guardian
informed Islanders that “A 24-year old Singapore man wanted in England for jewel theft and
70 Sharon Pickering, p. 183.
71 See Michael Pugh, p. 65 for further reading on how securitization obscures global inequalities.
72 “Singapore Man in Court,”. [italics mine]
73 Ibid. [italics mine]
74 Ibid. [italics mine]
75 “Deportation Order Awaiting Decision,” [italics mine]
76 Sharon Pickering, p. 173.
77 Sharon Pickering, p. 175.
18
Singapore on various other charges has asked for refugee status in Canada.”78 Another article
told that “A 24-year-old Singapore man was found guilty Thursday of living in Canada without
government permission, but he won‟t be deported until Immigration Minister Flora MacDonald
rules on his refugee status.”79 Positioning the crimes Chan committed next to his request for
refugee status highlights the fear among host communities of the bogus refugee claim. Here, it is
feared that the refugee immigrant is merely entering the country through the back-door – an
economic migrant disguised as a refugee who will only burden the host community. The media
plays on this fear by juxtaposing claims for protection against descriptions of criminality. An
article told that “[Chan must] refrain from working or receiving renumeration in this province.”80
The explicit use of „this‟ emphasizes not what but who. That is, this type of rhetoric refers not to
the province as a territory but those who live in the province. Chan‟s activities would be OK
there but not here. Through binary oppositions such as this, a difference between Us (the host
community) and Them (the refugee) is constructed. Chan was the „bogus‟ refugee and The
Guardian sensationalized this case to demonstrate that not all refugees are honest applicants.
78 “Deportation Order Awaiting Decision,”.
79 “Singapore Man Seeking Refugee Status in Canada,”.
80 “Singapore Man in Court,” [italics mine].
19
Us and Them was further defined
by repeated reference to Chan‟s
nationality. For example, one article
made three explicit references to Chan‟s nationality. Under the headline, “Singapore Man in
Court” the contributor wrote that “A 24-year old Singapore man has been given suspended
sentences” and that he had been previously “sent back to Singapore” before re-entering Canada
illegally.81 The contributor went on to write that Chan was “wanted in ... Singapore” on various
charges.82 Another article also makes an explicit reference to Chan‟s nationality. The Guardian
told that a “Singapore man was found guilty.”83 A second headline “Singapore Man Seeking
Refugee Status in Canada”84 made another explicit reference to Chan‟s country of origin. This
article went on to tell how a “Singapore man wanted in England for jewel theft has asked for
refugee status in Canada.”85 Sean Hier and Joshua Greenberg‟s study of news coverage on
Fujianese migrants demonstrated that repeated references to the migrants‟ nationality created an
“instant epistemological distinction between „Chinese‟ and „Canadian‟.”86 This process of
„Othering,‟ coupled with references to Chan‟s criminality, constructs a perception of this
problem as being a Singaporean phenomenon and one that Canada is vulnerable to.87
The imprisonment of Chan is also noteworthy. In many European countries, negative
media coverage of refugees and detention occurs as a form of deterrence to other would-be
„illegal migrants.‟ Marie-Claire Caloz-Tschopp writes about the detention of migrants in Europe
81 Ibid.
82 Ibid.
83 “Deportation Order Awaiting Decision,”.
84 “Singapore Man Seeking Refugee Status in Canada,”.
85 Ibid.
86 Sean P. Hier and Joshua L. Greenberg, “Constructing a discursive crisis: risk, problematization and illegal
Chinese in Canada,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 25, no. 03 (2002): 498.
87 My conclusion is drawn from Hier and Greenberg‟s discussion on the representation of Fujianese migrants in
newspapers. See Sean P. Hier and Joshua L. Greenberg, p.499.
The Guardian, 05 January 1985.
20
and how it fragments democratic structures.88 Switzerland is cited as an example. Detaining
persons seeking asylum is in direct violation of the Convention. According to the Caloz-
Tschopp school of thought, Chan‟s imprisonment would have further encouraged a fear of „the
Other‟ on the Island. Similar to detention in European countries, Chan‟s imprisonment
demonstrated that he was an individual who was not able to live peacefully in society.89
This situation entices “hatred of aliens.”90 It is possible that many readers saw Chan‟s
imprisonment as having come from his illegal entry as opposed to the crime he committed, thus
encouraging the stereotype that those who enter Canada undocumented are a threat to the nation.
Chan was charged with illegally entering Canada with the use of a fake document. Karin
Landgren writes about refugees and the criminalizing of illegal departure (and entry).91 The
author writes that for asylum seekers, the use of false documents is not surprising. In many cases
they have no other choice as „legal‟ routes to enter the destination country are slim.92
For the purposes of this section, what is important is the way in which Chan was
securitized. In a security-conscious world, Chan was a threat. Chan‟s attempt to stay in Canada
as a refugee after committing crimes may have had a damaging affect on Islanders‟ perceptions
of all refugee arrivals. The language The Guardian used to report about Chan may have
encouraged negative perceptions about refugees.
88 Marie-Claire Caloz-Tschopp, “On the Detention of Aliens: The Impact on Democratic Rights,” Journal of
Refugee Studies 10, no. 02 (1997): 169.
89 Caloz-Tschopp writes that people who are removed from society (and detained) are thereby turned into public
enemies, p. 177.
90 Caloz-Tschopp, p. 169.
91 Karin Landgarden, “The Future of Refugee Protection: Four Challenges,” Journal of Refugee Studies 11, no. 04
(1998): 423.
92 Asylum seekers entering Malta can act as an example of this. Here, many migrants have never possessed an
identification card, exorbitant fees in the country of origin made obtaining documentation economically impossible,
and many have lost their documentation via their journey by boat to Malta.
21
Koroma and Humanitarianism
When The Guardian covered the story of Abdul Karim Koroma, a stowaway who had
revealed himself as a refugee in the
Charlottetown harbour, this man was not
securitized.93 Unlike Chan, Koroma was not
written about as a threat. Rather, his case
became a platform for a feel-good story.
Central to The Guardian‟s coverage was a
discussion about the humanitarian work of
Islanders. Particularly, Islander Jordan Hill
was written about extensively for the
humanitarianism he showed towards
Koroma. His actions portrayed a positive
image of Islanders. He had hosted Koroma in his home and acted as a spokesperson for Koroma.
Hill was as much of a focus as was Koroma. The Guardian wrote how Hill‟s entire family was
going to give Koroma food and lodging and that their decision to help this man came after the
family had heard about Koroma‟s story. They had also established a trust fund for Koroma at a
bank in Charlottetown.94 This type of reporting demonstrates an attempt to heighten awareness
93 Kent Walker, “African Man Says Death Possible if He Returns to Native Country,” The Guardian, 06 February
1985, p. 3.
94 Ibid.
The Guardian, 06 February 1985.
22
about the refugee who is oppressed.95 It also reinforced a positive image of Islanders and
Koroma‟s successful journey to safety. Throughout the articles, the violence that Koroma fled
was contrasted with the peace which he had found on the Island after a long, arduous journey.
Bauder would purport that the type of coverage Koroma received is reflective of the
media‟s role in constructing a humanitarian image of Canada.96 In his survey of five prominent
Canadian newspapers he concluded that in certain cases, the media will cast a positive light on
the refugees‟ experience by discussing the circumstances that they are enduring.97 This is
indicated in the discourse presented in The Guardian regarding Kormoma. Guardian contributor,
Kent Walker writes that, “[w]ith the threat of imprisonment and possible death facing him if he
returns to his native country in Africa, Abdul Karim Koroma is in Charlottetown seeking refugee
status in Canada.”98 Koroma‟s arduous journey to Canada was also written about in length. In
order to “get out of Africa,”99 Koroma, after escaping from a Sierra Leonean prison, became a
stowaway on a Liberian ship, “hiding in a hatch for five days, surviving on bitter nuts and
chewing gum to quench his thirst.”100 He then made his way to the United States and later
stowed himself on the Baru Luck which docked in Charlottetown on February 03, 1985.
95 Paul Baker and Tony McEnery, “A corpus-based approach to discourses of refugees and asylum seekers in UN
newspaper texts,” Journal of Language and Politics 4, no. 02 (2005): 206.
96 Harald Bauder, 84.
97 Harald Bauder, 91.
98 Kent Walker,.
99 Ibid.
100 Ibid.
The Guardian, 06 February 1985.
23
Again, „Othering‟ is
an explicit theme in
Koroma‟s coverage. In the
case of refugees in the host community: “the individual identity of the other who benefits from
[the community‟s] grace is important, but only because of the light it reflects back on [the
community].”101 This „Othering‟ is evident in the descriptions of what Koroma had fled.
Guardian journalist Walker writes that when Koroma was imprisoned in Sierra Leone for his
political views, “[t]here were no charges read to him and he was not allowed to give a
statement.”102 Koroma said he “watched men die beside him in prison.”103 The Guardian
indicated that, “[b]ecause of [Koroma‟s] political beliefs, he would have been put to death had he
been caught in his country”104 “African Man Says Death Possible if He Returns to Native
Country,”105 reads one headline, which clearly communicates the difference between the Island
and “Africa.” The Guardian referred to Koroma as African. This is noteworthy as it is
representative of the politics regarding Africans during this time; Koroma‟s ethnicity and
nationality was not mentioned. The Guardian seemed to communicate that Koroma‟s experience
was representative of all Africans. I use the term „Africa‟ to highlight The Guardian‟s use of the
terms „African‟ and „Africa‟ and the newspapers disregard for Africa‟s multi-ethnic and cultural
populations. Barry Stein writes that some refugee discourses will dwell on success stories which
are not actually representative of the refugee‟s experience. These types of discourses “set a
standard of expectations and add to the refugee‟s frustrations.”106
101 Harald Bauder, p.85.
102 Kent Walker, “African Man Says Death Possible if He Returns to Native Country,”.
103 Kent Walker, “African Man Says Death Possible if He Returns to Native Country,”.
104 “Decision on African Long Ways Off,” The Guardian 06 March 1985, p. 14.
105 Kent Walker, “African Man Says Death Possible if He Returns to Native Country,”.
106 Barry N. Stein, “The Refugee Experience: Defining the Parameters of a field Study,” International Migration
Review 15, no. 01 (Spring-Summer, 1981): 328.
The Guardian, 06 February 1985
24
Edward Girardet and Loretta Hieber write that the media will provide “saturation
coverage,” that is, “intense attention” to the refugee in order to produce humanitarian news
coverage.107 Further, “the more dramatic the story, the better.”108 Therefore, in the case of
Koroma, the media was involved in two processes: 1) reaffirming Canadian humanitarianism
(and also Island humanitarianism through Jordan Hill) and 2) attempting to increase readership
through the coverage of Koroma‟s dramatic experiences. The drama of his experience was made
evident when a contributor wrote that “Mr. Koroma told his story [to The Guardian]. It reads like
a spy novel.”109
Conclusion: Securitization and Humanitarianism, Chan and Koroma
From the identified Guardian articles, one cannot determine whether or not Chan and
Koroma were successful in receiving refugee status.110 What is more important is discussing the
way in which this type of coverage may have affected Islanders‟ perceptions of refugees and also
why The Guardian chose to publish this story. Throughout the 1980s there were increases in the
number of refugee flows to the West and states tended to play down the character of refugees
and label them abusive applicants.111 In the Chan case, this man was an abusive applicant. The
Guardian may have been saying to its readers, “See! Abusive refugee applicants are even
reaching our province!” And in the process securitized Chan to make this point.
107 Edward Girardet and Loretta Hieber, “The Media and Humanitarian Values,” Refugee Survey Quarterly 21, no.
03 (2002): 169.
108 Ibid.
109 Kent Walker, “African Man Says Death Possible if He Returns to Native Country,”.
110 The author requested information on Chan and Koroma‟s application for refugee status from Citizenship and
Immigration Canada. CIC deemed this information to be personal and would not release information without Chan
and Koroma‟s approval.
111 Ivor Jackson, “Some International Protection Issues Arising During the 1970s and 1980s with Particular
Reference to the Role of the UNHCR Executive Committee,”
25
Similarly, there are silences in the Koroma case. Although Koroma also arrived on
Prince Edward Island during the 1980s, when states tended to label applicants as abusive to stem
the flow of refugees, he was not deemed to be a „bogus‟ applicant. On the contrary his story was
glorified and used as an opportunity to show the good will of Islanders. Koroma had even
admitted to being in the United States and then stowing himself away on a ship to Charlottetown.
Yet, The Guardian did not investigate or speculate as to why Koroma did not ask for refugee
status in the United States. In Koroma‟s case, there was little investigation into whether or not
Koroma was a bona fide refugee. The stories he told about fleeing Sierra Leone were not
questioned by The Guardian.
Comparing the coverage that Chan and Koroma received demonstrates that the media has
multiple interests. On the one hand, it is representative of the mass public. What The Guardian
decides to publish is presumably reflective of the interests of Islanders. However, at the same
time, The Guardian is a business. Competing with other news outlets requires that The
Guardian introduce elements of sensationalism to attract readers. It is for this reason that
determining the reaction of the host community to Chan and Koroma is made difficult.
Reflecting on secondary literature demonstrates that the media will securitize refugees to attract
readers and also reaffirm Canadian (and Island) values through feel-good stories. Did the Island
align itself with what The Guardian was writing about? Based on the few articles that have been
identified, it is impossible to determine the Island‟s reaction. Nevertheless, these two cases
provide classic examples of refugee discourses.
26
Part Two: A Comparison of the Hungarian and Kosovar Experience
In 1956 and 1957 a series of articles were published in The Guardian newspaper to
assure Islanders that recently arrived Hungarian refugees would make fine citizens. The
Hungarians‟ ability to settle in Canada without disrupting the economy and their healthy,
respectable appearances were noted as being admirable traits. Special mention was also made of
the immigrants‟ youthfulness.
Later, in 1999, a number of articles were published about the soon-to-be-arriving Kosovo
refugees. The articles demonstrate that the arrival of more than one hundred refugees to the
Island was unexpected and that this issue had to be dealt with.112 The articles leading up to the
arrival of the refugees suggest that these refugees were going to disrupt the Island way of life.
Particularly notable is an article discussing the screening of refugees to wean out terrorists which
demonstrated to its readers that these people were not like Us.113
However, with the arrival of the refugees, the tone of the articles changed. The
movement of Kosovo refugees to the Island ultimately became a way for Islanders to reaffirm
who they were as Islanders (welcoming) and as Canadians (humanitarian). The discussion of
what the refugees had fled from further defined the sense of Us and Them. Graphic descriptions
of the violence refugees had endured and also numerous quotations from refugees about the lives
they had left behind demonstrate this point.
112 Canadian Heritage, “In 1999 105 refugees came to PEI from Kosovo, and 62 remain[ed] after one year.” Article
3, (4). In CIC‟s Facts and Figures, Immigration Overview, the table “Total Entries of Humanitarian Population by
Province” indicates that Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island received a combined total of 33 refugees in 1999.
However, comparing this figure to the announcements of refugees‟ arrivals in The Guardian articles demonstrates
that CIC‟s figures for this category are not accurate. Canadian Heritage indicates that 105 refugees arrived on P.E.I.
alone.
113 “Refugees face thorough security screening,” The Guardian, 05 May 1999, p.A9.
27
Both the Hungarian and Kosovars‟ arrivals caught The Guardian‟s attention. However,
in the case of the Kosovo refugees, the experience was not as positive as the Hungarian one.
Much more apprehension existed – clearly demonstrated in a very angry letter to the editor from
one Islander.114 Comparing these two sets of experiences demonstrates that during the Cold War,
in the West, refugees fleeing Communist regimes were considered political symbols and could
be used to further the West‟s political agenda. Even before these migrants reached Prince
Edward Island, they were being accepted by the public. However, by 1999, as Elizabeth Larson
writes, the number of refugees to the West had grown exponentially and perceptions of refugees
became more negative.115
An examination of the Hungarian case through the eyes of The Guardian provides insight
into how the Island, as a host community, reacted to the arrival of these migrants. They
demonstrate the type of immigrant that was sought by members of the rural, agriculture-based
province of Prince Edward Island. The articles also show that governmental and non-
governmental organizations collaborated to provide shelter, food, clothing, and employment for
the Hungarian refugees. Collaboration among local humanitarian organizations to assist refugees
in settling on the Island was common during this period. An identity was also reaffirmed in the
Kosovo case; however, it was not until after these refugees had arrived that The Guardian
constructed the humanitarian Island image. Much more apprehension existed previous to the
Kosovo refugees‟ arrival than in the Hungarian case.
Before discussing The Guardian articles and comparing the reaction of the host
community in the Hungarian and Kosovo cases, push factors encouraging the groups‟
114 Catherine Kerr, “Refugees getting help some Islanders can‟t seem to find,” The Guardian, 30 June 1999, p. A7.
115 Elizabeth M. Larson, p.1.
28
movements to Canada will be presented. Canada‟s reasoning for accepting these refugees will
also be discussed.
Hungarian Refugees – Push Factors and the Canadian Government’s Response
In 1953, a “revolt of the mind” was occurring in Hungary. 116 University students were
rallying behind democratists who were promoting anti-Soviet sentiment and calling for a
government overthrow. By October of 1956, pro-democracy and anti-Soviet discourse had
escalated to protests and demonstrations. The Soviet government began to quash rebels with the
use of violence, persecution and legislation which limited citizens‟ freedoms.117 An out-
migration of 200,000 people from Hungary to Austria continued throughout 1956 and 1957.118
Unlike the instances of out-migration that had occurred earlier in Hungary‟s history, the exodus
of 1956-1957 was of people from all classes and occupations.119 The North American Treaty
Organization (NATO) was not willing to intervene as it feared that this would only promote
conflict with the USSR.120 However, as Andrew Thompson and Stephanie Bangarth write,
“Canadian immigration officials reinforced the number of immigration officers at the Canadian
Embassy in Vienna, loosened the normal requirements concerning proper travel documentation,
116 Peter I. Hidas, “The Hungarian Refugee Student Movement of 1956-57 and Canada,” Canadian Ethnic Studies
30, no.1 (1998): par. 5.
117 “[The ruling party in Hungary] portrayed the Communist party as Hungary‟s leading power and said it is looking
for political co-operation only among loyal elements,”; “The 10,000 word declaration … praised Russia‟s crushing
revolt, but said – without specifying a date – that negotiations will be held „on the stationing of Soviet Troops in
Hungary,‟”; “[The declaration]…demanded that churches preserve a „loyal‟ attitude,”; “[Premier] Kadar denounced
… terms [such] as „democratization‟ and „de-Stalinization,”; “Kadar appeared to bar forever two former Hungarian
Communist party bosses, Matyas Rakosi and Ernoe Geroe. He said the „anti-Leninist methods of Rakosi and Geroe
must never return.‟” In “No Freedom for Hungary,” The Guardian, 07 January 1957. See also, Bobbie Kalman,
Refugee Child: My Memories of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution (St. Catherines: Crabtree Publishing Company,
2006): 125.
118 Nador F. Dreisziger, “The Hungarian Revolution of 1956: The Legacy of the Refugees,” Nationalities Papers 13,
no.02 (1985): 199.
119 Ibid.
120 Andrew S. Thompson & Stephanie Bangarth, “Transnational Christian Charity: The Canadian Council of
Churches, the World Council of Churches, and the Hungarian Refugee Crisis, 1956-1957,” American Review of
Canadian Studies 38, no. 03 (2008): 295.
29
medical exams, and security clearances, and enlisted commercial airplanes to transport ...
refugees out of Austria [and on to Canada]” as a way to offer support. 121
This response by the Canadian government can be attributed to the advocacy of church
groups and other voluntary organizations.122 There was a lot of dissatisfaction among groups
such as the Canadian Council of Churches (CCC) that the Canadian government was not doing
enough to assist the plight of the refugees in Austria.123 These organizations were led by a belief
in Christian charity.124 It was their Christian duty to be responsive to the humanitarian needs of
the Hungarians and also to persuade the public and Canadian government to do the same. They
worked closely with the government through meetings in Ottawa to co-ordinate governmental
and non-governmental settlement assistance for the Hungarian refugees.125 Canadians supported
the advocacy of volunteer groups. Newspapers across the country paid close attention to the
situation in Austria.126 As a result, Canadians, being “responsible participant[s] in world affairs”
at the time, reacted to this coverage and gave their full support to accommodating the Hungarian
refugees. 127
The federal government‟s positive response to accepting the Hungarian refugees can be
attributed to the pro-active efforts of voluntary organizations and to the idea that the Hungarian
refugees were the right type of immigrant.128 Thompson and Bangarth write that, “accepting
121 Andrew S. Thompson & Stephanie Bangarth, 296.
122 Gerald E. Dirks, “Canada and Immigration: International and Domestic Considerations in the Decade Preceding
the 1956 Hungarian Exodus,” in Breaking Ground: The 1956 Hungarian Refugee Movement to Canada, ed. Robert
H. Keyserlingk (Toronto: York Lanes Press Inc., 1993), 9.
123 See Kenneth Slack (ed.), Hope in the Desert – The Churches‟ United Response to Human Need 1944-1984
(Geneva: World Council of Churches, 1986) for a thorough analysis of the churches‟ role in assisting refugees
locally, nationally, and internationally.
124 See Andrew S. Thompson & Stephanie Bangarth,
125 Andrew S. Thompson & Stephanie Bangarth, 300.
126 Gerald E. Dirks, p. 10.
127 Gerald E. Dirks, p. 11.
128 Valerie Knowles, Strangers at Our Gates (Toronto: Dundurn press, 1997), 126 and 128.Armsworthy writes that
what the Island government sought what it believed to be ideal immigrants before the coming of the Hungarians.
Throughout the 1920s, “the [Prince Edward Island] government was not willing to settle for just any immigrant. It
30
large numbers of refugees advanced the larger ideological, economic, and racial interests of the
country.”129 By accepting large numbers of persons who had opposed the Soviets, the Canadian
government was reaffirming its own democratic values.130 The Hungarian refugees, as long as
they were young and healthy, were able to gain employment and contribute to the economy.
Canada‟s economy at the time was booming. Realizing this, Minister of Citizenship and
Immigration J.W. Pickersgill used the Hungarian crisis as a way to solve the country‟s labour
shortage.131 The migration of Hungarians to Canada marked the beginning of a more open-door
attitude towards refugees132 and an end to Canada‟s European-focused refugee policy.133 In 1956,
their migration to Canada was the largest influx of refugees since the end of World War Two.134
From the end of the war to 1961, 2,500,000 people migrated to Canada.135
only wanted those immigrants who would, in their opinion, be most successful on the Island. Roughly translated,
that meant white farmers with some means.” P.3 of Cassandra Armsworthy, A Counterfeit Gem: Andrew Fraser
Mitchell and Early Twentieth Century Emigration to Prince Edward Island.
129 Andrew S. Thompson & Stephanie Bangarth, 310.
130 Benard writes that during the Cold War refugees who were assigned to the side of the West benefitted much more
than did refugees who were assigned to the side of the East. The reason for this is because the Soviets did not have a
policy of providing development, emergency, or refugee crisis relief to those in its realm of power (p. 618). The lack
of attention that the 1983 Ethiopian refugees in Djibouti received demonstrates this as Ethiopia was believed “to
belong to the Soviet sphere.” p. 619 in Cheryl Bernard, “Politics and the Refugee Experience,” Political Science
Quarterly 101, no. 4 (1986): 617-636.
131 Valerie Knowles, p. 140.
132 Valerie Knowles, p. 126.
133 Howard Adelman, “An Immigration Dream: Hungarian Refugees Come to Canada – An Analysis,” in Breaking
Ground: The 1956 Hungarian Refugee Movement to Canada, ed. Robert H. Keyserlingk (Toronto: York Lanes
Press Inc., 1993), 32.
134 Franca Iacovetta, Gatekeepers – Reshaping Immigrant Lives in Cold War Canada (Toronto: Between the Lines,
2006), 43.
135 Jean R. Burnet and Howard Palmer, “Coming Canadians” – An Introduction to a History of Canada‟s Peoples
(Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1988), 39.
31
Prince Edward Island Receives Hungarian Refugees, 1956
The humanitarian reaction by the government came from pressure from the Canadian
public who had found themselves “overcome with compassion for the liberty-seeking
Hungarians.”136 In addition, the country‟s economy was booming and the Hungarians provided
an opportunity to fuel the country‟s labour shortage. The Guardian articles demonstrate that
Islanders were in-sync with the national pro-humanitarian movement. Islanders assisted the
Hungarians because they believed that by doing so, they were participating in a pro-democracy
movement. However, compared to the rest of Canada, the Island‟s economy was suffering from
a break-down of the agricultural industry. It is for this reason, then, that Islanders may have been
wary that the Hungarians would only further strain the Island‟s economy. The discussion below
will demonstrate both the eagerness and apprehension that existed among residents.
On December 10, 1956, Minister of Health and Chairman of the Prince Edward Island
Emergency Relief Committee, M.L. Bonnell announced that a refugee centre had been
established in Falconwood.137 Bonnell had no idea of the number of refugees that would be
arriving on the Island. The Department of Health was going to provide medical examinations for
the refugees at Falconwood. However, it is clear that Bonnell was adamant that the government
could not accommodate all of the refugees‟ needs. He called upon doctors and nurses to
volunteer, and charitable organizations to provide blankets, clothing, food, and other items.
Persons who could offer accommodation in their homes or translation services were also called
upon.
136 Valerie Knowles, p. 140.
137 “To Use Treatment Centre As Refugees Clearing House,” The Guardian, 11 December 1956, p. 2.
32
Bonnell specifically called upon the Women‟s Institute and the Catholic Women‟s
League for their services. It is likely that these two organizations would have had a key role in
accommodating refugees. Women‟s organizations were particularly a focus of calls for help.
The state seemed to rely upon them. These organizations would have already had a history of
being involved in charity and philanthropy on Prince Edward Island. Islanders would have been
familiar with organizations such as the Institute and it would not have been seen as odd that this
organization would be involved in this type of charity. With the support of a locally-respected
organization such as the Institute, Islanders may have then been more eager and less
apprehensive to offer their own support. This also demonstrates the close connection between the
Island‟s government and community during this time.
The Red Cross on the Island also played an important role in assisting refugees.
However, the Red Cross‟s role was regional, national, and transnational as opposed to the purely
local role of the Institute. In a January 28, 1957 Guardian article, the contributions Islanders
made to the Red Cross‟s Hungarian Relief Fund were written about with pride.138 The author
writes that the Canadian Hungarian Relief Fund had been created to support the Hungarians who
were living in refugee centres in Austria. Through organizations such as the Red Cross, Islanders
went beyond their provincial and national borders to provide relief for Hungarian refugees
abroad. Through assisting refugees abroad (and at home), Islanders were creating a positive
representation of themselves. Islanders‟ actions as written about in The Guardian contribute to a
picture of an Island that was welcoming and philanthropic. Representing themselves as good
138 “The sum of $22.50 recently received from the staff of the Polio Centre helped to increase the national receipts
considerably.” In “Red Cross Says Hungarian Fund Is Still Short,” The Guardian, 28 January 1957, p.2. It is also
interesting to note that the contributor highlighted the competitive relationship between Canadians and Americans:
“It was further learned that the special Hungarian Fund of the American Red Cross has been oversubscribed with a
total of $5,170,000 received to date. Undoubtedly, Canadians will want to match the financial support of their
American neighbours.”
33
Samaritans may have been as important as reaffirming democratic and Christian values when
considering to accommodate the refugees.
An article published on February 02, 1957 illustrates the response to the Hungarian crisis
that was occurring on Prince Edward Island and throughout the rest of Canada. The author writes
about a February 1st open-house meeting of the Prince Edward Island Division of the Canadian
Red Cross Society. Lieutenant Colonel Howard, Commissioner of the New Brunswick Red
Cross and guest speaker, is quoted as reassuring Islanders that the Hungarians “will make
excellent Canadians.”139 The article communicates to Islanders that the Hungarians are the right
type, that they had a good appearance, that they had left their country with very little money, and
that with the exception of a few aged and infirm refugees, they would make fine citizens. It was
Islanders‟ “moral obligation” to assist the Hungarians in settling on Prince Edward Island.140
Similar to other articles, the need for clothing and other items was reiterated.
A regional response to the Hungarian refugee crisis was occurring alongside a national
and international one. The attendance of New Brunswick Red Cross representative Colonel
Howard at the meeting is representative of a regional response. Similar to the larger nationally
co-ordinated response that was occurring, regional bodies such as branches of the Red Cross
were working in collaboration to share information and resources. The article also provides
information on the type of immigrant that was sought and also the reasons as to why Islanders
and the rest of Canada believed they should accommodate the refugees. Not only is this article
representative of the fact that a regional response to the Hungarian crisis was occurring, but so
are a number of other articles that were published in The Guardian during the years 1956-1957.
These articles demonstrate that the crisis was a newsworthy issue and that the media was
139 “Hungarians Will Make Fine Citizens, Red Cross Told,” The Guardian, 02 February 1957, p.2.
140 Ibid.
34
interested in Hungarian and United Nations (UN) issues. It could be argued then, that Islanders
were not only concerned about those refugees who were settling on Prince Edward Island, but
also the regional and international response to the refugees. There are a series of articles that
discuss the arrival of refugees in Halifax, Red Cross personnels‟ experiences working with the
Hungarian refugees, the current situation in Hungary, and the latest news regarding UN
activities. 141
The turn of the 19th century saw the beginning of a wave of out-migration of people from
the Island. This out-migration continued to strain the Island‟s economy throughout the 1950s.142
During the 1950s, when compared to Ontario and the Western provinces, the Island‟s economy
was lagging behind.143 Increasingly, Prince Edward Island was turning to the federal government
for payments to make up for the agricultural industry which was in decline.144 The
aforementioned Guardian article sheds light on this economic reality. It seems to be reassuring
Islanders that, contrary to what some may believe, the Hungarians are good for the Island. This
leads one to believe that apprehension may have existed among some Islanders that the large
influx of refugees was going to be detrimental to the society and economy (yet, articles such as
this appeared less frequently than during the period in which the Kosovo refugees were coming).
The fact that Howard communicated that those selected to come to Canada were “an excellent
141 See, ”U.N. Badge,” The Guardian, 11 December 1956; “1,589 Refugees Reach Halifax On Italian Liner,” The
Guardian, 07 January 1957, p.1.; “Made MCA Flight With Canada-Bound Refugees,” The Guardian, 07 January
1957 and Endre Marton, “No Freedom For Hungary,” The Guardian, 07 January 1957.
142 Cassandra Armsworthy, “A Counterfeit Gem: Andrew Fraser and Early Twentieth Century Emigration to Prince
Edward Island” (Term Paper, University of Prince Edward Island, 2005): 2. University Archives and Special
Collections, Robertson Library, University of Prince Edward Island, Catalogue No. SPEC-PEI FC 2623.9.E55 A75
2005.
143 Maria H. VandenBerg, “Prince Edward Island and Migration: A Survey History,” (BA Thesis, University of
Prince Edward Island, 2005) University Archives and Special Collections, Robertson Library, University of Prince
Edward Island, Catalogue No. LE3.P8H66 2005 VAN, 56.
144 Ibid.
35
type, rugged, good appearance, [and] healthy”145 is indicative of the type of migrant that the rural
agricultural-based Island was seeking. So as to reassure Islanders that these people would
contribute to the development of farms and other agricultural industries, Howard highlighted
their positive physical attributes.
What is interesting to note is Howard‟s concern with the aged and infirm refugees who,
he believed, might create problems for the Island. This contradicts the CCC‟s advocacy
regarding social equality and refugee selection. Thompson and Bangarth write that the CCC not
only assisted in the settling of refugees, but also lobbied the government on social justice issues
– one being the selection of refugees based strictly on humanitarian need.146 Howard‟s comments
indicate that there were limits to the power that the CCC‟s rhetoric had over public opinion.
Good physical and mental health were viewed as attributes essential for a migrant to be able to
successfully contribute to the Island‟s industries – and the majority of Hungarian refugees were
the right type.
Yet, the possible economic repercussions that were associated with receiving the refugees
did not outweigh Islanders‟ perceived national duty to accept these people. Writing about post-
World War Two immigration, Franca Iacovetta notes that,
[t]he dramatic story of Canada as a land of abundance – in everything from food
supplies to consumer goods and political freedom – amid a world of suffering and
destruction, and now threatened by spreading Communism, immediately emerged
as a major theme in daily newspapers.147
Iacovetta‟s observation holds true for the coverage that was given to the Hungarians in
The Guardian. In many articles, references were made to the Communist regime that the
Hungarians had fled. In an article titled, “14 Hungarians Welcomed to Province Last Night,” the
145 “Hungarians Will Make Fine Citizens, Red Cross Told,”
146 For a further discussion of the CCC and lobbying see Andrew S. Thompson and Stephanie Bangarth, p. 301.
147 Franca Iacovetta, 22.
36
contributor wrote how “[the] Hungarians stepped on Island soil last night – with the hope and
intention of making this, the land of their freedom, their home.”148 The final stage of their
passage to the Island “re-assured these people that their historic fight for freedom had been
successful.”149 The contributor wrote that the Hungarians “fled … Hungary … in an effort to rid
themselves from the oppression and cruelty forced on them by their Communist dominators …
[and to seek] freedom in this country.”150 Particularly in articles which discussed the refugees‟
initial arrival to the country, the circumstances from which they had fled were explicitly
described.
The Guardian told how “1,589 escapees from Russian-dominated Hungary arrived [in
Canada].”151 This type of rhetoric demonstrates the politics behind the Hungarians‟ positive
reception on Prince Edward Island. These people were political symbols and Islanders were
fulfilling a national duty by receiving the refugees. They were also encouraging a larger,
international pro-democracy movement. Iacovetta provides reasoning as to why journalists
played on the democracy versus communism, good versus evil binary. She writes that during the
1950s, journalists were enthralled by the drama of the Cold War. Through using the Hungarian
migrants as characters in this drama, journalists sensationalized the Cold War. As a result,
newspapers played a significant role in shaping public opinion in favour of receiving the
refugees.152
148 “14 Hungarians Welcomed to Province Last Night,” The Guardian, 28 February 1957, p.1.
149 Ibid.
150 Ibid.
151 “1,589 Refugees Reach Halifax Liner,” The Guardian 07 January 1957, p. 1.
152 Franca Iacovetta, 22 and 36. Liebovich writes that “[t]he origins of the Cold War related to the perception of an
all-encompassing mentality that drives countries to conquer and subdue, just as the Axis powers had attempted to
forge a New Order in Europe and Asia. That is why news stories and editorials must be measured as a factor in how
the Cold War came to start.” In Louis Liebovich, The Press and the Origins of The Cold War, 1944-1947 (New
York: Praeger Publishers, 1988): 111.
37
The announcement in a February
27, 1957 Guardian article of the impending
arrival of the first Hungarian refugees on
the Island is indicative of the host
community‟s positive reaction to the arrival
of the Hungarians.153 The host
community‟s positive reaction is
demonstrated by the range of community
members and groups that would be greeting
the refugees. The arrival of the first group
of the Hungarian refugees was written
about with great pomp in a Guardian
article.154 The author wrote about 14
refugees who were greeted by a number of governmental and non-governmental representatives
after they had taken a train from Borden to Charlottetown. Greeting the Hungarians were
members from the Provincial [Refugee] Co-ordinating Committee, Catholic Women‟s League,
Red Cross, Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire, The Women‟s Institute, Knights of
Columbus, Parkdale Village, an Island physician Dr. T Gencheff who was able to act as a
translator, and the director of the Falconwood Refugee Centre, Dr. Murchison. The author wrote
that the Hungarians were transported in “style in comfort” to the “shiny new, lobby of this fine
153 “Hungarians to Arrive Tonight,” The Guardian, 27 February 1957, p.1. Lanphier writes that “...just over 37,000
Hungarian refugees landed in Canada within the two-year period ending in 1957. This massive undertaking
involved federal and voluntary organizations in an accelerated coordination effort.” P. 114 in C. Michael Lanphier,
“Canada‟s Response to Refugees,” International Migration Review 15, no. ½ (1981): 113-130.
154 “14 Hungarians Welcomed to Province Last Night,”.
The Guardian, 28 February, 1957.
38
new building [the Falconwood Refugee Centre].”155 The involvement of a number of different
bodies in the settling of these refugees is a defining component of the Hungarian migration to
Canada and what contrasts to the arrival of Kosovo refugees.
A lot of implicit and explicit themes are present in these articles. First, they demonstrate
that presumably, public support was in favour of accommodating the Hungarian refugees. Most
articles were written as feel-good stories. It seemed as though The Guardian was attempting to
show Islanders the product of their good will and donations. Most articles are positive overall,
and do not make mention of any possible problems that might occur from the refugees settling on
the Island. Again, it is evident that there was no one, sole, organization that was receiving the
refugees. It was a co-ordinated approach from a number of different bodies.
The references to the Hungarians having fled from the oppression of their Communist
dictators is indicative of much more than a push-factor. It is symbolic of the political climate at
the time. By accepting large numbers of persons who had opposed Communism, Canada and
Canadians were assisting in a larger fight to promote democracy and undermine Communism.
Nador Dreisziger writes that, “[w]ith the Cold War at its height, empathy for the victims and
opponents of Communist rule was great. The idea of standing up against overwhelming odds
also fired the imagination of the Free World.”156 Supporting those who had opposed
Communism may have been equally important as one‟s Christian duty to accommodate the
Hungarian refugees. Yet, this did not mean that there were not local concerns about these people
settling into Island communities. Articles which reassure Islanders that these people are in fact
good for the province and that they will “make fine citizens” demonstrate that apprehension may
155 Ibid.
156 Nador F. Dreisziger, p. 200.
39
have existed. However, even with the Island‟s economy suffering, the refugees, it was believed,
would only contribute to reviving the agricultural industry.
In the Hungarian case, Islanders supported the government‟s and NGO‟s efforts to
receive the refugees. In the Kosovo case, The Guardian articles tell a different story. The
Kosovo refugees were not as positively received.
Kosovar Refugees – Push Factors and the Canadian Government’s Response
In 1998 Kosovo was a province of Serbia. Serbia was the largest and most powerful
republic of the former Yugoslavia. Kosovo‟s minerals and natural resources made it “a valued
prize in an otherwise impoverished region.”157 While under communist rule, Kosovo sought
political autonomy equal to that of the other republics of Yugoslavia. Calls for independence
were recognized in the 1974 Yugoslav constitution, which granted Kosovo the “status of an
„autonomous province‟… and a de facto republic [of Yugoslavia].”158 However, any prospect
for full independence was short lived. In 1989 Slobodan Milošević, after becoming president of
Serbia, “shaped his entire political agenda around undoing the legacies of the 1974 constitution
and implemented harsh policies designed to eliminate public evidence of the Albanian nation [in
Kosovo] and to reestablish Serb authority and national presence in Kosovo.”159 Milošević
claimed that ethnic Albanians in Kosovo had no historical right to control the region – it was the
Serbs, who through previous battles, legally claimed authority over the region.160 In 1999,
157 Sir Reginald Hibbert, “The Kosovo Question: Origins, Present Complications and Prospects,” The David
Memorial Institute of International Studies no.11, (May 1999).
158 Ibid.
159 Ibid.
160 Ivo H. Daalder and Michael E. O‟Hanlon, Winning Ugly: NATO‟s War to Save Kosovo (Washington: The
Brookings Institute, 2000): 8.
40
Milošević‟s military forces would participate in a bloody campaign to remove all dissidents from
Kosovo.
Milošević sought to Serbianize Kosovo.161 Similar to the process of Russification that
had occurred earlier in the region, “[i]ntense nationalist indoctrination … convinced the Serbian
people that Kosovo [was] a sacred Serbian land.”162 Serbs were given incentives to migrate to
the region and with the use of extreme violence, dissidents in Kosovo were forced to flee to
neighboring Macedonia.163 In total 1.3 million people fled their homes and 800,000 fled Kosovo
entirely.164 This escalation of violence drew the focus of the international community on Kosovo
and Milošević. Instability in Kosovo meant instability in the region. In March of 1999 NATO
went to war. NATO‟s decision to intervene in the conflict in Kosovo came after many
diplomatic conversations with Milošević during the 1990s. Previous to NATO‟s military
engagement, the U.S.A., Canada and other allies sought agreements with Milošević to allow for
Kosovo‟s autonomy. However, realizing that this would not be the case when violence erupted in
1999, NATO intervened. This was the first time that NATO went to war.165
Robert Austin, Nelson Michaud, and Stéphane Tremblay provide reasons as to why
Canada supported NATO‟s intervention. Austin writes that Canada had security, human rights,
and humanitarian interests in the Kosovo conflict.166 Many scholars argue that these three pillars
are key to Canada‟s identity and many Canadians support the country‟s role in upholding
them.167 In particular, Canada believed that the migration of refugees to Macedonia would only
161 Sir Reginald Hibbert, p. 2.
162 Ibid. For further reading on Russification see, Benedict Anderson, 71.
163 Sir Reginald Hibbert, p. 6.
164 Ivo H. Daalder and Michael E. O‟Hanlon, p. vii.
165 Ivo H. Daalder and Michael E. O‟Hanlon, p. 1.
166 Robert Austin, p. 15.
167Andrew Cohen, While Canada Slept: How We Lost Our Place In The World (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart
Ltd., 2003).
41
cause violence to spread - first to Macedonia, and then throughout the Balkans.168 Michaud and
Tremblay conclude that Canadian support for the intervention was implicitly linked to Canada‟s
(and the other allies‟) relationship with Europe.169 Kosovo is an important part of Europe. For
NATO not to assist in the conflict would have damaged its relationship with the European
Union. The authors also write that Canada supported the intervention as it allowed for a
reaffirmation of Canadian values such as human rights and rule of law. For the purposes of this
paper, it is references to „Canadian values‟ that are of importance. Michaud and Tremblay write
that during Question Period, 63% of Prime Minister Jean Chretien‟s responses to questions
regarding the intervention in Kosovo fell under what they call “domestic values” responses.170
This emphasis on domestic values may provide the rationale behind why Canada decided
to embark on a campaign to assist 5000 Kosovo refugees to settle in Canada. Cheryl Bernard
writes that, “[r]efugees can be political symbols because they personify by their mere existence a
profound criticism of the state they have fled. ... There is a material as well as a purely
propagandistic side of this.”171 By CIC embarking on this campaign, they were reaffirming
Canada‟s role with NATO and in Kosovo. These people who were coming to Canada, with
ministerial permits,172 were political symbols. They demonstrated to the world that Canada was
committed to ending the conflict in Kosovo, and in the process Canada‟s humanitarian
international identity was reaffirmed.
168 Robert Austin, p. 17.
169 Nelson Michaud and Stéphane Tremblay, “Canadian Foreign Policy and the Kosovo Crisis: Measuring Domestic
and External Influences” (paper presented at the 48th Annual Convention of the International Studies Association,
Chicago, U.S.A., February 28-March 03, 2007).p. 5.
170 Nelson Michaud and Stéphane Tremblay, p. 25.
171 Cheryl, Bernard, “Politics and the Refugee Experience, ” Political Science Quarterly 101, no. 4 (1986): 620.
172 Canada, Canadian Heritage, Fourth Report of Canada on the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel,
Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment: Prince Edward Island, Article 3 (4),
http://www.pch.gc.ca/pgm/pdp-hrp/docs/cat/2002/pe-eng.cfm (accessed February 02, 2009).
42
Yet, the reality was that when compared to other humanitarian movements of refugees, in
the case of Kosovo refugees, Canada was less responsive. During the Kosovo crisis many
countries, including NATO-member countries, were not responsive to the plight of the Kosovo
refugees as they did not see the situation as their problem. Tony Kushner writes that, “[s]ome
have taken comfort in an attempt to see the Kosovar crisis as specifically Balkan.”173 A dilemma
existed: on the one hand NATO member countries were justifying the Kosovo intervention on
humanitarian grounds, yet on the other hand they feared that by doing so “[Kosovars would]
„flood‟ their own countries as un-wanted asylum-seekers.”174 This could account for the
relatively few (5000) refugees that Canada received. Referring to the Kosovo refugees, a
contributor to the United Kingdom‟s Guardian writes that,
As the number of refugees languishing in the muddy stinking fields to which they
are confined grows with sickening speed, NATO countries have closed their
doors. We don‟t mind images of them on the television screens but people
themselves are not welcome. That would make the story entirely too personal.
For us, these people are far away, beyond the firewall that divides the world
misery from the world of Marks & Spencer.175
Many citizens of NATO member countries believed that the organization‟s military intervention
was (sufficiently) humanitarian. Therefore, they were not as compelled to receive large numbers
of Kosovo refugees.
During the Hungarian refugee movement to Canada, the world was divided. The
Democracy versus Communism binary was easy for Canadians to grasp. Canadians were being
bombarded by national and American media which communicated the latest news regarding the
Cold War on a daily basis. The Hungarian refugee movement was one piece of this dramatic
173 Tony Kushner, “Kosovo and the Refugee Crisis, 1999: The Search for Patterns Amidst the Prejudice,” Patterns
of Prejudice 33, no. 03 (1999): 75.
174 Tony Kushner, p. 77.
175 Isabel Hilton, “We imagine war as a Hollywood film. But is Nato still the hero?,” Guardian (UK), 05 April 1999.
43
event. Canadians believed that they were more familiar with their plight. However, the NATO
intervention in Kosovo was much more complicated. This conflict seemed out of reach for the
average Canadian. To many Canadians, the Kosovar refugees did not have an explicit link to
NATO‟s intervention.
When 105 Kosovo refugees were written about in The Guardian, their arrival was not
welcomed. It did not seem as though Islanders were in-sync with Chretien‟s humanitarian values
rhetoric. Kushner writes that the crisis in Kosovo erupted alongside a “sustained and frightening
campaign in certain sections of the press against asylum-seekers.”176 This type of rhetoric greatly
affected public opinion to not be in favour of accommodating the Kosovo refugees.
Prince Edward Island Receives Kosovar Refugees, 1999
The Department of Canadian Heritage wrote that, “most of the [Kosovo] refugees [who
arrived] in the province were selected by immigration officials based on a profile of how well
they would likely fit into P.E.I. society.”177 In a CIC news release, Minister of Immigration
Lucienne Robillard was quoted as saying, “I am pleased, on behalf of all Canadians, to welcome
… refugee famil[ies] coming to Canada from Kosovo. Being with their loved ones in Canada
will give them the support they need in these difficult times.”178 Considering also that Chrétien
had implicitly supported accepting these refugees as a means to reaffirm humanitarian values, it
is safe to presume that the Canadian government had invested a lot of political capital in the
migrants‟ presence in Canada. The refugees arriving in Canada would be political symbols.
176 Tony Kushner, p. 77.
177 Ibid.
178 Canada, Citizenship and Immigration Canada, “Minister Lucienne Robillard Welcomes Refugees from Kosovo,”
News Release 99-22, 27 April 1999.
44
Those arriving on the Island, the public was told, would fit into the province and not disrupt the
society.
Like in cases previous to the arrival of the Kosovo refugees to Prince Edward Island,
when large scale movements of refugees to the Island occurred, The Guardian closely covered
the migration and reception of refugees on the Island. The abundance of articles prior to the
arrival of Kosovo refugees is not unusual. However, the abundance of articles previous to the
migrants‟ arrival which seem to demonstrate that the migrants were not wanted is noteworthy.
Between May 05 and June 24, 1999, when the first refugees arrived, eight lengthy articles in The
Guardian were published which focused on these soon-to-be-arriving refugees.
Examining the language these articles reveals that Islanders were not going to be
accepting these migrants with open arms, or not yet anyway. The refugees‟ arrival was usually
referred to as „waves‟ or an „influx‟.179 The province was “gearing up” for their arrival and was
calling on community organizations to assist in the refugees‟ settlement. 180 Pugh writes that
using language such as „waves‟ and influx‟ enters fears into the psyche of the host community.
In some cases, newspapers have done this intentionally to attract readers.181
One article in particular which discusses the “thorough security screening” that refugees
were going to face highlights how The Guardian was positioning these migrants as „the Other‟.
The author writes that, “the 5,000 ethnic refugees from Kosovo expected to arrive in Canada
over the next three weeks, will be thoroughly screened to weed out terrorists.”182 This statement
implies that the existence of terrorists among the refugees was inevitable. If the screening was
not adequate, the terrorists would penetrate the Island. One Islander is quoted as saying that,
179 Ron Ryder, “P.E.I. awaits Kosovar refugees,” The Guardian, 05 May 1999, p.1.
180 Ibid.
181 Michael Pugh, “Drowning not Waving: Boat People and Humanitarianism at Sea,” Journal of Refugee Studies
17, no. 01 (2994): 52.
182 “Refugees face thorough security screening,” The Guardian, 05 May 1999, p.A9.
45
“[w]e have no idea who they are, what they‟ve been through or what they need.”183 Guardian
contributor Jim Day writes that, “there is plenty of room for cultures to clash … when some of
these refugees choose to come to Prince Edward Island.”184 They (the refugees) were not like Us
(Islanders). Based on these articles it is not possible to determine if The Guardian was
intentionally creating a stir on the Island. Nevertheless, being the Island‟s primary organ of
news, rhetoric such as this would have been read by a mass audience on the Island and would not
have eased any apprehension that may have existed among residents.
What indicates that Islanders were not prepared or willing to positively receive these
migrants (unlike the Hungarian case) is the abundance of articles that repeatedly called on
community members to provide sponsorship and other goods and services. The article
“Sponsors sought for refugee families interested in P.E.I.” demonstrates the little support
Islanders were providing in preparation for the migrants. The co-ordinator of the Provincial
Kosovo Refugee Sponsorship Program is quoted as saying, “Kosovo refugee sponsors are
urgently needed.”185 Every article seems to indicate that there was little support coming from
Islanders, and that without this local assistance the necessary reception work could not be
accomplished.
In another article the co-ordinator seems to be reassuring Islanders that these migrants
will be good for the Island when he is quoted as saying that, “[t]he refugees … are very resilient,
they are looking forward to coming to the Island, they are very, very, intelligent and quick-witted
people.”186 Comments such as this indicate that apprehension existed about the types of people
the Kosovo refugees were (according to The Guardian, some may even be terrorists!).
183 Jim Day, Understanding smile appropriate greeting for refugees – Campbell,” The Guardian 06 June 1999, p. A4.
184 Ibid.
185 Mike Gauthier, “Sponsors sought for refugee families interested in P.E.I.,” The Guardian, 01 June 1999, p. A3.
186 Mike Gauthier, “Kosovo refugees to start arriving in P.E.I. next week,” The Guardian, 19 June 1999, p. A3.
46
Throughout a number of articles there was an underlying theme that the refugees‟
presence on the Island was not going to be permanent. Premier Binns is quoted in saying that,
“the refugees will be able to take advantage of the amenities of Island life during their stay
here.”187 This statement implies that the refugees‟ presence was to be temporary. Other articles
also demonstrate this perceived temporality. For example, in articles by Sue Gallant, Ron Ryder,
Jim Day, and Dave Stewart, Islanders were told that: “some of the refugees may decide to …
return to their homeland”188; “they … will be able to choose … how long they want to stay in the
country”189; “perhaps they [the refugees] will meet up again some day … in Kosovo”190; “[the
refugees] could return home at any time”191; and that “they…have the operations [sic] of
returning home at any time.”192
This may be indicative of an attempt by The Guardian to assuage any tensions that may
have been mounting between residents and the Kosovars (possibly partially fueled by the
coverage The Guardian had given which „Othered‟ and securitized these people). In addition,
throughout the crisis, politicians in receiving countries reiterated that the Kosovo refugees should
not be removed from the Balkans.193 Doing so, they suggested, would only “complete
Milošević‟s policy of „ethnic cleansing.‟”194 Critics purport that this was simply rhetoric and an
attempt to ensure that the refugees‟ did not become a major problem in the politicians‟ own
backyards. Binns‟ own comment may be reflective of Ottawa‟s larger plan to encourage the
repatriation of Kosovo refugees.
187 Ron Ryder, [italics mine].
188 Sue Gallant, “Kosovar refugees reach West Prince,” The Guardian, 15 July 1999, p. A3.
189 Ron Ryder,
190 Jim Day, “Refugees settling into Island life,” The Guardian, 25 June 1999, p. A5.
191 Dave Stewart, “Departing refugees express thanks for our compassion,” The Guardian, 22 July 1999, p. A3.
192 Jim Day, “Islanders share joy with Kosovar family over newly born son,” The Guardian 06 October 1999, p. A3.
193 Tony Kushner, 76.
194 Tony Kushner, 77.
47
Finally, simply through reviewing the headlines of the articles published in The Guardian
prior to the migrants‟ arrival is indicative that apprehension existed in the host community. The
headlines demonstrate that community groups were repeatedly being called upon to provide
sponsorship to the refugees whose arrival, it seemed, was never ending. Through quantifying the
migration of refugees to the Island in the headlines The Guardian was problemitizing the arrival
of the Kosovars. Implying that this movement was on-going, and the number of people arriving
was continuing to grow, suggests that these people were going to cause problems for the Island.
The headlines do not suggest that the Kosovars would be bringing wealth, skills, or any other
positive attributes with them - just numbers. The headlines tend to indicate that the arrival of
these migrants took the province by surprise. This leads one to believe that little had been done
by Ottawa to communicate with Islanders on when and why these people would be settling in the
province, or to prepare Islanders for the Kosovars‟ arrival. The headlines and the content within
each article indicate that the Island may not have been in-sync with Chrétien‟s rhetoric during
Question Period: that accepting these refugees, would reaffirm domestic values.195
Yet, as the refugees made their way to the Island, the tone of the articles changed. No
longer were the refugees viewed by the host community as being threats; rather, their presence
allowed residents to reaffirm a humanitarian identity. Quite explicitly, quotations in three articles
demonstrate the image of Us that Islanders wanted to construct. Bill Campbell, the co-ordinator
of the Kosovar refugee program, was quoted by The Guardian when he said that “The people
that are interested in helping these people who are extremely wounded in spirits … its just
195See for example the following articles: Mike Gauthier, “Sponsors sought for refugee families interested in P.E.I,”;
Dave Stewart, “Island Sponsors needed to welcome Kosovo refugees,” The Guardian, 27 May 2009, p. A4; Mike
Gauthier, “P.E.I. now set for refugees,” The Guardian, 22 June 1999, p.A3; Mike Gauthier, “Kosovo refugees to
start arriving in P.E.I. next week,”; “Kosovo refugees reach P.E.I. today,” The Guardian, 23 June 1999, p. A2; Ron
Ryder, “P.E.I. welcomes Kosovar refugees,”
48
tremendous and it‟s just typical of Prince Edward Island.”196 Later he was quoted again:
“Campbell said the Island is simply living up to its reputation. „Traditionally, we‟ve always been
very generous.”197 Premier Pat Binns said that “as Islanders we will pull together to help
them.”198 As mentioned, refugees are political symbols and they provide an opportunity for the
host community to reaffirm its political and social values. Through accepting these people
Islanders were reaffirming who Us was – welcoming and humanitarian.
Much of the reaffirmation of the
humanitarian island identity came from
quotations from the Kosovo refugees. In
these quotations, the refugees gave their
praise to the people of Prince Edward Island.
Haki Xhigoli said that, “There is peace here
and friendly people [on Prince Edward
Island].”199 In another article, departing
Kosovars, with “tears in their eyes” said,
“[t]hank you to all the people in
Charlottetown … thank you for
everything.”200 Kosovar Bardhyl Jaha said
the Kosovars refer to Islanders as “magic people” for the care and compassion they showed. 201
Jaha was quoted in another article as saying, “[w]hen I came here, the first day I had everything:
196 Mike Gauthier, “Kosovo refugees to start arriving in P.E.I. next week,”.
197 Mike Gauthier, “P.E.I. now set for refugees,”.
198 Doug Gallant, “Group of Kosovar exiles landing on P.E.I. today,” The Guardian, 28 June 1999, p. 1.
199 Ron Ryder, “P.E.I. welcomes Kosovar refugees,” The Guardian, 24 June 1999, p.1.
200 Dave Stewart, “Departing refugees express thanks for our compassion,”
201 Ibid.
The Guardian, 04 September 1999.
49
food; clothes; stereo; television – everything, everything, everything.”202 After his wife delivered
a baby in a Charlottetown hospital, Majriz Murseli said, “I‟m happy, … [g]ood hospital, good
people, good everything.”203 Finally, one refugee is quoted as saying that, “[p]eople here [on
P.E.I.] open hearts for Kosovar peoples.”204
What is also indicative of the image Islanders wanted to construct is the abundance of
articles that contrasted what refugees had fled from with the comfort offered on the Island.
Premier Pat Binns is quoted as saying that “[t]hese people have lived through desperate
times.”205 “Here [on P.E.I.] they will have their own residences and freedom to run their own
lives,”206 writes Jim Day. One refugee, after coming to Prince Edward Island, “bask[ed] in the
realization that the fortune of his family has vastly improved in an instant.”207 Another refugee is
quoted as saying that, “[w]here we come from, there was war and people fighting and we had to
leave.”208 It is difficult to determine whether this was simply selective reporting on the part of
The Guardian or not. However, examining this type of discourse with the understanding that the
newspaper is the main agency for the reproduction of society,209 suggests that these articles are at
least representative of the image of Us that most Islanders wanted to portray.
Through personal communication with Bill Campbell, chair of the Joint Committee on
the Private Sponsorship of Refugees Program, on April 13, 2009, it was learned that much of his
time was spent involved in public outreach and interviews with the media in order to recruit
volunteers. A conflict exists between The Guardian articles and what is expressed by Mr.
Campbell. The articles suggest that Islanders were not positively receiving the refugees whereas
202 Jim Day, “Leading a new life,” The Guardian 04 September 1999, p. C8.
203 Jim Day, “Islanders share joy with Kosovar family over newly born son,”
204 Jim Day, “Leading a new life,”
205 Doug Gallant, “Group of Kosovar exiles landing on P.E.I. today,”.
206 Ron Ryder, “P.E.I. welcomes Kosovar refugees,”
207 Jim Day, “Refugees settling into Island life,”
208 Ron Ryder, “P.E.I. welcomes Kosovar refugees,”
209 Roberto Franzosi, p. 6.
50
the comments of Campbell indicate that they were.210 The most logical explanation is that those
volunteering to sponsor refugees were the members of the Island‟s society who were, for reasons
not discussed here, inclined to receive the refugees. In his notes, Campbell‟s observations of the
volunteers suggest that these people were proactive, liberal minded, and almost naturally
humanitarian. It is possible that the greater Island society, as The Guardian articles suggest,
were apprehensive about the Kosovars‟ arrival.
The conflict also demonstrates that during the arrival of Kosovar refugees to the Island in
1999, positive reception of these people relied heavily on the outreach of a respected Islander
such as Campbell. The shift in Islanders‟ perceptions of Kosovar refugees may not have
occurred without Campbell‟s commitment to organizing sponsor groups and communicating to
the media that the Kosovars were “good” people. More research is needed to determine the
opinions Islanders had of the Kosovars‟ arrival. Key-informant interviews with residents would
be one way to elaborate on what is presented in The Guardian articles.
One letter to the editor of The Guardian demonstrates that even after all of the positive
coverage that had been given to the Kosovo refugees, not all Islanders were appreciative of their
presence. Catherine Kerr of Charlottetown, reacting to the announcement by Premier Pat Binns
that the Island would accept more refugees, wrote that:
I have a 15 month-old grand son who has never seen a doctor since his „six-week‟
checkup which didn‟t take place until he was four months old. Why? Because he
has no doctor … However, Premier Binns has assured the people of Prince
Edward Island that we can afford to bring even more refugee families here and
give them medical, dental care, and education for their children. Single mothers
who must be on the welfare system on Prince Edward Island aren‟t allowed to
have their tax rebate payments. Is this fair? Is this how our Island government can
210 Personal communication with Bill Campbell, co-ordinator of the P.E.I. Private Sponsorship of Refugees
Program, April 13, 2009. Campbell e-mailed the author the notes he kept while chairing the Sponsorship Program.
In his notes he writes that after completing community outreach activities with charity organizations and the media,
he was able to recruit enough volunteers to assist in the settlement of Kosovar refugees. He wrote that this type of
humanitarian response was typical of people from Pricne Edward Island.
51
afford to pay for these refugee families? Perhaps what we need here is a civil war
of our own? Would our government take notice – probably not.211
This letter to the editor by one Islander who resented the public finances the Kosovars
were receiving sheds light on how some members of the host community reacted to the
Kosovars‟ arrival. One article also mentions that, “[t]he refugees are coming to the Island with
health certificates with no spending ceiling, which means Ottawa will be footing the bill for just
about any health problem the refugees may suffer from.”212 Not all Islanders believed that it was
their humanitarian duty to assist these people. Claudia Tazreiter writes that, “[t]he reception of
newcomers in a host society intersects with issues of citizenship and what rights and obligations
pertain to which groups within a particular society.”213 A conflict existed: to what extent should
Islanders receive these people? They were not from here (the Island). Although through the eyes
of The Guardian it seemed as though the Kosovars provided an opportunity for Islanders to
reaffirm an Island identity, this letter to the editor demonstrates that this sentiment was not
shared by all members of the host community.
Conclusion: Kosovar and Hungarian Refugees Received
The arrival of Hungarian refugees in 1956 and Kosovar refugees in 1999 was unexpected
by Islanders. In both cases, The Guardian demonstrated that the arrival of refugees to the
province was not a normal immigration pattern. In the case of the Kosovars, 104 refugees arrived
in the province. The arrival of 104 Kosovars represented a very large number of immigrants
211 Catherine Kerr,. [italics mine.].
212 Mike Gauthier, “Kosovo refugees to start arriving in P.E.I. next week,”
213 Claudia Tazreiter, Asylum Seekers and the State: The Politics of Protection in a Security-Conscious World
(England: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 2004): 36.
52
considering that normally only 150 people would immigrate to the Island every year.214 In both
cases, there were larger national and international forces at play which brought these people to
Prince Edward Island. However, what is different in each case is the way in which the Island
received the refugees. In the case of the Hungarians, the Island was assisting in a larger pro-
democracy and anti-soviet agenda. During the height of the Cold War, there was an outpouring
of civic engagement to receive these refugees. By 1999, public support on the Island to receive
refugees had diminished. With the Cold War over, the Kosovo refugees were not explicitly
political symbols (even though Chrétien implicitly stated that they were). “In a security-
conscious world” accepting large numbers of unfamiliar people may pose a threat to the host
community. 215 However, as the Kosovars arrived on the Island throughout 1999, apprehension
about their arrival diminished. Although previously securitized, these people provided an
opportunity for Islanders to reaffirm a humanitarian identity.
Finally, the silences in the articles are sometimes as important as what is explicitly stated.
In particular, the religious background of the Hungarian and Kosovar refugees may have greatly
affected their reception experiences. In both sets of articles, the religious affiliation of neither
group was explicitly stated. In the Hungarian articles, there was an outpouring of support from
Christian organizations. These organizations worked closely with the state to receive the
Hungarians and they would have had a great impact on their reception experiences. The Kosovar
articles show no signs that Christian organizations provided support in receiving this group. The
majority of Kosovar refugees were Muslim and the Hungarian refugees Christian.216 The
Guardian articles did not refer to the Hungarians‟ Christian background or Kosovars‟ Islamic
214 Personal communication with Bill Campbell via e-mail on April 14, 2009.
215 Ibid.
216 Ayid Babuna, “The Albanians of Kosovo and Macedonia: Ethnic Identity Superseding Religion,” Nationalities
Papers 28, no. 01 (2000) and Miron Rezun, Europe‟s Nightmare – The Struggle for Kosovo (Westport: Praeger,
2001).
53
background explicitly. One may first assume that Islanders and Christian organizations did not
receive the Kosovars as positively as they did the Hungarians because of the Muslim factor.
However, based on Guardian articles alone, this can not be substantiated.
What also has to be taken into consideration is the possibility that during the span of
close to half a century (1957-1999), the churches‟ role in receiving refugees became commonly
known to Islanders and thus was not newsworthy during the Kosovars‟ arrival as it was during
the Hungarian‟s arrival. Since the churches‟ philanthropy may have been commonly-known on
the Island The Guardian may have decided to report on other issues. Personal communication
with Bill Campbell suggests that this may have been the case. In his personal notes, seven
churches were noted as having sponsored groups of Kosovar refugees.217 However, since
settlement support provided by churches and other community groups was consolidated under
the umbrella of the Private Sponsorship of Refugees Program, the program tended to receive
more media attention than individual churches and groups. Organizations such as the Prince
Edward Island Association for Newcomers to Canada, Red Cross, and CIC-initiated committees
such as the Private Sponsorship of Refugees Program may have played a more dominant role in
the Kosovars‟ arrival because of the tendency for the state to no longer directly rely as heavily on
the church for social services on the Island. Comparing The Guardian articles to the thoughts of
Campbell suggest that there is a conflict between the actual relationship between refugees and
the host community and how this relationship is represented in the media.
217 Information received via e-mail from Bill Campbell, co-ordinator of the P.E.I. Private Sponsorship of Refugees
Program. on April 13, 2009. His notes indicate that The First Baptist Church, Kirk of St. James, St. Francis of Assisi
Parish, Spring Park United Church, Park Royal United Church, Christian Reform Church, and St. Paul‟s Roman
Catholic Church all sponsored refugees.
54
Part Three: Epilogue and Conclusion: An Interview with a Refugee on Prince Edward
Island
This thesis has demonstrated that refugees are considered newsworthy subjects by the
people who write for and manage The Guardian. The Guardian would report on refugees in
instances when there were large-scale migrations of refugees to the Island as well as when there
were opportunities for feel-good or security conscious refugee stories. From a thematic textual
analysis of newspaper articles the following themes were discussed in the previous sections: the
securitization of refugees, the humanitarian response to refugees, the anxieties of the host
community when receiving refugees, and the opportunity for the host community to reaffirm
who Us is when receiving refugees. Elizabeth Larson writes that “the way in which refugees are
portrayed in the media often contributes to their struggles.”218 This section discusses research
conducted with one refugee relating to this issue. Material comes from an interview and
questionnaire. The discussion below explores two dimensions of the experiences of refugees on
the Island: the participant‟s opinions of the way refugees are received on the Island and the way
they are represented in the media.
The interview was with a 22 year old male who, in 2004, had emigrated directly from
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia to Prince Edward Island. He was accompanied by two other family
members. After Adam219 immigrated to the Island, no other family members or friends from
Ethiopia followed. In his written response, he indicated that he was led to emigrate from Ethiopia
as he feared that he would be persecuted for reasons of political opinion. After arriving in Prince
218 Elizabeth M. Larson, p. 1.
219 Not the actual name of the participant.
55
Edward Island, he quickly realized that, “There was very little diversity … [and that the Island
was a] very conservative society.”220 He noted that while living on the Island, he had never
encountered any major problems other than experiencing some culture shock. When asked if he
was actively planning on leaving Prince Edward Island, he indicated that he was going to leave
the province so that he could find better economic opportunities. He also wrote that he wanted to
leave the Island so that he could live in an area that was more culturally diverse.
Through interview, Adam indicated that he did not read The Guardian newspaper. He
received news primarily from television, particularly international television news from the
Cable News Network (CNN). Nevertheless, he still had formed an opinion as to how he believed
refugees are portrayed in the media. When asked “How would you describe the „typical‟ way
refugees are portrayed in the media,” he replied: “Ah [the media] would … show … how
Canadians brought these refugees in … like they came from there and we saved them sort of
attitude.”221 On the one hand he agrees with the typical way that refugees are portrayed in the
media: that Canada has saved people when it receives refugees. On the other hand, he noted that
these stories are generally not reflective of the personal experiences of the refugee. The media
has a tendency to simplify reasons for flight. After being asked what is inaccurate about the way
refugees are portrayed in the media, Adam said, “Like, … a refugee [in the media], ... [is]
automatically … involved in war, … and then just ran away here. But there could be millions of
reasons why you are here as a refugee.”222
Reflecting on the information gathered from Adam through interview and questionnaire,
one cannot determine what effect The Guardian has had on his ability to assimilate into the host
community. From his written responses, factors encouraging him to leave the Island have been
220 Questionnaire
221 Interview [Italics mine].
222 Interview
56
created more from a lack of diversity and economic opportunity in the province than from the
way that refugees are portrayed in the media. The effect The Guardian has on refugees‟ ability to
assimilate into Island society can not be determined from one interview.
In the previous sections this paper revealed that on Prince Edward Island, Islanders would
attempt to reaffirm who Us is by providing humanitarian support to refugees. This could provide
the reasoning as to why Adam believed Islanders were “nice” people. Adam commented that
when he first arrived on the Island, he was assisted by the Prince Edward Island Association for
Newcomers to Canada (PEIANC) and he was grateful for their support and welcoming attitude.
As previously mentioned, Adam experienced culture shock when he arrived on the Island.
Research shows that one of the difficulties faced by refugees entering the job market is the
cultural differences in methods of seeking and applying for jobs.223 Alice Bloch writes that
reception centres, such as the PEIANC, are crucial in the settlement process.224 However, the
support of the PEIANC and the niceness of Islanders does not outweigh the pull of diverse areas
with more economic opportunities. For Adam, he is appreciative of the friendliness of Islanders
but at the same time does not see a future for himself here.
One cannot assume that the opinions Adam expressed about the media on the Island are
representative of all refugees who settle here. Rather, his opinions suggest that immigrants do not
directly engage with the local press. Guardian articles are written by Islanders for Islanders. Jim
Day and Mike Gauthier are two journalists who provided the most journalistic output on the
reception of the Kosovar refugees. It has to be taken into consideration that the personal opinions
of Day and Gauthier may have affected the way the Kosovars‟ reception was written about in
The Guardian and thus the articles are not representative of the opinions of all Islanders. Yet,
223 Alice Bloch, “Carrying Out a Survey of Refugees: Some Methodological Considerations and Guidelines,”
Journal of Refugee Studies 12, no. 04 (1999): 373.
224 Alice Bloch, p. 371. See also Steven J. Gold, Refugee Communities.
57
what these journalists and others decide to write about refugees shapes the attitudes Islanders
have towards refugees and the social environment that refugees are received in.225 Research
suggests that Islanders do not frequently socialize with people who „come from away.‟226 One
can assume that what Islanders know about refugees comes from local media outlets such as the
Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) TV, CBC Radio, and The Guardian. In the previous
sections none of the Guardian articles from the 1950s, 1980s, or 1990s were written by refugees;
all were written by Islanders. On the Island, refugees have no control over what is written about
them yet what is written about them significantly affects their reception experiences in the host
community. Writing about media discourses on refugees, Amanda Haynes, Eoin Devereux, and
Michael Breen note that, “whether rooted in spatial or social segregation, the resultant social
distance between host populations and asylum seekers and refugees leaves the former with few
(respected) routes of learning about the latter, beyond the media.”227 A random survey of articles
from the 1950s, 1980s, and 1990s shows that refugees on Prince Edward Island, regardless of
time period, have no role in their own representation in the media.
225 See Elizabeth M. Larson, “Through the Eyes of the Media: Perceptions of Nicaraguan Refugees in Costa Rica in
the 1980s,” (paper presented at Conference of Latin Americanist Geographers, Costa Rica, 1995). Her study looked
at how the media shaped the opinion‟s Costa Ricans had towards Nicaraguan refugees.
226 See Baldacchino, Coming to, and Settling on, Prince Edward Island: Stories and Voices ‐ A Report on a Study of
Recent Immigrants to PEI, in particular, pp. 46-47.
227 Amanda Haynes, Eoin Devereux, and Michael Breen, A Cosy Consensus on Deviant Discourse: How the refugee
and asylum seeker meta-narrative has endorsed an interpretive crisis in relation to the transnational politics of the
world‟s displaced persons, p. 4. They also write that “The „knowledge gap‟ between host populations and displaced
persons is key to understanding the significance of media coverage in formulating public attitudes towards asylum
seekers and refugees. Asylum seekers often live lives very distant from those of host populations.”
58
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Appendix A Consent Form
The title of my research project is: "The Experiences of Refugees on Prince Edward Island." The
purpose of this research is to contribute to a greater understanding of the experiences of refugees
on Prince Edward Island (P.E.I.). I am inviting you to participate in this study.
Approximately 20 refugees who settled on P.E.I. are going to be interviewed for this project.
They will also be completing Questionnaires. The length of time the interview will take to
complete will be approximately 30-45 minutes. The Questionnaire will take approximately 15-20
minutes to complete. There are no personal or other types of risks for you being involved in this
study.
I will be doing the interview with you now. After the interview, I will give you the
Questionnaire to complete. You can complete the Questionnaire now, or, you can take it home to
complete and mail back to me within one week (I will give you a postage paid envelope). The
interview will be recorded with the use of a digital recorder. All transcripts will be coded. This
means that your name will not appear on the transcript and therefore, only the interviewer will
know your name. There are no risks to you for your involvement in this study.
Once I have transcribed your interview, I will e-mail or mail you a copy of the transcript. You
will then have an opportunity to modify/omit any commentary you made. You will be mailed or
e-mailed a summary of the thesis once it is completed in May of 2009.
This research is being conducted by UPEI History student Bobby Cameron under the direction of
UPEI History Professor Dr. Lisa Chilton. I can be contacted at 658-2660 or trcameron@upei.ca.
Dr. Chilton can be contacted at 566-0692 or lchilton@upei.ca.
Your signature below indicates that you have read and understand this form and the points listed
below and that you have had the opportunity to have your questions answered by the researcher.
•I am agreeing to be interviewed and to complete a questionnaire.
•I have at least a Grade 8 English reading level.
•I understand that my participation is voluntary.
•I am aware that the interview is being recorded.
•I am aware that I may stop the interview and/or the recorder at any time and that no reason is required for doing so.
Nothing bad will happen to me if I decide to stop.
•I know that I can refuse to answer any question(s).
•I am aware that the information collected during individual interviews will remain anonymous and confidential
within the limits of the law. In the final paper I will not be able to be identified. All records will be kept secret. Only
Bobby and Lisa will be able to access the records.
•I am aware that my words may be used for substantial quotation.
•I agree that the researcher may contact me for clarification of the comments I make.
•I know that I can contact the University of Prince Edward Island Research Ethics Board at 566-0637, or by e-mail
at lmacphee@upei.ca if I have any questions about the ethical conduct of this study.
•I am entitled to a copy of this consent form
Name:________________________________ Signature:_________________________________ Date:_________
Researcher: ___________________________ Signature:__________________________________ Date:_________
72
Appendix B Interview Schedule
Tell me about the types of media you read / view.
• Tell me about what you like about this media.
• Tell me what you do not like about this media.
What do you think about the way refugees are portrayed in the media
Tell me what you think is accurate about the way refugees are portrayed in the media
Tell me about what you think is inaccurate about the way refugees are portrayed in the media
Tell me about the true things that the media says about refugees
Tell me about the false things that the media says about refugees
73
Appendix C Questionnaire
1. Please describe your educational background. Include the title of any certificates, diplomas, or
degrees, and the dates that you obtained these degrees. Please also include the name of the
institutions, their location (city, country):
2. Please list the cities you have lived in and the dates that you lived in each country (if outside
of Canada, please include country as well):
Where were you born (city, country):_____________________
3. Current place of residence: ______________________________________
4. What is your current Employment position? Please describe your job and its skill
requirements:
5. What considerations (if any) regarding your home country led you to emigrate? You may
circle more than one or provide the reason under „other‟.
Fear of being persecuted for reasons of: Race; Religion; Nationality; Political opinion; Other
(please provide):
6. When did you immigrate to PEI?:
7. Did you obtain refugee status inside or outside of Canada?
(i) If inside Canada, where? (ii) If outside of Canada, in which country?
8. Did you move to PEI alone?
If no, how many people accompanied you?
8. Did any other friends or relatives follow you to PEI after you had arrived? If yes, were they
friends or relatives and how many people settled on PEI?
9. Please describe anything that will allow us to form an accurate illustration of the experiences
of refugees at the time that you settled on PEI (please provide examples and be as specific as
possible).
10. Have you ever had any problems living in your community? If yes, please describe them.
11. Are you involved in any groups or organizations? If yes, what are the benefits to you being
involved in this group?
12. Are you actively planning to leave PEI? If yes, why are you planning to leave PEI? If no,
why are you planning on staying on PEI? (Please be as specific as possible)
74
Appendix D Research Ethics Certificate of Approval
75
76
Appendix E Access to Information Requests
77
