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Law and Order within and Beyond National Configurations
Abstract
On the backdrop of the 2008 financial crisis this paper introduces an understanding of societal crises as a reduction in the meaning production of social entities, which can either be internally or externally provoked. The emergence of constitutions and, more generally, constitutional structures, can be understood as responses to both forms of crisis. This is the case because they are double-edged structures which are simultaneously oriented towards the maintenance of internal order and stability within a given social entity at the same time as they frame the transfer of the meaning components between the social entities and their environments. Thus, the 2008 financial crisis indicates a failure of constitutional bonding. When observed from an overall structural perspective, the reasons for this failure can be traced back to an increased discrepancy between the structural composition of world society and the constitutional structures in place. The crisis reflects a failure to respond to two simultaneous, inter-related and mutually reinforcing structural transformations. First, there is the increased globalisation, which has led to massive dislocations in the relative centrality of the different national configurations for the reproductive processes of functional systems. Second, there is a structural transformation of the transnational layer of world society through a reduced reliance on the centre/periphery differentiation and an increased reliance on functional differentiation. One of the many consequences of this development is the emergence of new forms of transnational law and politics. A new constitutional architecture which reflects these transformations is needed in order to ensure an adequate constitutional bonding of economic processes, as well as of other social processes.
... Structural transformations typically become observable through the emergence of crisis semantics. 4 Indeed, the list of social phenomena characterized as crisis ridden in contemporary society is long: the financial crisis, including its long-term effects (Kjaer et al. 2011); the migrant crises along the borders of rich nations and regions as well as throughout the poorer parts of the world; the erosion of institutions and the rule of law in countries as different as Brazil, Hungary, Poland and Turkey; the effects of climate change; the still ongoing COVID-19 health crisis and its socioeconomic fallout; sustained social inequality; and many more. These phenomena do not constitute a singular crisis that can be traced back to a unitary logic-for example, the capitalist logic-but rather constitute a range of different but mutually reinforcing crises unfolding in different modi and temporal logics (Kjaer and Olsen 2016). ...
... This apocalyptic eschatology might be seen as tied to the end of Western hegemony in general and the end of the hegemony of white males in particular, rather than reflecting crises with a global reach. Only Westerners systematically overestimating their importance in the world could characterize the 2008 financial 4 For different definitions of societal crises, see Kjaer 2011. crisis as a "global financial crisis" (Wikipedia 2021) when it was, in fact, largely a domestic US and UK crisis, albeit it produced severe spillovers in other jurisdictions, triggering different kinds of economic crises in countries such as Greece and Spain. ...
This article outlines a new approach to the law of political economy as a form of transformative law, a new approach that combines a focus on the function of law with a concept of law encapsulating the triangular dialectics between the form-giving prestation of law, the material substance the law is oriented against, and the transcendence of legal forms-that is, the rendering of compatibility between forms. Transformative law thereby serves as an alternative to both law and economics and recently emerging culturalist and neo-Marxist approaches. The timing of this publication is not coincidental. The era of neoliberalism-that is, of structural liberalism, which started in the 1970s and experienced its breakthrough in the 1980s and 1990s after the collapse of structural Marxism-is ending. This makes the question of what will succeed the neoliberal episteme pertinent.
... Por lo mismo, a pesar de que tradicionalmente se ha reconocido a la figura del Estado Nación como el modelo estructural por excelencia de lo político (Mereminskaya & Mascareño 2005), este no se reduce únicamente a lo estatal (Teubner 1997). Como ejemplo de esto para el caso del sistema financiero, los mismos individuos que activan sus procesos también pueden desarrollar dinámicas remitidas a lo político, por medio de su interacción y correspondiente institucionalización como stakeholders (Kjaer 2011). Este término surge como equivalente semántico al concepto de "pueblo", significando un avance evolutivo al englobar a actores afectados por la actividad de determinado sistema social, sin distinción por su adscripción a un territorio específico o por su pertenencia a determinada cultura, posibilitando así la participación en la toma de decisiones (es decir, su consideración por parte del sistema político) en el espacio transnacional. ...
... 20 Sobre esta verdadera explosión de nuevos artilugios técnicos para el despliegue de las operaciones financieras, véaseBest (2010). 21 Uno de los efectos más sorpresivos de la crisis del 2008, se encuentra en el debilitamiento de la distinción centro/periferia presente en el contexto internacional(Kjaer 2011), referido específicamente a la disminución de la brecha existente entre las estructuras nacionales desarrolladas, y aquellas en vías de desarrollo. El principal vestigio que confirma esta dinámica radica en la conformación del G20 como principal foro de cooperación económica internacional, lo que ha permitido incluir la perspectiva de numerosas culturas nacionales -otrora excluidas-a la institucionalidad existente. ...
La crisis financiera del 2008 modificó las relaciones sostenidas entre el sistema político, la esfera jurídica y el dominio financiero a escala global. Ante la incapacidad de las estructuras regulatorias de los países afectados por salvaguardar la estabilidad de sus mercados, la solución política ha estribado en un incremento de la participación estatal sobre los órganos jurídicos encargados de supervigilar los procesos financieros, provocando un nuevo giro en la disputa por el control de la regulación financiera sostenida entre el sistema político y el sistema financiero. Este artículo indaga los orígenes y los potenciales efectos de esta dinámica emergente, identificando los principales acoplamientos estructurales dispuestos por el Estado para subsanar los vicios funcionales del régimen financiero global, así como las raíces de la desdiferenciación derivada de la captura regulatoria en la que ha incurrido históricamente el sistema financiero. Para describir este fenómeno desde la perspectiva sociológica, se conjugó la óptica analítica que proporciona la teoría de sistemas con el arsenal teórico propio de la regulación financiera, incluyendo una investigación empírica en dicho campo. Finalmente, este artículo propone resaltar las ventajas funcionales de esta pugna intersistémica, introduciendo una reflexión que rescata sus beneficios para la sociedad en el largo plazo.
... Além disso, dentro da área de esportes, é possível observar que os clubes de beisebol canadenses jogam na Liga dos EUA. Para reflexões mais gerais, veja também: Poul F. Kjaer (2011). complementadas por toda uma série de regimes, que vão desde estruturas de mercado de trabalho corporativista nacionalmente delineadas até ligas nacionais de futebol, que não podem ser incluídas nas categorias de sistemas organizacionais ou funcionais 31 . ...
A questão de saber se existe ou não pode ser encontrada em todos além do Estado tem sido o tema central da disputa acadêmica nas últimas décadas. Essa contribuição deriva do insight histórico que tem formas extensas de ordenar posses, qualidades constitucionais sempre existiram abaixo, ao lado e acima do estado. Nas últimas décadas, o debate sobre o constitucionalismo além do Estado se desdobrou em dois discursos separados: O primeiro é dirigido principalmente por cientistas políticos e pelo direito público e é caracterizado por uma tentativa de criar um estado nacional Este último está sistematicamente subestimando a dimensão política das estruturas transnacionais. A fim de colmatar esta lacuna para o número de figuras-chave de um conceito transnacional específico do político está sendo concretizada. Palavras-chave: Constitucionalismo. Lei global. Transparência. Prestação de contas. Sociedade mundial.
... Além disso, dentro da área de esportes, é possível observar que os clubes de beisebol canadenses jogam na Liga dos EUA. Para reflexões mais gerais, veja também: Poul F. Kjaer (2011). complementadas por toda uma série de regimes, que vão desde estruturas de mercado de trabalho corporativista nacionalmente delineadas até ligas nacionais de futebol, que não podem ser incluídas nas categorias de sistemas organizacionais ou funcionais 31 . ...
a questão de saber se existe ou não pode ser encontrada em todos além do Estado tem sido o tema central da disputa acadêmica nas últimas décadas. Essa contribuição deriva do insight histórico que tem formas extensas de ordenar posses, qualidades constitucionais sempre existiram abaixo, ao lado e acima do estado. Nas últimas décadas, o debate sobre o constitucionalismo além do Estado se desdobrou em dois discursos separados: O primeiro é dirigido principalmente por cientistas políticos e pelo direito público e é caracterizado por uma tentativa de criar um estado nacional Este último está sistematicamente subestimando a dimensão política das estruturas transnacionais. A fim de colmatar esta lacuna para o número de figuras-chave de um conceito transnacional específico do político está sendo concretizada.
... For another perspective on the possibility, if not of democratizing, at least of constitutionalizing the medium of money: Teubner (2011) 'A constitutional moment?'. 39 Kjaer (2011) 'Law and order within and beyond national configurations', p. 421ff; Habermas ( [1998) The Postnational Constellation, p. 61: "The idea that societies are capable of democratic self-control and self-realization has until now been credibly realized only in the context of the nation-state. Thus the image of a postnational constellation gives rise to alarmist feelings of enlightened helplessness widely observed in the political arena today." ...
The rise and spread of the Internet has accelerated the global flows of money, technology and information that are increasingly perceived as a challenge to the traditional regulatory powers of nation states and the effectiveness of their constitutions. The acceleration of these flows poses new legal and political problems to their regulation and control, as shown by recent conflicts between Google and the European Union (EU).
This book investigates the transnational constitutional dimension of recent conflicts between Google and the EU in the areas of competition, taxation and human rights. More than a simple case study, it explores how the new conflicts originating from the worldwide expansion of the Internet economy are being dealt with by the institutional mechanisms available at the European level. The analysis of these conflicts exposes the tensions and contradictions between, on the one hand, legal and political systems that are limited by territory, and, on the other hand, the inherently global functioning of the Internet. The EU’s promising initiatives to extend the protection of privacy in cyberspace set the stage for a broader dialogue on constitutional problems related to the enforcement of fundamental rights and the legitimate exercise of power that are common to different legal orders of world society. Nevertheless, the different ways of dealing with the competition and fiscal aspects of the conflicts with Google also indicate the same limits that are generally attributed to the very project of European integration, showing that the constitutionalization of the economy tends to outpace the constitutionalization of politics.
Providing a detailed account of the unfolding of these conflicts, and their wider consequences to the future of the Internet, this book will appeal to scholars working in EU law, international law and constitutional law, as well as those in the fields of political science and sociology.
In the western context, law has two functions. It upholds normative expectations and it transforms social phenomena. The latter is expressed through the form-giving function of law, as law designates particular social phenomena, such as, for example, economic, political or religious. Inside such overarching categories, further subcategories can moreover be observed. In relation to economic processes, the legal institutions of competition, contract, corporation and property are, for example, classical examples of the form-giving function of law. The dual function of law is briefly illustrated through a genealogy of imaginaries of law distinguishing between four historically dominant types of law: ‘Law as purpose’; ‘law as a tool’; ‘law as an obstacle’; and ‘law as reflexivity-initiation’. On this background, ten core dimensions of what might become a new episteme of transformative law are fleshed out with the aim of answering the question to what extent it can act as an alternative to the previous four types of law.
The aim of this paper is to explore the strong connections between the topics of this special volume of Religions: the current crisis of political Catholicism and religious Catholicism; the new questions posed about the relationship between Catholicism and advanced modernization; the relationship between Catholicism and European institutions; and the importance of the North Atlantic relationships within Catholicism. The paper sheds light on these questions through an analysis of a particular but indicative case study, namely, the “Catholic 68” in Italy. Deconstructing the predominant narrative about the relationship between Vatican II and the events of 1968 (or, better, those of the 2-year period 1967–1969) helps to clarify the connections between the topics of this volume in important ways. In fact, the predominant narrative about the “Catholic 68” still pays undue tribute to both an oversimplified reconstruction of the “parties” who fought one another during the Second Vatican Council and an oversimplified reading of the late 1960s. In this perspective, the Italian case is particularly relevant and yields important sociological insight. The starting point of the paper is the abundant literature on the “long 60s”. This scholarship has clarified the presence of an important religious dimension to the social and cultural processes of this period as well as a (generally accepted) link between the Council-issued renewal and “1968”. At the same time that literature has also clarified that the “long 60s” paved the way for a deep social transition which has also marked the first two decades of the 21st century. The nature of this religious renewal and social change has often been described as the triumph of liberal parties over conservative parties. This paper instead proposes a “three parties scheme” (conservative, progressive and liberal) to better understand the confrontation that occurred at the Council and that at the end of the same decade and its consequences for Catholicism and European politics today.
Zusammenfassung: Dieser Artikel befasst sich mit der aktuellen Debatte über den transnationalen Konstitutionalismus und den theoretischen Überlegungen über die Möglichkeiten einer internen Politisierung der transnationalen Governance. Nach einer Zusammenfassung der Debatte über die Transnationalisierung des Rechts und die Entstehung von fragmentierten Formen transnationaler Governance, versuche ich neue Formen im Verfassungsrecht innerhalb der fragmentierten Rechtsregime der Global Governance zu beschreiben. Im Anschluss daran untersuche ich die von einigen Rechtsgelehrten vertretene Annahme, auf der Möglichkeit einer internen Politisierung des Rechtsdiskurses zu beharren, um die sogenannte Expertenherrschaft im transnationalen Recht in Frage zu stellen. Unter Bezugnahme auf Claude Leforts sozialtheoretische und politisch-philosophische Überlegungen beschreibe ich anschließend das, was ich als soziale Bedingungen einer Politisierung des Rechts" bezeichne. Mein Argument dabei ist, dass die Möglichkeit, die Politik des Rechts in irgendeiner Weise zu verwirklichen, auf Merkmalen beruhen muss, die für die politische Konstitutionalisierung des Rechts typisch sind, aber in der heutigen transnationalen Governance nicht vorhanden zu sein scheinen. ABSTRACT: This essay addresses the ongoing debate on transnational constitutionalism and the theoretical assumptions related to the possibilities of internal politicization of transnational governance. After reconstructing the debate on the transnationalization of law and the emergence of fragmented forms of transnational governance, I engage on the description of emerging forms of constitutional law within the fragmented legal regimes of global governance. After doing that, I explore the assumption exposed by some legal scholars, which insists on the possibility of an internal politicization of legal discourse as a way to challenge the so called "rule of experts" in transnational law. Drawing on social-theoretical and political-philosophical formulations of Claude Lefort, I will then address what I call the social conditions of the politicization of law. My claim is that the very possibility of carrying out a certain politics of law depends on features, typical of the political constitutionalization of law, which do not seem to be present in transnational governance
Zusammenfassung Dieser Artikel befasst sich mit der aktuellen Debatte uber den transnationalen Konstitutionalismus und den theoretischen Uberlegungen uber die Moglichkeiten einer internen Politisierung der transnationalen Governance. Nach einer Zusammenfassung der Debatte uber die Transnationalisierung des Rechts und die Entstehung von fragmentierten Formen transnationaler Governance, versuche ich neue Formen im Verfassungsrecht innerhalb der fragmentierten Rechtsregime der Global Governance zu beschreiben. Im Anschluss daran untersuche ich die von einigen Rechtsgelehrten vertretene Annahme, auf der Moglichkeit einer internen Politisierung des Rechtsdiskurses zu beharren, um die sogenannte Expertenherrschaft im transnationalen Recht infrage zu stellen. Unter Bezugnahme auf Claude Leforts sozialtheoretische und politisch-philosophische Uberlegungen beschreibe ich anschliesend das, was ich als soziale Bedingungen einer ‚Politisierung des Rechts‘ bezeichne. Mein Argument dabei ist, dass die Moglichkeit, die Politik des Rechts in irgendeiner Weise zu verwirklichen, auf Merkmalen beruhen muss, die fur die politische Konstitutionalisierung des Rechts typisch sind, aber in der heutigen transnationalen Governance nicht vorhanden zu sein scheinen. Schlusselworter: Weltpolitik – Politisierung – Systemtheorie – Claude Lefort ----- Abstract This essay addresses the ongoing debate on transnational constitutionalism and the theoretical assumptions related to the possibilities of internal politicization of transnational governance. After reconstructing the debate on the transnationalization of law and the emergence of fragmented forms of transnational governance, I engage on the description of emerging forms of constitutional law within the fragmented legal regimes of global governance. After doing that, I explore the assumption exposed by some legal scholars, which insists on the possibility of an internal politicization of legal discourse as a way to challenge the so-called “rule of experts” in transnational law. Drawing on social-theoretical and political-philosophical formulations of Claude Lefort, I will then address what I call the social conditions of the politicization of law. My claim is that the very possibility of carrying out a certain politics of law depends on features, typical of the political constitutionalization of law, which do not seem to be present in transnational governance ----- Bibliographie: Holmes, Pablo: Die Grenzen transnationaler Rechtspolitik und die politischen Paradoxien des fragmentierten globalen Konstitutionalismus, ZPTh, 2-2015, S. 223-239. https://doi.org/10.3224/zpth.v6i2.22879
This book develops a sociologically informed theory of constitutionalism in the global realm, addressing both national and transnational forms of constitutional ordering. The book begins with the argument that current approaches to constitutionalism remain tied to a state-based conception of constitutions, and overlooks underlying structural transformations that trigger the emergence of constitutional forms of ordering. Poul F. Kjaer aims to address this shortcoming by offering a sociological and historically informed analysis of the evolution of constitutionalism in the face of globalisation. The analysis contextualises on-going constitutional developments through the use of a long-term historical perspective, which is capable of highlighting the impact of deeper structural transformations unfolding within society.
The book looks at the ways in which national and transnational legal forms have evolved alongside one another. It demonstrates that the formation of global constitutions has not resulted in a corresponding decrease in the power of nation states, but instead, legal and political aspects of both the nation state and the transnational have been reconfigured and intensified in a mutually supportive manner.
In combining insights from a range of fields, this interdisciplinary book will be of great interest to students and scholars of constitutional law, sociology, global governance studies, and legal, social and political theory.
Poul F. Kjær: Constitutionalism in the Global Realm – A sociological approach, Routledge April 2014, ISBN 978-0-415-73373-1
Successive ICJ Presidents have expressed concern about the proliferation of international tribunals and substantive fragmentation of international law. This is not a new phenomenon. International law has always lacked a clear normative and institutional hierarchy. The problem is more how new institutions have used international law to further new interests, especially those not predominant in traditional law. The anxiety among ICJ judges should be seen less as a concern for abstract “coherence” than a worry about the demise of traditional principles of diplomatic law and the Court's privileged role as their foremost representative. As jurisdictional conflicts reflect divergent political priorities, it is unclear that administrative co-ordination can eliminate them. This does not, however, warrant excessive worries over fragmentation; it is an institutional expression of political pluralism internationally.
Global legal pluralism is not simply a result of political pluralism, but is instead the expression of deep contradictions between colliding sectors of a global society. At core, the fragmentation of global law is not simply about legal norm collisions or policyconflicts, but rather has its origin in contradictions between society-wide institutionalized rationalities, which law cannot solve, but which demand a new legal approach to colliding norms. This thesis will be evolved with three arguments: (1) The fragmentation of global law is more radical than any single reductionist perspective - legal, political, economic or cultural - can comprehend. Legal fragmentation is merely an ephemeral reflection of a more fundamental, multidimensional fragmentation of global society itself. (2) Any aspirations to a normative unity of global law are thus doomed from the outset. A meta-level at which conflicts might be solved is wholly elusive both in global law and in global society. Instead, we might expect intensified legal fragmentation. (3) Legal fragmentation cannot itself be combated. At the best, a weak normative compatibility of the fragments might be achieved. However, this is dependent upon the ability of conflicts law to establish a specific network logic, which can effect a loose coupling of colliding units.
Abstract Es gibt bereits viel europäische Öffentlichkeit. Die öffentliche Thematisierung Europas wie im BSE-Fall, im Korruptionsfall
oder im Bereich der Migrationspolitik hat Resonanzen erzeugt, die über nationale Öffentlichkeiten hänausreichen. Um diese
Öffentlichkeit in Europa zu fassen, wird zunächst ein analytisches Modell der variablen sozialen Lokalisierung dieser Öffentlichkeit
vorgeschlagen. Im Unterschied zu nationaler Öffentlichkeit ist diese Öffentlichkeit nicht mehr an die Unterstellung einer
Sprachgemeinschaft (ein „Volk“ oder „Demos“) gebunden. An deren Stelle treten Netzwerke politischer Akteure, die über issue-spezifische
Kommunikationsgemeinschaften, nicht mehr über Sprachgemeinschaften zusammengehalten werden. Die Strukturoptionen dieser emergenten
Öffentlichkeit werden schließlich in einem weiteren analytischen Modell bestimmt mit Implikationen für die normative Frage
nach der Demokratisierungsfunktion und -fähigkeit europäischer Öffentlichkeit.
Summary There is already a public sphere in Europe. The public debate in Europe on issues such as the BSE-scandal, the corruption
in the Commission or the regulation of migration and the treatment of migrants have led to forms of public resonance that
cross national borders. To grasp this public space in Europe, an analytical model of the variable social location of this
public space is proposed. Contrary to the national public space, this emerging European public space is no longer tied to
the condition of a community of language, to a people speaking the same language (“Volk”). Such community is replaced by networks
of political actors which are held together by an issue-specific community of discourse, no longer by a community of language.
The structural options of this emerging public space in Europe are then summarized in an analytical model which has implications
for the normative question of whether such a European public space can fulfill the function of democratizing the European
Union.
This essay focuses on Wal-Mart's role in an important emerging phenomenon: the development of efficient systems of private law making by non-governmental organizations that sometimes supplement, and sometimes displace traditional legal systems. These emerging global systems of private law making are spearheaded by an important group of large multinational corporations like Wal-Mart. It arises in the shadow of, parallel with, and in response to the less successful attempts by national and international bodies to regulate economic behavior on a global scale. These systems are grounded in private law, contractual and business connections between the great multi-national corporations and the many entities with which they have business relationships. This essay concentrates on one aspect of those connections - supplier or supply chain agreements involving multinational corporations. It examines the way Wal-Mart is able to use those contractual relationships to legislate behavior among its suppliers with respect to product quality, working conditions for the suppliers' employees, ethical conduct, and similar matters. The particulars of those behaviors reflect Wal-Mart's perception of the tastes and expectations of its consumers, investors and the financial community. Those tastes and expectations, in turn, are formed by elements of civil society and spread by elements of the media. Civil society elements serve not only to form consumer tastes, but also to develop Wal-Mart's specific set of behavior norms and then independently monitor compliance by Wal-Mart and its suppliers with their obligations. The media independently serves as the source of legitimacy and the conduit through which the results of civil society monitoring efforts, and the efforts of Wal-Mart to correct these breaches are transmitted. The media also serves as a forum through which consumer and investment tastes in behavior are developed. Together, multinationals, elements of civil society, the media, and the consumer-investor community constitute the elements of an autonomous system for the efficient regulation of economic behavior on a global scale that may contribute to the development of functionally differentiated and partial global systems of common law beyond the state.
German Law Journal 483. 27 See S Buckel, n 24 above 316 et seq. Law and Order Within and Beyond National Configurations 405 Columns Design XML Ltd
- Kjaer
Kjaer, 'Embeddedness Through Networks—A Critical Appraisal of the Network Concept in the Oeuvre of Karl-Heinz Ladeur' (2009) 4 German Law Journal 483. 27 See S Buckel, n 24 above 316 et seq. Law and Order Within and Beyond National Configurations 405 Columns Design XML Ltd / Job: Kjaer / Division: Ch14 /Pg. Position: 11 / Date: 17/5 JOBNAME: Kjaer PAGE: 12 SESS: 5 OUTPUT: Thu Jul 7 14:41:41 2011 the predictable outcome that Che Guevara-style struggles (Kämpfe) are ultimately elevated into an end in themselves (Selbstzweck).
emancipative social theory tends to ignore the fact that modern society is, above all, an 'organisational society' 67 M AmstutzIn Between Worlds: Marleasing and the Emergence of Interlegality in Legal Reasoning Soft Law
- Amstutz
In more general terms, emancipative social theory tends to ignore the fact that modern society is, above all, an 'organisational society' 67 M Amstutz, 'In Between Worlds: Marleasing and the Emergence of Interlegality in Legal Reasoning' (2005) 6 European Law Journal 766; M Amstutz and V Karavas, 'Weltrecht: Ein Derridasches Monster' in G-P Calliess et al, n 24 above. 68 DM Trubek, P Cottrell and M Nance, ' " Soft Law ", " Hard Law " and EU Integration' in G de Búrca and J Scott (eds), New Governance and Constitutionalism (Oxford, Hart Publishing, 2005);
The Open Method of Co-Ordination and the Debate over " Hard " and " Soft " Law The Open Method of Co-Ordination in Action
- Dm
- Trubek
DM Trubek and LG Trubek, 'The Open Method of Co-Ordination and the Debate over " Hard " and " Soft " Law' in J Zeitlin and P Pochet (eds), The Open Method of Co-Ordination in Action. The European Employment and Social Inclusion Strategies (Brussels, Peter Lang Publishing, 2005);
Marleasing and the Emergence of Interlegality in Legal Reasoning Ein Derridasches Monster' in G-P Calliess et al
- Amstutz Amstutz
- V Karavas
- P Weltrecht
- M Cottrell
- Nance
Amstutz, 'In Between Worlds: Marleasing and the Emergence of Interlegality in
Legal Reasoning' (2005) 6 European Law Journal 766; M Amstutz and V Karavas, 'Weltrecht:
Ein Derridasches Monster' in G-P Calliess et al, n 24 above.
68 DM Trubek, P Cottrell and M Nance, ' " Soft Law ", " Hard Law " and EU Integration' in
G de Búrca and J Scott (eds), New Governance and Constitutionalism (Oxford, Hart Publishing,
2005
Weltrecht: Ein Derridasches Monster' in G-P Calliess et al
- M Amstutz
- V Karavas
M Amstutz and V Karavas, 'Weltrecht: Ein Derridasches Monster' in G-P Calliess et al,
n 24 above.
Fragmentierung, Freiheit-Kantische Themen im heutigen Völkerrecht
- M Koskenniemi
M Koskenniemi, 'Formalismus, Fragmentierung, Freiheit-Kantische Themen im
heutigen Völkerrecht' in R Kreide and A Niederbeger (eds), Transnationale Verrechtlichung.
Self-Constitutionalizing TNCs? On the Linkage of "Private" and "Public" Corporate Codes of Conduct' in G-P Calliess (ed), 'Governing Transnational Corporations-Public and Private Perspectives
- , 'die N Luhmann
- Weltgesellschaft
N Luhmann, 'Die Weltgesellschaft' (1971) 57 Archiv für Rechts-und Sozialphilosophie 1.
74 For example, G Teubner, 'Self-Constitutionalizing TNCs? On the Linkage of "Private"
and "Public" Corporate Codes of Conduct' in G-P Calliess (ed), 'Governing Transnational
Corporations-Public and Private Perspectives' (2010) 17 Indiana Journal of Global Legal
Studies.
Habermas also acknowledge the structural reliance of the public sphere on the existence of an autonomous functional system of mass media
European Journal of Social Theory 5. Habermas also acknowledge the structural reliance of the public sphere on the existence of an autonomous
functional system of mass media. See J Habermas, 'Hat die Demokratie noch eine Epistemische Dimension? Empirische Forschung und normative Theorie' in J Habermas, Ach,
Europa (Frankfurt aM, Suhrkamp Verlag, 2008) 139.