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Influencing Policy Transnational: Pro- and Anti-Tobacco Global Advocacy Networks
Abstract
Using the global tobacco advocacy networks as a case study, this article argues that the Advocacy Coalition Framework (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith 1999), which theorises how advocacy coalitions affect policymaking domestically, and Keck and Sikkink's research into transnational advocacy networks (Keck and Sikkink 1998) can provide insights into the mechanisms of how transnational advocacy networks impact both local and intergovernmental policymaking. I argue that by combining aspects of each of these approaches, all sides of a policy situation can be analysed. I contrast these approaches with the epistemic communities approach (Haas 1992), suggesting that, for the tobacco policy system, the epistemic communities approach provides less insight than the other two.
... Scholars of International Relations (IR) have studied both advocacy and norms in global politics for at least 20 years. Keck and Sikkink's seminal work on transnational advocacy networks (1998) has been taken up in several scholarly works (Bloodgood and Clough 2016;Carpenter 2007;Cogburn 2017;Farquharson 2003;Rodrigues 2011). Over time, constructivist IR scholars have developed a number of models and concepts to analyse how transnational advocacy coalitions influence the emergence, diffusion, implementation, localisation, and contestation of norms (Acharya 2004;Risse, Ropp, and Sikkink 2013;Wiener 2018;Zimmermann 2017;Berger 2017;Deitelhoff and Zimmermann 2020;Homburger 2019;Finnemore and Sikkink 1998). ...
... Some of the literature on advocacy coalitions is cognisant of the relation between different advocacy coalitions but focuses mostly on the policy issue at hand, such as health rights (McDougall 2016), tobacco control (Farquharson 2003), or small arms control (Grillot 2011). However, overall the relation between different coalitions is a topic which is discussed more in passing. ...
... We thus go beyond the dominant focus of the advocacy literature which mostly deals with the emergence of advocacy actors (Keck and Sikkink 1998), their internal structure and organisation (L. Jordan and van Tuijl 2000), their legitimacy (Hudson 2001;Hahn and Holzscheiter 2013), or the conditions under which they fail or succeed (Keck and Sikkink 1998;Farquharson 2003). Instead, we assume that these constellations are a plausible explanatory factor for the dynamics and trajectories of norm collisions. ...
To date, there has been little research on how advocacy coalitions influence the dynamic relationships between norms. Addressing norm collisions as a particular type of norm dynamics, we ask if and how advocacy coalitions and the constellations between them bring such norm collisions to the fore. Norm collisions surface in situations in which actors claim that two or more norms are incompatible with each other, promoting different, even opposing, behavioural choices. We examine the effect of advocacy coalition constellations (ACC) on the activation and varying evolution of norm collisions in three issue areas: international drug control, human trafficking, and child labour. These areas have a legally codified prohibitive regime in common. At the same time, they differ with regard to the specific ACC present. Exploiting this variation, we generate insights into how power asymmetries and other characteristics of ACC affect norm collisions across our three issue areas.
... Accounts of the research and policy debates surrounding e-cigarettes in the UK [13,15] contrast sharply with multiple earlier studies of the tobacco policy field, which frequently depict public health actors functioning as a relatively cohesive 'advocacy coalition' in the face of tobacco industry opposition [18][19][20]. Several of these older analyses used Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith's [21] advocacy-coalition framework (ACF) to help explain their findings. ...
... In an overview of sociology of science, Pinch and Leuenberger argue that: 'By studying a scientific controversy one learns something about the underlying dynamics of science and technology and their relations with wider society', including 'the normally hidden social dimensions of science' [34]. In this case, our data suggest that the emergence of e-cigarettes in the UK has contributed to a fracturing of a long-standing public health alliance [18,19,27] in ways that imply the actors involved held distinct values and beliefs, which are being illuminated via the new questions, opportunities and challenges that e-cigarettes throw up. The ensuing debates have clearly been fraught and, like Hawkins and Ettelt [13], we found those who have settled on positions at either end of the regulatory spectrum (particularly those favouring relaxed regulation, many of whom have vested economic interests) tend to employ evidence strategically, in support of their preferred position. ...
... In theoretical terms, our analysis suggests that Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith's ACF, which had previously been widely applied to analyses of tobacco policy debates [18,19,27], sheds only limited light on this field in the context of e-cigarettes. Although the emphasis that the ACF places on analysing values and interests remains useful, our findings suggest that the sense of antagonism and controversy in Scottish e-cigarettes debates comes not from the existence of two opposing coalitions but from recurrent media simplifications and the work of some actors at either end of the regulatory spectrum to bolster support for their preferred positions. ...
Background
Against a backdrop of declining tobacco use, e-cigarette markets are growing. The UK now has a higher percentage of e-cigarette users than any other European country. These developments have prompted fierce discussions in scientific, advocacy and policy communities about how best to respond. This article is one of the first to examine the role of evidence in these debates.
Methods
We analysed 121 submissions to two Scottish policy consultations on e-cigarettes (in 2014 and 2015) and undertook interviews with 26 key informants in 2015–2016, following up with a sub-set in 2019–2020. All data were thematically coded, and our analysis was informed by insights from policy studies and the sociology of science.
Results
First, we affirm previous research in suggesting that e-cigarettes appeared to have triggered a breakdown of old public health alliances. Second, we demonstrate that, amid concerns about research quality and quantity, actors are guided by normative outlooks (and/or economic interests) in their assessments of evidence. Third, we show that, despite describing e-cigarette debates as contentious and polarised, actors engaging in Scottish policy debates exhibit a spectrum of views, with most interviewees occupying an uncertain ‘middle ground’ that is responsive to new evidence. Fourth, we suggest that the perceived divisiveness of e-cigarette debates is attributed to recurrent media simplifications and tensions arising from the behaviours of some actors with settled positions working to promote particular policy responses (including by strategically enrolling supportive evidence). Fifth, we argue that the actions of these actors are potentially explained by the prospect that e-cigarettes could usher in a new tobacco ‘policy paradigm’. Finally, we show how scientific authority is employed as a tool within these debates.
Conclusions
E-cigarette debates are likely to reconcile only if a clear majority of participants in the uncertain ‘middle ground’ settle on a more fixed position. Our results suggest that many participants in Scottish e-cigarette debates occupy this ‘middle ground’ and express concerns that can be empirically assessed, implying evidence has the potential to play a more important role in settling e-cigarette debates than previous research suggests.
... The best practices are tobacco control ideas implemented and found to be effective in other countries. Other studies have examined the activities of individual NGOs or IGOs or collaboration between NGOs, IGOs and/or groups of tobacco control actors to promote the adoption of tobacco instrument in a specific jurisdiction (Asare 2009;Farquharson 2003;Studlar 2002). ...
... Currently, the members of the tobacco control network are made up of international and domestic NGOs, IGOs, governmental officials, individual researchers, scientific research groups, and media practitioners who share a common passion of controlling tobacco globally. The members are bonded by their core values to prohibit the production, manufacture and consumption of tobacco products in developing countries because of the health hazards and negative economic and environmental factors associated with tobacco (Farquharson 2003). Tobacco contains several thousand chemicals, one of which is the highly addictive chemical, nicotine. ...
... The members are known to promote specific tobacco control instrument(s) that they consider relevant to solving the tobacco issue. The members also share relevant ideas on innovative ways to control tobacco production and consumption through joint research projects and sometimes by serving on an advisory or expert panel (Farquharson 2003). ...
The tobacco control network has been finding ways to prevent a tobacco epidemic in developing countries through the adoption of tobacco control laws. However, their efforts are obstructed by the tobacco companies. Using transnationalism and transnational advocacy network theories, the study examines new strategies adopted by the tobacco control network to obstruct the activities of the tobacco industry network in the African region. The study finds that the tobacco control network is adopting a continental/regional approach whereby common tobacco control ideas/strategies are shared with actors from different countries at the same venue to promote compliance with the tobacco prohibition regime. The network is creating and funding regional organizations, which are used to promote a common tobacco control campaign. The study concludes that the promotion of a common tobacco control strategy/message through the regional approach may help curtail or proscribe the activities of the tobacco industry in the African region and possibly other regions of the developing world. This is because the strategy used by the tobacco companies to spread their products in the developing countries is similar. The regional approach will also ensure that the meagre resources can be spread to promote tobacco control in many parts of the developing world.
... In such instances, several interest groups collaborate to promote issues by advocating for the adoption of measures to address what they project as a global problem. For instance, interest groups that are concerned with preventing a global tobacco epidemic have formed a global advocacy network to promote the tobacco control campaign (Farquharson, 2003). Farquharson (2003) identifies the global advocacy network as group of individuals with a shared discourse and beliefs. ...
... For instance, interest groups that are concerned with preventing a global tobacco epidemic have formed a global advocacy network to promote the tobacco control campaign (Farquharson, 2003). Farquharson (2003) identifies the global advocacy network as group of individuals with a shared discourse and beliefs. The network is made up of two types of Table 1. ...
... The analysis above provides insight into the politics surrounding the adoption of tobacco control policies in Ghana, focusing on how tobacco control interest groups have collaborated with international governmental and nongovernmental organizations to advocate for the adoption of a tobacco law in the country. Previous studies have shown how international governmental and nongovernmental actors collaborate with actors to ensure the adoption of a certain policy (Asare, 2009;Keck and Sikkink 1998;Farquharson, 2003;Hudson, 2001, Trubek et al, 2000, Mamudu and Studlar, 2009. For example, a research by Keck and Sikkink (1998) found that international NGOs and governmental actors collaborated to push for the adoption of laws to abolish slavery and to protect human rights and women's rights in certain countries at different periods. ...
The paper examines the role of tobacco interest groups in obstructing the adoption of tobacco control policies in developing countries using the interest groups and global advocacy network theories. Specifically, it combines expert interviews with review of secondary materials to examine the strategies to promote the adoption of a tobacco control law in Ghana. This study finds that the adoption of the voluntary agreements in Ghana created the enabling environment for the adoption of a tobacco control law by the National Parliament in 2012, in contradiction to the findings of studies conducted in western countries that concluded that voluntary agreements are ineffective tobacco control instruments.
... This dissertation expects sources of South African tobacco control policies to be more externally influenced than that of the United States. Powerful countries are also likely to dominate international programs, conventions and regimes with regards to tobacco control networks and policy transfer (Studlar, 2002;Farquharson, 2003;Ballard, 2004). ...
... The hazardous consequences of smoking were identified in 1950 (Farquharson, 2003;Collin et al, 2002) and scientific support of the harmful effects of cigarette smoking and the use of other tobacco commodities emerged in 1964 when Surgeon General Luther Terry published the decisive consequences of smoking in his report. It has been established that smoking-related diseases account for more premature mortality than alcohol use, use of other drugs, car accidents, murders, suicides, fires, and HIV/AIDS combined (CDC, 2003). ...
... In addition to the U.S. focused studies, few comparative tobacco control policy studies exist (Studlar, 2002 and2003;Nielsen, 2003), while some studies are global with regards to health governance of tobacco control (Taylor, 1992;Collin et al, 2002), and level of development (Studlar, 2003). There is a lull in the literature in terms of applying health promotion in tobacco control policy studies. ...
... However, the historic juncture of contemporary phenomenon can be traced to the early 1960s with the publication of the Royal College of Physicians (RCP) Report of 1962 in the United Kingdom (UK) and the United State (U.S.) Surgeon General's Report in 1964 (Nathanson, 1999). Although knowledge about the hazards of tobacco use emerged in the 1950s 2 or even earlier, these two reports were the first official recognition of the link between tobacco use and health (Proctor, 1999;Farquharson 2003;Collin et al., 2002). The two reports of the early 1960s are widely recognized and acknowledged as the most important documents on tobacco use, setting in motion a new era of tobacco control (USDHHS, 2000;Nathanson, 1999). ...
... Theoretical approaches to analyses involving interaction of individuals, groups, states, and international governmental and nongovernmental organizations, include transnationalism (advocacy networks and social movements) (Stone, 2003;Pertschuk, 2001;Wolfson, 2001;Keck and Sikkink, 1998;Meyer et al, 1997;Keohane and Nye, 1972), Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) Jenkins-Smith, 1999, 1993;Farquharson, 2003), and epistemic communities (Haas, 2001(Haas, , 1992(Haas, , 1989Meyer et al 1997). Under these theories, explanation of an international phenomenon such as the adoption of FCTC requires examination of the activities of individuals, states, and intergovernmental and nongovernmental organizations. ...
... This confirms the importance of the Advocacy Coalition Framework in this analysis. This is consistent with Farquharson's (2003) conclusion that the ACF and TANs are applicable and observable in the adoption of the FCTC. Still, the TAGs are qualitatively different from the TANs because they are not loose networks of organizations around the world, but rather they are organizations on their own. ...
... To date, Haas"s model of epistemic communities is the most widely accepted and applied. However, past research has exposed flaws in the applicability of his framework to some policy areas (Betsill and Pielke 1996;Evangelista 1995;Farquharson 2003). These flaws will be discussed in more depth in the next chapter. ...
... Some of the literature on epistemic communities suggests that some policy networks do not fully constitute epistemic communities (Ikenberry 1992;Kapstein 1992). Other scholars (Toke 1999;Dunlop 2000;Farquharson 2003;Jacobs and Page 2005) argue that Haas assigns too much influence to experts in these communities at the expense of other actors. Baark and Strahl (1995) and Houlihan (1999) Some scholars do not question the epistemic communities" authoritative claim to knowledge, but believe that they have a "common enterprise" as well. ...
... Dunlop (2000) adds Haas fails to produce a framework capable of taking into account the multiplicity of actors, epistemic and nonepistemic, which at various points in time, shape the norms of decision-makers and each other. Farquharson (2003) examines the influence of pro-and anti-tobacco advocacy networks in transnational policy. The author uses the case study approach to compare the Advocacy Coalition Framework (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith 1993), the transnational epistemic communities approach (Haas 1992a), and the transnational advocacy network model (Keck and Sikkink 1998). ...
... Other authors have employed value-orientated approaches to studying the 'tobacco wars' (Farquharson 2003;Princen 2007). Most simply, some authors employ what Berridge (2006) has termed a 'heroes and villains' framework, depicting tobacco control advocates as David-like heroes who have achieved successes in some countries despite the Goliath-like tobacco industry's vast resources and willingness to employ devious and deceitful tactics. ...
... A somewhat more sophisticated, value-focused approach to understanding the 'tobacco wars' is provided in accounts employing Jenkins-Smith's (1993, 1999) 'advocacy coalition framework' (ACF) (e.g. Farquharson 2003;Givel 2006;Princen 2007). The ACF posits that networks of diverse actors (potentially including policymakers, researchers, think tanks, journalists, interest groups and others) compete to influence policy for particular issues (or 'policy subsystems', to use the language of ACF). ...
... The ACF has already been successfully applied to international tobacco control policy development (Farquharson 2003;Princen 2007), as well as to tobacco tax debates in Canada and the USA (Breton et al. 2006;Givel 2006). However, as Cairney (2007) points out, the ACF tends to attribute policy change of any magnitude to external shocks and has little to say about how or why coalitions lose or gain dominance over time or to the potential role of evidence within this. ...
Public health is overtly policy-orientated and there is widespread support for the notion that health policies should be strongly informed by evidence. Despite this, studies consistently find that public health policies are not evidence-based. This is often explained by reference to popular theories about research-policy relations which highlight, amongst other things, the communicative gaps between academics and policymakers, the centrality of values (or politics) to decision-making and the efforts by external interests to influence policy outcomes. Employing the ‘tobacco wars’ as a case study, with a particular focus on the UK, this article explores how tobacco control advocates and tobacco industry interests have attempted to influence policy and how, in so doing, each has sought to enrol evidence. Whilst accepting that evidence has played an important role in tobacco policy development, the article challenges claims that the implementation of tobacco control policies can be attributed to evidence. Turning to value-orientated and network-based approaches to conceptualizing policy development, the article demonstrates both the importance of values and the complex nature of coalitions. However, it argues that this approach needs to be supplemented by an ideational understanding of policy change, which pays attention to the ways in which arguments and evidence are constructed and framed. The article also suggests there are signs that the two ‘coalitions’ involved in the ‘tobacco wars’ may be unravelling. Overall, the ‘tobacco wars’ serve to highlight the complex relationship between evidence and policy, offering some insights for those interested in studying or improving the use of evidence in policy.
... Empirical scholars who adopt a sociological approach thus probe what activists seek, and they find a range of mobilization goals and consequences beyond policy outcomes (Amenta and Polletta, 2019;Banaszak and Ondercin, 2016;Giugni, 1998;Gusfield, 1963;Kaminski and Taylor, 2008;Lefkowitz, 2005;Tarrow, 1994;Taylor et al., 2009;Van Dyke et al., 2004). Their orientation contrasts with leading political science and IR studies of non-state actors, notably by Keck and Sikkink (1998) and Busby (2010), that consider policy reform as the primary purpose of activism (see also Farquharson, 2003;Irvine, 2013;Zippel, 2004). By emphasizing instrumental aims of protest, political science studies diverge from sociological research both in their relative neglect of expressive movement objectives and their willingness to equate movement success or failure with specific institutional outcomes. ...
... To their credit, Keck and Sikkink (1998), Busby (2010) and scholars who build on their work usefully place civil society actors on political science and IR research agendas (see, for example, Farquharson, 2003;Irvine, 2013;Zippel, 2004). Yet these studies are problematic at multiple levels. ...
This article addresses second-wave feminist interventions in Canadian foreign policy debate with reference to two analytic streams: (1) political science and international relations (IR) perspectives since the late 1990s that stress the formal decisional aims of advocacy and the role of transnational networks in pressuring reluctant governments and (2) sociological approaches that underline movements’ cultural as well as statist dimensions and the significance of their domestic political strategies. Examining engagement by the Voice of Women (VOW) in nuclear weapons debates and National Action Committee on the Status of Women (NAC) in free trade controversies confirms sociological expectations of campaigners’ varied claims and contributions and the importance of their political rootedness in Canada. Consistent with political science and IR arguments, the study finds NAC paid growing attention to international political opportunities in 1990 and following. The conclusion considers implications of the analysis and directions for future research.
... Existing research has highlighted the networked element of global tobacco control policy-making by analysing the contours of what has been labelled the 'global anti-tobacco advocacy network' (Farquharson 2003) or 'global tobacco control epistemic community' (Mamudu et al. 2011). Other publications have moved beyond descriptive analyses of the global tobacco control network and have assessed the network's contribution in elevating tobacco control on the global health agenda through the utilization of evidence-based advocacy strategies (Collin et al. 2002;Mackay 2003;Collin 2004;Roemer et al. 2005;Wilkenfeld 2005;Mamudu and Glantz 2009). ...
... In the case of global tobacco control, network members include tobacco control scientists, civil society groups and individual tobacco control advocates, and individual policymakers and bureaucrats within the WHO and national governments, which fulfill complementary functions of research, advocacy and policy-making. The network thus combines characteristics of an epistemic community (Farquharson 2003) and an advocacy network (Mamudu et al. 2011). Despite the members' diversity, the network has exhibited a high level of cohesion regarding its framing, including tobacco as a public health issue, the tobacco industry as vector of disease and population-based tobacco control policies based on an international treaty (Wilkenfeld 2005;Mamudu and Glantz, 2009). ...
Global policy attention to tobacco control has increased significantly since the 1990s and culminated in the first international treaty negotiated under the auspices of the World Health Organization-the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). Although the political process that led to the creation of the FCTC has been extensively researched, the FCTC's progression from an aspirational treaty towards a global health governance framework with tangible policy effects within FCTC member countries has not been well-understood to date. This article analyses the role of the global health network of tobacco control advocates and scientists, which formed during the FCTC negotiations during the late 1990s, in translating countries' commitment to the FCTC into domestic policy change. By comparing the network's influence around two central tobacco control interventions (smoke-free environments and taxation), the study identifies several scope conditions, which have shaped the network's effectiveness around the FCTC's implementation: the complexity of the policy issue and the relative importance of non-health expertise, the required scope of domestic political buy-in, the role of the general public as network allies, and the strength of policy opposition. These political factors had a greater influence on the network's success than the evidence base for the effectiveness of tobacco control interventions. The network's variable success points to a trade-off faced by global health networks between their need to maintain internal cohesion and their ability to form alliances with actors in their social environment.
Published by Oxford University Press in association with The London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine © The Author 2015; all rights reserved.
... In an analysis of tobacco control issues, Farquharson (2003) reviews three distinct methods that have been utilized to examine networks of individuals and groups involved in a policymaking area. These are: (1) the ACF as described above; (2) the transnational advocacy networks approach that is similar in many ways to the ACF but that has traditionally focused on issue campaigns and excludes industry groups; and (3) the epistemic communities approach that focuses on experts and their shared beliefs based on research. ...
... These are: (1) the ACF as described above; (2) the transnational advocacy networks approach that is similar in many ways to the ACF but that has traditionally focused on issue campaigns and excludes industry groups; and (3) the epistemic communities approach that focuses on experts and their shared beliefs based on research. Farquharson (2003) develops a categorization that she terms Global Advocacy Networks (GANs) that are a combination of the ACF and the transnational advocacy network approaches. She finds two distinct and adversarial GANs in the tobacco control arena-not surprisingly, one group in favor of tobacco control and one opposed (84). ...
... Applications of the ACF outside of North America and Europe are a recent and relatively rare endeavor with only 27 applications to date out of 224 total (see Table 1), with Sato's publication in 1999 being the first. 1 Most of the studies listed in Table 1 apply nearly all aspects of the ACF, including coalitions, learning, and policy change. This reflects the general tendency to apply the entire framework to understand the overarching policy context of a given policy subsystem over time, rather than to narrow the focus on one (2000) Climate change policy Australia Hogl (2000) Forest policy Australia Carvalho (2001) Metallurgical policy Brazil Elliott and Schlaepfer (2001) Forest certification policy Canada, Indonesia, and Sweden Tewari (2001) Forest policy South Africa Arnold (2003) Forest policy Chile Chen (2003) Computer regulations Australia Farquharson (2003) Tobacco Policy Transnational Kim (2003) Conservation policy South Korea Hsu (2005) Nuclear power policy Taiwan Nagel (2006) Labor policy Australia Villamor (2006) Forest policy Philippines Beverwijk et al. (2008) (2012) Climate policy China Kim (2012) Environmental policy South Korea Ortmann (2012) Civil society policy Singapore Marfo and McKeown (2013) Forest policy Ghana Runkle et al. (2013) Health Policy Liberia Policy Change in Comparative Contexts 303 particular component of the framework in order to develop greater theoretical description and explanations. Such general applications also reflect the source of data. ...
... • The ACF needs to do a better job of integrating into policy subsystems international organizations and the effects of different contexts (Elliott and Schlaepfer 2001;Farquharson 2003;Hsu 2005;Ainuson 2009; Santa 2013) • The ACF assumes sovereigns are "neutral arbiters" (Chen 2003). ...
The advocacy coalition framework (ACF) is one of the most frequently applied theories of the policy process. Most applications have been in Western Europe and North America. This article provides an overview of the ACF, summarizes existing applications outside of Western Europe and North America, and introduces the special issue that features applications of the ACF in the Philippines, China, India, and Kenya. This article concludes with an argument for the continued application of the ACF outside of Western Europe and North America and a research agenda for overcoming challenges in using the ACF in comparative public policy research.
... En respuesta, docenas de investigadores, como Kübler (2001) y Hirschi y Widmer (2010) han aplicado el marco de las coaliciones de causa en contextos nacionales diferentes y han dirigido sus esfuerzos hacia el desarrollo de estrategias eficaces para aplicar el marco de las coaliciones de causa como una base para la investigación comparada de políticas públicas (Weible et al., 2011, p. 353). Así las cosas, ha aumentado la comprensión de sus limitaciones de aplicabilidad en sistemas políticos diferentes (Weible et al., 2011, p. 353), incluyendo África (Beverwijk y Matthea, 2005), Sudamérica (Carvalho, 2001;Roth 2002;Olavarria-Gambi, 2013;Gómez-Lee 2016), Australia (Chen, 2003), Asia (Hsu, 2005), e internacionalmente (Farquharson, 2003). ...
En este texto se formula una propuesta
de proyecto de investigación1 (cuya pro-
blemática se expone en mayor detalle en
los siguientes capítulos de este cuaderno),
que tiene como objeto de estudio el cam-
bio en las políticas públicas (policy chan-
ge) del maíz transgénico en Colombia,
con una perspectiva temporal de más de
una década, comprendida entre 2007 y
2020. De manera más concreta, se plan-
tea investigar qué papel han jugado los
aspectos fortuitos y cognitivos en dicho
cambio, en lo que respecta a la evidencia
de la que se dispone.
... In the ACF, the unit of analysis is the policy subsystem, which is characterized by three components: (1) the policy problem or issue, (2) the scope of actors seeking to influence a functional or substantive domain; and (3) a territorial domain or some authority or potential authority for policymaking (Jenkins-Smith et al. 2014). The third element, territorial domain, delineates the scope of inquiry, which subsequently raises obstacles to foreign policy applications because a clear territorial scope is not always identifiable (e.g., Richardson 1996;Farquharson 2003). ...
Why does a state change its foreign policy objectives and who is responsible for instigating such change? According to Hermann, four primary change agents are central to this process: leaders, bureaucracies, changes in domestic constituencies, and external shocks. This paper argues that the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) is a complementary policy process framework that can explain foreign policy change (FPC) and that accounts for all four of these primary change agents. Additionally, it is a broader framework of the policy process that facilitates a more comprehensive understanding of the factors influencing FPC than traditional FPC research. The ACF has the potential to broaden our understanding of FPC by emphasizing the intersection of the international system with domestic politics and focusing on a myriad of policy actors coordinating their advocacy efforts to influence FPC. To support this argument, the paper discusses how FPC can benefit from the ACF and reviews past applications. It proposes a research agenda using the ACF to study FPC and draws conclusions about future challenges and directions.
... En respuesta, docenas de investigadores, como Kübler (2001) y Hirschi y Widmer (2010), han aplicado el acf en contextos nacionales diferentes y han dirigido sus esfuerzos hacia el desarrollo de estrategias eficaces para aplicar el acf como una base para la investigación comparada de políticas públicas y para la comprensión de sus limitaciones de aplicabilidad en sistemas políticos diferentes (Weible et ál., 2011: 353). De tal forma que se ha dado un aumento gradual del uso del acf a través del mundo, incluyendo África (Tewari, 2001), Sudamérica (Carvalho, 2001;Roth 2002), Australia (Chen, 2003), Asia (Hsu, 2005), e Internacionalmente (Farquharson, 2003). ...
El marco de las coaliciones de causa (advocacy coalition framework acf), también traducido al español como el marco de las coaliciones de abogacía, coaliciones de acto- res militantes y de las coaliciones promoto- ras, entre otros, es un marco que investiga el proceso político por medio de la categoría analítica de las coaliciones de causa y define la política pública como sistema de creencias y la demarca a partir del subsistema. Asimismo, ilustra condiciones específicas que explican la variable dependiente de la continuidad o el cambio de la política.
El acf ha sido elaborado durante más de tres décadas. Al principio por Paul A. Sabatier en un seminario dictado en 1981 y 1982 en la Universidad de Bielefeld, que fue comple- tado por dos documentos de trabajo (Sabatier, 1987, 1988). A partir de mediados de los años ochenta este modelo teórico ha sido desarrolla- do junto con Hank C. Jenkins-Smith, quien de manera independiente desarrolló muy si- milares concepciones del rol de la información
científica en la política pública y con quien en 1988 lo divulgó como un asunto de simposio de las ciencias políticas (Jenkins-Smith, 1988, 1990; Sabatier y Jenkins Smith, 1988).
... [45][46][47] This sharp division and the complexities of consensus seeking are well documented in the literature. 20,47,48 Realist CMO configurations are presented in a format such as "if there is change in context C, this put in place mechanism M, which will then lead to outcome O." 33 Our initial theory ( Figure 1) assumes that during all four ANT policy innovation stages, SF PAs are established, developed, contested ,and implemented at the local level (C), which will trigger opposing stakeholders to expand their shared policy core beliefs and objectives (M), such as health prevention ("minimizing smoking-related risks") or libertarianism ("against the nanny state"). Such expansion may result in different outcomes, including new levels of enforcement, monitoring, compliance, or public support (O). ...
Introduction:
While studies have been undertaken to understand the adoption of outdoor and indoor smoking bans, not much is known about why implementation of smoke-free (SF) environments differs at local levels. As most European countries remain at the level of indoor bans, we aim to translate existing evidence into practical recommendations on how to improve SF (outdoor) implementation within European municipalities.
Methods:
We applied six methodological steps of a realist review consistent with the RAMESES publication standards for realist syntheses. Literature search was conducted in PubMed/MEDLINE and Web of Science. In total, 3,829 references were screened, of which 43 were synthesized. Studies dating from 2004-2015 with rigor evidence of SF implementation at the local level were selected. Implementation outcomes were SF enforcement, monitoring, non-smoking compliance, and public support in cities.
Results:
The explanatory realist framework links 4 innovation stages with 3 context-mechanism-outcome configurations (CMOs). We identified "triggering trust", "increasing priorities", and "limiting opposing interests" as underlying mechanisms, when (1) establishing, (2) developing, (3) contesting, and (4) implementing local smoking bans. The CMOs support practical recommendations, such as (a) providing authorities with local data when establishing and developing bans, (b) developing long-term strategies and implementing state-funded SF programs to prioritize sustained enforcement, and (c) limiting opposing interests through the use of the child protection frame.
Conclusions:
This is the first realist review on the implementation of SF enviroments at the local level. The process-oriented theory explains how and why CMOs determine SF development in cities and municipalities from planning until implementation.
Implications:
In 2015, only 16% of the world's population lived under the jurisdiction of comprehensive smoke-free (SF) laws. The findings of this realist review are useful to implement WHO goals of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) and specifically SF environments at more local levels and to adjust them to specific contextual circumstances. This paper unpacks three mechanisms that could be triggered by SF strategies developed at local levels and that can result in improved policy implementation. Such evidence is needed to enhance SF strategies at the level of cities and municipalities and to achieve WHO Healthy Cities Network objectives.
... 10 This network combines characteristics of global civil society, 11 epistemic communities 12 13 and advocacy networks. 14 This network supported the creation of the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) 15 and assisted governments in implementing it, [16][17][18][19] which has accelerated the adoption of tobacco control regulations, [20][21][22][23] including pictorial health warning labels (HWLs) on cigarette packages. 24 The fact that the FCTC does not clearly prioritise health over trade 1 25 forced this network to adapt and combat emerging pressures of trade on tobacco control. ...
Objective
Describe the process of enacting and defending strong tobacco packaging and labelling regulations in Uruguay amid Philip Morris International's (PMI) legal threats and challenges.
Methods
Triangulated government legislation, news sources and interviews with policy-makers and health advocates in Uruguay.
Results
In 2008 and 2009, the Uruguayan government enacted at the time the world’s largest pictorial health warning labels (80% of front and back of package) and prohibited different packaging or presentations for cigarettes sold under a given brand. PMI threatened to sue Uruguay in international courts if these policies were implemented. The Vazquez administration maintained the regulations, but a week prior to President Vazquez’s successor, President Mujica, took office on 1 March 2010 PMI announced its intention to file an investment arbitration dispute against Uruguay in the International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes. Initially, the Mujica administration announced it would weaken the regulations to avoid litigation. In response, local public health groups in Uruguay enlisted former President Vazquez and international health groups and served as brokers to develop a collaboration with the Mujica administration to defend the regulations. This united front between the Uruguayan government and the transnational tobacco control network paid off when Uruguay defeated PMI’s investment dispute in July 2016.
Conclusion
To replicate Uruguay’s success, other countries need to recognise that strong political support, an actively engaged local civil society and financial and technical support are important factors in overcoming tobacco industry's legal threats to defend strong public health regulations.
... 5 In the past, failure to examine coordination was identified as a major limitation of the ACF (Schlager, 1995). Indeed, Weible et al.'s (2009, p. 132) review of past ACF applications noted a lack of coalitional coordination in ACF applications, identifying only a handful of applications discussing coordination (Abrar, Lovenduski, & Margetts, 2000;Farquharson, 2003;Sato, 1999) and only two using data to investigate the concept (Weible, 2005;Weible & Sabatier, 2005). Following these indications that coalitional coordination was systematically overlooked in ACF applications, Jenkins- Smith, Nohrstedt, et al. (2014) developed explanations of coalitional response to collective action threats. ...
To better understand how the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) is applied, this article catalogues and analyzes 161 applications of the ACF from 2007 to 2014. Building on a previous review of 80 applications of the ACF (1987–2006) conducted by Weible, Sabatier, and McQueen in 2009, this review examines both the breadth and depth of the framework. In terms of breadth, there are over 130 unique first authors from 25 countries, in almost 100 journals applying the framework, including a majority outside of the United States. In terms of depth, a plurality of applications analyzes environment and energy, subsystems at the national level, and utilizes qualitative methods of data collection and analyses. This review also explores how the three theoretical foci of the framework—advocacy coalitions, policy change, and policy-oriented learning—are applied. Our findings suggest that the ACF balances common approaches for applying the framework with the specificity of particular contexts.
... This study therefore does not follow the ACF's strict definition of a policy subsystem, which only relates to one specific policy problem. Several authors have had problems with the commonly used policy subsystem definition at the international level (Farquharson 2003;Litfin 2000;Sewell 2005) and as the policy problems overlap and are interrelated within this study (e.g. eutrophication affects biodiversity). ...
Policy change is often described as a consequence of different types of perturbations. The advocacy coalition framework (ACF) on the other hand advocates that policy changes are accomplished by changes among involved actors’ beliefs and behavior. The Baltic Sea Action Plan (BSAP) with its so called ecosystem approach, signed by the countries surrounding the Baltic Sea and the European Community in 2007, is such a policy change. Yet, the causes behind the launch of the BSAP are unknown. By studying involved actors’ beliefs and behavior this study shows that the BSAP was caused by a general shift in beliefs among all involved actors rather than by competing beliefs or changed actor behavior. The changed beliefs among the actors is either caused by learning processes or negotiations, however the relationship between these two remains unexplored. No coordinated behavior among the actors could be identified during the analyzed period.
... Para isso, existe internamente ao subsistema a categoria dos policy brokers (mediadores), constituída por burocratas, parlamentares, juízes de cortes, promotores de Justiça e, mesmo, o conjunto de cidadãos no exercício do voto, que podem atuar no sentido de se chegar a acordos razoáveis que reduzam a intensidade de conflito entre as coalizões no âmbito do subsistema, os quais geralmente não são membros das coalizões. São atores com algum poder para fazer com que compromissos entre coalizões competidoras sejam assumidos e ocorram de fato (FARQUHARSON, 2003). No caso brasileiro, podem ser claramente visualizados como um papel assumido pelo Ministério Público (GURGEL, 2007). ...
O propósito deste ensaio é ressaltar as contribuições que o Modelo de Coalizões de Defesa (MCD) pode proporcionar para a melhoria de nossa compreensão sobre os padrões de mudança em um contexto no qual as políticas públicas são cada vez mais multifuncionais, intersetoriais e transversais. Proposto por Paul A. Sabatier, o MCD parte de um conjunto de premissas e, por meio de um modelo teórico, visa explicar a formulação e as mudanças nas políticas públicas, tendo como base dois pressupostos fundamentais. O primeiro, enxerga as causas das mudanças nas políticas públicas como resultado das disputas entre as coalizões de defesa e o segundo entende a mudança como produto do papel exercido pelo aprendizado político no processo. Essa abordagem foi considerada para efeitos deste ensaio pela sua coerência interna e aplicabilidade no estudo de políticas públicas.
... First, this case examines the causal links between beliefs, values, and behaviours; second, this case focuses on how scientific and technical evidence is used as bargaining power in this process and the role of policy brokers in negotiating consensus between coalitions. With transnational advocacy networks creating greater links between global, regional, national and sub-national policy processes, 1 this study follows a small number of other studies 23,26 in using key concepts of the ACF to examine global political dynamics, including those influenced by the agendasetting power of the MDGs. 27,28 As such, this study seeks to fill a gap in global health governance literature on the agendasetting power of advocacy coalitions, particularly in relation to women's, children's and adolescents' health, which has attracted substantial attention and resources during the MDG era (2000)(2001)(2002)(2003)(2004)(2005)(2006)(2007)(2008)(2009)(2010)(2011)(2012)(2013)(2014)(2015). ...
Background:
Advocacy coalitions play an increasingly prominent role within the global health landscape, linking actors and institutions to attract political attention and resources. This paper examines how coalitions negotiate among themselves and exercise hidden forms of power to produce policy on the basis of their beliefs and strategic interests.
Methods:
This paper examines the beliefs and behaviours of health advocacy coalitions using Sabatier's Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) as an informal theoretical lens. Coalitions are further explored in relation to the concept of transnational advocacy networks (Keck and Sikkink) and of productive power (Shiffman). The ACF focuses on explaining how policy change takes place when there is conflict concerning goals and technical approaches among different actors. This study uses participant observation methods, self-reported survey results and semi-structured qualitative interviews to trace how a major policy project of the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) era, the Global Strategy for Women's and Children's Health, was constructed through negotiations among maternal, newborn, and child health (MNCH) and sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) advocacy coalitions.
Results:
The Global Strategy represented a new opportunity for high-level political attention. Despite differing policy beliefs, MNCH and SRHR actors collaborated to produce this strategy because of anticipated gains in political attention. While core beliefs did not shift fundamentally and collaboration was primarily a short-term tactical response to a time-bound opportunity, MNCH actors began to focus more on human rights perspectives and SRHR actors adopted greater use of quantifiable indicators and economic argumentation. This shift emphasises the inherent importance of SRHR to maternal and child health survival.
Conclusion:
As opportunities arise, coalitions respond based on principles and policy beliefs, as well as to perceptions of advantage. Global health policy-making is an arena of contested interests, power and ideas, shaped by the interaction of coalitions. Although policy-making is often seen as a process that should be guided by evidence rather than interest-based politics, this study concludes that a participatory process of debate among different actor-coalitions is vital to progress and can lend greater legitimacy, accountability and transparency to the policy process.
... This portion of the model considers how much public consensus is needed to enact a policy change and how open political systems are to public participation (Weible, Sabatier, and McQueen 2009). Previous research by Sato (1999) and Farquharson (2003) investigated the behavior of coalitions in tobacco control policy and tobacco surveillance and research, respectively (as cited in Weible, Sabatier, and McQueen 2009). A model of the ACF framework can be found in Figure 1. ...
Public health and public administration literature speaks to the fact that smoke-free policy has been steadily diffusing within and between states for the last decade. The literature suggests common strengths and challenges associated with advocacy efforts in tobacco control. The similarities suggest that policy activity in this area fits with policy-making theory of the advocacy coalition framework (ACF). After reviewing relevant literature on tobacco control advocacy and theories of policy making, this study discusses a grounded theory qualitative analysis of focus group data to examine to what degree the themes and grounded theory derived from the data conform to the advocacy coalition framework and concludes by looking at an emerging issue in tobacco control, regulating the use of electronic cigarettes and how the modified version of the advocacy coalition framework could be applied.
... Several scholars have highlighted the crucial role of networks and coalitions in the development and implementation of tobacco control policies (Cairney, 2007;Farquharson, 2003;Princen, 2007;Read, 1992). Their work suggests that policy networks in tobacco control are distinctly and unusually polarised and characterised by two groups which hold strongly opposing views and compete against each other when trying to advance their interests at the political level. ...
... The policy subsystem with which this article is concerned is the regulation of business interests to protect social (particularly health) or environmental interests, a subsystem in which two distinct coalitions were identifiable in the 1980s and early 1990s (Farquharson 2003;Smith 2013b). One consisted of actors concerned with the health and environmental harms caused by economic activity (largely made up of civil society and nongovernmental organizations, academics, politicians, and professional medical groups). ...
Over the past fifteen years, an interconnected set of regulatory reforms, known as Better Regulation, has been adopted across Europe, marking a significant shift in the way that European Union (EU) policies are developed. There has been little exploration of the origins of these reforms, which include mandatory ex ante impact assessment. Drawing on documentary and interview data, this article discusses how and why large corporations, notably British American Tobacco (BAT), worked to influence and promote these reforms. Our analysis highlights (1) how policy entrepreneurs with sufficient resources (such as large corporations) can shape the membership and direction of advocacy coalitions; (2) the extent to which "think tanks" may be prepared to lobby on behalf of commercial clients; and (3) why regulated industries (including tobacco) may favor the use of "evidence-tools," such as impact assessments, in policy making. We argue that a key aspect of BAT's ability to shape regulatory reform involved the deliberate construction of a vaguely defined idea that could be strategically adapted to appeal to diverse constituencies. We discuss the theoretical implications of this finding for the Advocacy Coalition Framework, as well as the practical implications of the findings for efforts to promote transparency and public health in the EU.
Copyright © 2015 by Duke University Press.
... Previous research has further postulated that coalitions are crucial in the development and implementation of tobacco control policies (Cairney, 2007). In a handful of articles, policy networks in tobacco control have been identified as consisting of two adversarial coalitions: one coalition which supports effective tobacco control policies and another which opposes respective policies due to its members' economic interests in tobacco consumption (Farquharson, 2003;Read, 1992;Sato, 1999;Smith, 2013). While the importance of networks in policy-making has long been acknowledged, academics have only recently begun to use SNA to systematically analyse them (Lubell, Scholz, Berardo, & Robins, 2012). ...
Social network analysis (SNA), a method which can be used to explore networks in various contexts, has received increasing attention. Drawing on the development of European smoke-free policy, this paper explores how a mixed-method approach to SNA can be utilised to investigate a complex policy network. Textual data from public documents, consultation submissions and websites were extracted, converted and analysed using plagiarism detection software and quantitative network analysis and qualitative data from public documents and 35 interviews were thematically analysed. While the quantitative analysis enabled understanding of the network’s structure and components, the qualitative analysis provided in-depth information about specific actors’ positions, relationships and interactions. The paper establishes that SNA is suited to empirically testing and analysing networks in EU policy-making. It contributes to methodological debates about the antagonism between qualitative and quantitative approaches and demonstrates that qualitative and quantitative network analysis can offer a powerful tool for policy analysis.
... This research is based on a qualitative case study of the DRR policy subsystem in Mozambique. Qualitative approaches and research techniques have typically been employed in ACF applications discussing coordination between actors (e.g., Abrar, Lovenduski, & Margetts, 2000;Sato, 1999;Farquharson, 2003) and those conducted in developing countries (Ainuson, 2009;Beverwijk et al., 2008;Villamor, 2006;Weible, Sabatier, & McQueen, 2009). Following the ACF approach the unit of analysis is the policy subsystem of DRR in Mozambique. ...
Climate change is expected to increase the frequency and magnitude of climate related hazards in many countries. Due to this, disaster risk reduction (DRR) policy has gained a lot of attention in recent years. DRR policies address complex problems that require inputs from a variety of stakeholders and hence a multi-stakeholder approach has been advocated widely. However, the practice of DRR policymaking is challenging and therefore new tools are needed to better understand the political context of DRR policymaking. This article utilizes an Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) approach to describe the political context of the DRR policy subsystem in Mozambique. Through a stakeholder analysis, the article seeks to empirically define subsystem boundaries and to identify belief systems and key actors therein. The results indicate that the actors can be divided into two advocacy coalitions, formed around extant approaches to DRR: disaster management and development. The article concludes with reflections on the applicability of an ACF approach to stakeholder analysis and as a tool for understanding policy disputes and coordination challenges in complex settings, such as DRR governance.
... In many studies, the ACF has served as a "heuristic device" to locate influential policy actors and to classify crisis-induced policy outcomes (Olson et al. 1999). In other studies, the application of the ACF's subsystem concept has proved useful to curb the complexity in any political system by identifying the essential components for study (Davis and Davis 1988;Bischoff 2001;Farquharson 2003;Green and Houlihan 2004;;Sobeck 2003). Another benefit is the "advocacy coalition" concept, which helps to simplify and reconstruct the policy positions of key actors involved in postcrisis policymaking. ...
What mechanisms link external events to policy change in a policy subsystem? This paper responds to this question by offering a nuanced re-conceptualization of external events and by identifying the mechanisms that link disruptive crises to policy change. Building from the tenets of the advocacy coalition framework and a synthesis of the crisis management and policy change literatures, this paper (1) introduces the concept of policy and geographical proximity as a means to show how different types of crises alter the incentives for policy action within policy subsystems; (2) discusses an integrated set of proposals on how geographical and policy proximity affects the prospects of change in a policy subsystem; and (3) presents hypothesized scenarios outlining plausible intervening pathways linking a crisis to changes as contingent on policy subsystem structures.
... These actors may coordinate their activities to comprise advocacy coalitions. A policy subsystem may not only be bound to a single geographic unit as studies applying the ACF to international treaties, trade agreements, crises, and health issues have found that policy domains can have an international dimension (Farquharson, 2003; Richardson, 1996). Therefore, the emphasis when identifying a policy subsystem should be placed upon the " policy problem or issue . . . ...
... Farquharson adds her model of global advocacy networks to the policy diffusion concepts. 117 She suggests that pro-and anti-tobacco global advocacy networks have significantly influenced domestic tobacco policies. In contrast, we argue that 'epistemic autarkic isolation' has largely excluded German tobacco control advocates from this global advocacy network. ...
Germany is noted within Europe for its weak tobacco control policies and its opposition to European Union tobacco control legislation. In this article, we aim to explain Germany's stance on tobacco control. We review two explanations commonly proposed, namely tobacco industry donations to political parties and the legacy of the Nazis' opposition to smoking, and examine the politics of tobacco control in detail. We suggest that the interplay of numerous factors explains Germany's stance. Aspects of political culture including the Nazi heritage which has resulted in a dearth of public health research and teaching, institutional factors such as the reliance on industry self-regulation facilitated by Germany's system of corporatist policy-making and interest group politics are key. The tobacco industry has also successfully used framing strategies to uphold the social acceptability of smoking and undermine the acceptability of tobacco control in Germany. In addition a phenomenon that we call 'autarkic epistemic isolation' explains why so little policy learning from abroad has occurred. We suggest that our multi-factor model has significant explanatory power for Germany's weak stance that has resulted in a long-standing policy equilibrium. Recent events, however, suggest that this equilibrium may now have been punctuated.
... The post-war history suggests that scientific knowledge infected the political system, destroying previously closed policy communities and altering the balance of power between participants (from tobacco companies to public health). This knowledge was promoted by an 'epistemic community' (or network of knowledge-based experts -Haas 1992: 3) of doctors and public health officials providing the scientific basis for tobacco control, combined with a much broader 'advocacy coalition' (Sabatier 1998) of anti-smoking interest groups, public officials and interested individuals (Farquharson 2003;Cairney 2007b). The policy image was reframed (Baumgartner and Jones 1993) from an issue of economic benefit (taxes and exports) and civil liberties to public health and the need to intervene (particularly when a new strain of the virus -scientific knowledge of passive smoking -was accepted by governments). ...
This article explores the relationship between ideas and interests in policy change by examining tobacco control in each country of the United Kingdom (UK). In all four, the moves towards further prohibition reflected international trends, with evidence of policy transfer and the virus-like spread of ideas which has shifted the way that tobacco is framed. However, there are notable differences in the development of policy in each territory. This reinforces conceptions of transfer in which the importation of policy is mediated by political systems. Differences in policy conditions, institutions and ‘windows of opportunity’ mean that our conclusions on the role and influence of interest groups, institutions and agenda-setting vary by territory, even within a member state. This suggests that a focus on an ‘idea whose time has come’ should be supplemented by careful analysis of the political context in which the idea was articulated and accepted.
... These actors may coordinate their activities to comprise advocacy coalitions. A policy subsystem may not only be bound to a single geographic unit as studies applying the ACF to international treaties, trade agreements, crises, and health issues have found that policy domains can have an international dimension (Farquharson, 2003;Richardson, 1996). Therefore, the emphasis when identifying a policy subsystem should be placed upon the "policy problem or issue . . . ...
This study examines whether advocacy coalitions are stable over time by examining legislative hearings data concerning U.S. foreign policy and the creation of Israel. It uses content analysis of 19 different policy core and deep core belief components applied to testimonies given in 1922 and in 1944. These belief components are used to identify members of advocacy coalitions and to test the coalitions' relative stability of membership over time. In addition, this research examines the stability of the belief systems of these advocacy coalitions. It finds that the structures of the advocacy coalitions remained relatively stable, yet new components of policy core beliefs emerged among all three advocacy coalitions, and such components are converging toward the belief system of the coalition advocating for the creation of Israel.
... Furthermore, Toke (1999) criticized Adler and Haas because of their implicit assumption that epistemic communities (experts) are in a better position than, for example, environmental groups, to judge environmental policy because of their knowledge validity and commitment to the ''truth''. Farquharson (2003) and Toke (1999) both noted that Haas' interpretation of the concept of epistemic community neglects the relationship between experts and non-experts. The inter-relationship between epistemic communities and the public and the dominant role attributed to experts within the epistemic community seem to be limitations of Haas' framework. ...
Carbon capture and storage (CCS) is a controversial climate change mitigation technology that has been receiving increased public and private investment over the past decade in several countries. During this time, a diverse international network of professionals focused on the advancement of CCS technology has emerged. Within this international CCS community, a shared perception of the value of advancing CCS technology is generally assumed, and this community has been influential in lobbying for increased support for the development of CCS in many countries and at the international level. The phenomenon of an apparently shared perspective within a specific community relates to Haas' (1992a) description of the evolution of an epistemic community, or a knowledge-based network of recognized experts who "not only hold in common a set of principled and causal beliefs but also have shared notions of validity and a shared policy enterprise". Understanding the extent to which a given community can be characterized as an epistemic community can provide insights about the effectiveness of its policy intervention, its association with the broader public, and the success of communicating the messages that it wants to convey. The goal of this research is to begin to explore the nature of the CCS community; to provide a preliminary characterization of the community, and to consider whether and in what ways the community might be considered to be an epistemic community or a compilation of multiple different epistemic communities. This characterization suggests that although the CCS community may be influencing decision-makers and successfully garnering political support for advancing CCS technology, a potential disconnect with the concerns of a broader public is deserving of more attention and social science research.
... Looking at the literature on ACF, the researcher did not come across any research where international institutions were treated at part of the subsystem of a domestic policy. Instances where international institutions were regarded as part of a subsystem involved applying the ACF to explain changes in transnational policy (Farquharson, 2003). The absence of international institutions as part of a subsystem for domestic policy is perhaps due to the fact that majority of the application of the ACF has been to explain policy change in developed countries. ...
The Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) was developed by Sabatier and Jenkins Smith in 1993 to explain and predict policy change. Bloomquist and other scholars have referred to the ACF as one of the most promising theoretical frameworks for studying the policy process. The ACF has been applied widely to policy change in a plethora of substantive policy areas in the United States, as well as in Canada, the United Kingdom and Australia. However, the ACF has not yet been applied to explain the policy process in Africa. Thus, to test the robustness of the framework, this research applies the ACF to explain water politics and the water policy process in Ghana. This research specifically looks at the belief systems and policy oriented learning in water policy change in Ghana. Using a combination of survey methodology and key interviews, the research tests two hypotheses of the ACF; i) Coalition members are more likely to interact with actors they perceive as sharing their beliefs than actors who do not share their beliefs; ii) Policy oriented learning is likely when there is the presence of a professionalized forum than when there is not. The findings show that the ACF offers a good explanation of the water policy process in Ghana.
Cet article mobilise l’ advocacy coalition framework (ACF) pour examiner le changement de politique vis-à-vis de la diaspora longtemps perçue par les autorités publiques comme une menace à la sécurité et à la stabilité du Cameroun ; et, depuis le milieu des années 2000, érigée en acteur à mobiliser en faveur du développement socioéconomique du pays. Il apparaît que l’ACF est applicable aux changements de politiques dans un État africain caractérisé par un contexte politique relativement instable. Notre analyse qui s’appuie sur une enquête auprès de fonctionnaires, d’experts et de professionnels démontre notamment que l’apprentissage politique peut influer sur les croyances fondamentales d’une coalition.
Objective
In December 2017, the Ukrainian Rada passed legislation that would increase tobacco taxes for the next 7 years to meet requirements of the European Union-Ukraine Association Agreement (EU-UAA). We analysed factors motivating passage of Ukraine’s 7-year tobacco tax plan as well as tactics used by both opponents and proponents to describe how the plan was passed.
Design
A case study approach was used. Data were gathered from semistructured interviews (n=12) and document review (n=24) and analysed using inductive and deductive coding.
Results
The European Union-Ukraine Association Agreement, a significant budget deficit and a history of tobacco tax success were all contextual factors contributing to policy passage. Proponents of high tobacco taxes capitalised on this opportunity, using media advocacy, generating scientific evidence and collaborating effectively across multiple sectors to support the passage of the plan. Opponents used media advocacy and lobbied to water down several features of the plan, resulting in smaller increases that might not meet EU-UAA requirements.
Conclusion
Industry interference via lobbying continues to hamper passage of high tobacco taxes and should be addressed via legislation that aligns with Article 5.3 of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Proponents should look for windows of opportunity caused by external events, create a multisectoral coalition, including tax experts and use media advocacy to support tax increases. Further work should continue to document what contextual factors support tobacco control policy change.
In recent decades, we have witnessed the diffusion of policy diffusion studies across many sub-disciplines of political science. Four mechanisms of policy diffusion—learning, competition, emulation and coercion—have become widely accepted as explanations for how policymaking processes and policy outcomes in one polity influence those in other polities. After pointing to major shortcomings of this inductively gained set of mechanisms, we present a theoretically more coherent typology that draws on key concepts from International Relations and Policy Studies. The four mechanisms we lay down consider rationalist and social constructivist approaches equally and they incorporate symmetric and asymmetric constellations. By further distinguishing between processes confined to one policy field and those arising from links across policy fields, we present a typology of eight theoretically consistent pathways of policy diffusion. Our framework enables the aggregation of knowledge and contributes to conceptual coherence in multi-methods research.
“Transnational Transnational advocacy networks as defined by Keck and Sikkink help diffuse international human rights norms and thereby change the behavior of states. Death penalty, abolition ofDelay, death penalty andDeath penaltyLesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights are in a process of norm emergence, and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs)Civil society and activists are creating alliances across borders and partnering with organizations on the ground to diffuse these norms. One type of transnational advocacy network involves lawyers in Transnational litigation networks, who seek to bring strategic human rights cases with the purpose of building a global body of transnational jurisprudence. Organizations such Delay, death penalty andDeath Penalty Project and Human Dignity Trust have embraced a transnational litigation strategy to ensure state compliance and generate an international Delay, death penalty andMandatory death penalty and Anti-sodomy laws in the Commonwealth.
Introduction
Nigeria ratified the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) in 2005. Tobacco control advocates in Nigeria achieved some success in countering tobacco industry interference to implement the FCTC.
Methods
We triangulated interviews with key informants from local and international organisations who worked in Nigeria with documentation of the legislative process and Nigerian newspaper articles. Data were analysed and interpreted using the Policy Dystopia Model and WHO categories of tobacco industry interference that had been developed mostly based on experience in high-income countries.
Results
As in high-income countries, the tobacco industry continued to oppose tobacco control policies after Nigeria ratified the FCTC, including weakening Nigeria’s 2015 National Tobacco Control Act. Both tobacco control advocates and industry used discursive (argument-based) and instrumental (activity-based) strategies. The industry argued self-regulation and the economic importance of tobacco. They exploited legislative procedures, used front groups and third parties to push for pro-industry changes. Advocates, with help from international organisations, mobilised prominent Nigerians and the public. Advocates pre-empted and countered the industry through traditional and social media, monitoring and exposing tobacco industry activities, and by actively engaging lawmakers and citizens during the legislative process.
Conclusion
The Policy Dystopia Model and WHO categories of industry interference provide a helpful framework for understanding tobacco control debates in low/middle-income countries (LMICs) as in high-income countries. One difference in LMIC is the important role of international tobacco control advocates in supporting national tobacco control advocates. This partnership is important in pushing for FCTC-compliant legislation and countering industry activities in LMIC.
Continuing Globalisation Amidst the World Financial Crisis Shujie Yao and Change Liu The 2008 world financial crisis had led many industrialised countries to endure a significant decline in their GDPs. Though the Chinese government arranged a 4 trillion RMB stimulus package coupled with 30 trillion RMB of new bank credits in 2008-2010 to mitigate the impact of the world financial crisis, the growth of China's international trade declined to a single-digit level after 10 years of rapid growth at more than 20% per annum since its WTO accession. The latest WTO Trade Policy Review for China is a timely piece of literature which provides excellent information on China's current economic situation, its trade and investment policies and government's priorities of policy support. In this article, we intend to reveal the latest development in the Chinese economy from the second half of 2011 and to predict what it may happen in the next a couple of years. China's determination to 'go global' has not faded and China can only become more open in the future.
This article explores the internationalisation of tobacco control as a case study in the history of international health regulation. Contrary to the existing literature on the topic, it argues that the history of international anti-smoking efforts is longer and richer than the making of the World Health Organisation’s Framework Convention on Tobacco Control in the early twenty-first century. It thereby echoes the point made by other scholars about the importance of history when making sense of contemporary global health. Specifically, the article shows how the internationalisation of tobacco control started in the 1950s through informal contacts between scientists working on cancer research and how these initial interactions were followed by a growing number of more formal initiatives, from the World Conferences on Tobacco or Health to the Bloomberg Initiative to Reduce Tobacco Use. Rather than arranging these efforts in a linear narrative of progress culminating with the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, we take anthropological claims about global health’s uneven terrain seriously and portray a history of international tobacco control marked by ruptures and discontinuities. Specifically, we identify three successive periods, with each of them characterised by specific understandings of international action, tobacco control expertise, advocacy networks and funding strategies.
Policy Points
E‐cigarettes are new products that are generating policy issues, including youth access and smokefree laws, for local and state governments.
Unlike with analogous debates on conventional cigarettes, initial opposition came from e‐cigarette users and retailers independent of the multinational cigarette companies.
After the cigarette companies entered the e‐cigarette market, the opposition changed to resemble long‐standing industry resistance to tobacco control policies, including campaign contributions, lobbying, and working through third parties and front groups.
As with earlier efforts to restrict tobacco products, health advocates have had the most success at the local rather than the state level.
Context
E‐cigarettes entered the US market in 2007 without federal regulation. In 2009, local and state policymakers began identifying ways to regulate their sale, public usage, taxation, and marketing, often by integrating them into existing tobacco control laws.
Methods
We reviewed legislative hearings, newspaper articles, financial disclosure reports, NewsBank, Google, Twitter, and Facebook and conducted interviews to analyze e‐cigarette policy debates between 2009 and 2014 in 4 cities and the corresponding states.
Findings
Initial opposition to local and state legislation came from e‐cigarette users and retailers independent of the large multinational cigarette companies. After cigarette companies entered the e‐cigarette market, e‐cigarette policy debates increasingly resembled comparable tobacco control debates from the 1970s through the 1990s, including pushing pro‐industry legislation, working through third parties and front groups, mobilizing “grassroots” networks, lobbying and using campaign contributions, and claiming that policy was unnecessary due to “imminent” federal regulation. Similar to the 1980s, when the voluntary health organizations were slow to enter tobacco control debates, because they saw smoking restrictions as controversial, these organizations were reluctant to enter e‐cigarette debates. Strong legislation passed at the local level because of the committed efforts of local health departments and leadership from experienced politicians but failed at the state level due to intense cigarette company lobbying without countervailing pressure from the voluntary health organizations.
Conclusions
Passing e‐cigarette regulations at the state level has become more difficult since cigarette companies have entered the market. While state legislation is possible, as with earlier tobacco control policymaking, local governments remain a viable option for overcoming cigarette company interference in the policymaking process.
This chapter discusses the role that health promotion advocacy has taken in addressing non-communicable diseases (NCDs) through efforts to support tobacco control. The link between tobacco control and NCDs will be established. Health promotion advocacy will be explained in the context of the Ottawa Charter and evolving contemporary health promotion practice. This will be followed by a discussion of the contribution of tobacco control advocacy efforts to addressing NCDs on a global level, particularly through advocacy for full implementation of the World Health Organisation Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). Some brief case studies are presented to illustrate the practice of health promotion advocacy for tobacco control, and the chapter concludes with a discussion of successes and challenges for health promotion advocacy for tobacco control.
Ireland's tobacco control policy today is recognised as one of the strongest in Europe and the world, largely on the basis of its first-in-the-world general workplace smoking ban in 2004. However, it is insufficiently recognised that Ireland has persistently and deliberately developed tobacco control policies since the 1970s, a longer period than most countries. Using a five-fold analysis of factors influencing tobacco policy: agendas, socio-economic setting (including public opinion), networks, institutions, and ideas (including scientific information and diffusion), this paper explains policy development in Ireland over the long term. It demonstrates how a small country, not dependent on tobacco growing or a domestic tobacco industry but also having only a small research and bureaucratic capacity, has managed to create a strong tobacco control policy. Even though it is a European Union member, Ireland has utilised diffusion of research and policy in the English-speaking world, especially paying close attention to the USA, to develop its position as a world policy leader in tobacco control.
The role of the US federal government in developing tobacco control through a cooperative, interactive program with state and local private and public organizations has been underestimated. This article investigates how the government initiated and sustained a program of "capacity building" through the scientific authority of the National Cancer Institute, beginning in the 1980s. There are several major questions to be answered: (1) How did this program manage to be adopted and sustained despite the well-documented hindrances to effective tobacco control policy at the federal level? (2) How did a tobacco control policy program become incorporated into the scientific research agenda of the National Cancer Institute? (3) How have science, social factors, and government at various levels interacted in this capacity-building program? The study emphasizes how the US federal government, blocked by a tobacco-friendly Congress from enacting effective tobacco control legislation, utilized its scientific research role and, with the cooperation of other levels of government and large, private antitobacco organizations, established an ongoing policy effort.
Advocacy networks are coalitions of movements and organizations that in recent years have gained unprecedented levels of influence
through their soft power strategies. They have become key political actors in local, national and international arenas. Research
on their performance and role within today’s information society has been developed by academics from different disciplines.
Some of these analyses, however, seem to portray them as a new actor within an already-existing structure. This article argues
that the network structure of these associations requires for a multifaceted and multidisciplinary approach in order to better
understand how they are changing the political and social landscape. In order to achieve this purpose, this article is divided
in two parts: the first one offers an overview of existing literature on the subject from different disciplines and at different
scales, while the second part puts forward a framework to consider all relevant spheres of these networks for better analyses.
As will be noted in the literature review, most of the case studies have been carried out from a clear disciplinary focus
with its own set of categories and focus on preferred dynamics. This approach reduces the density of the networks by portraying
them as other already-known institutions. One example of this is that of scales of action, usually defined as local, national,
international or transnational. By focusing solely on the arena of direct influence, other interactions that may be central
to the network are thus ignored or minimized. In order to disentangle such misrepresentations, it is suggested here to consider
five dimensions of analysis in the study of advocacy networks: (1) scales of action and interaction, (2) cultural contexts
and legacies, (3) network logic, (4) discourse production and contestation and (5) institutional ecosystem. By considering
the implications of all five of them, it is proposed here, accounts may yield more comprehensive analyses of how these webs
of civil society groups are transforming the political landscape.
The dangers associated with the use of tobacco products have been documented extensively in the literature on public health and tobacco control. As a result, various countries, including subcentral units in federations and other devolved political systems, have adopted policies to control tobacco consumption. This article examines the effects lesson-drawing had on the adoption of restrictive secondhand smoke policies in Scotland and England in 2006 and 2007. Using elite interviews and documentary sources, the study finds that in both countries secondhand smoke policies were influenced by the adoption of similar policies in other English-speaking jurisdictions, especially the nearby Republic of Ireland. In turn, the adoption of a non-smoking policy in Scotland influenced England. This confirms Castles’ (199314.
Castles , F. 1993 . Families of nations: patterns of public policy in Western democracies . Aldershot : Dartmouth . View all references) claim of similar policies developing in the English-speaking ‘family of nations’ even at different levels of government. Policy transfer from Ireland to the United Kingdom is highly unusual, as is lesson-drawing from another jurisdiction within the United Kingdom to England. This may have occurred because the policy is fundamentally declaratory but with some need for compliance checks that are not resource-intensive. This path of lesson-drawing may be rare in the United Kingdom, but it may have broader implications for different types of lesson-drawing in multilevel governance.
Recent comparative studies of the politics of tobacco control have ranked Australia and New Zealand as two of the most restrictive regimes in the world. Yet traditionally Australia and New Zealand were tobacco-growing countries in which the government supported tobacco agriculture with a variety of subsidies. Despite a slow start in comparison to some other countries, by the 1990s these two had developed strong tobacco-control regimes. This paper addresses the rise of tobacco as a policy agenda problem, what policy instruments were utilised to deal with it, the pattern of adoption of policies between the two countries, and what explains the rapid progress of tobacco-control restrictions in these two countries, based on a comparative perspective.
Recent comparative studies find Canada, Australia, and New Zealand to be among world leaders in tobacco control, but the explanations differ. Are cultural or institutional factors, especially federalism, more important in making these three English-speaking countries among the strongest tobacco-control regimes in the world? This study employs data on policy instruments that have been commonly used in tobacco control policy. Paradoxically, the federation that is more fiscally centralised, Australia, has had the most decentralised process of tobacco control, which has allowed it to initiate new policies earlier. Through similar underlying ‘secular morality’ values of public health promotion and diffusion, both within and across countries, similar outcomes are achieved through different institutional processes.
The insider/outsider model, first developed in the 1970s by Wyn Grant in the United Kingdom, is perhaps the most common analytical device deployed by Australian scholars in making sense of pressure or interest group behaviour. The British literature has since witnessed a high level of debate, critique and refinement of the original model, and we argue this also adds value to the discussion of group life in Australia. This article operationalises and compares two insider/outsider models commonly used to make sense of the public policy advocacy of pressure groups: (i) the conventional or orthodox models of insider/outsider and (ii) the so-called ‘Aberdeen’ insider/outsider model. It is argued that the latter model is more analytically powerful than the current understanding of insider and outsider pressure groups; that ideology is less of a determining factor in the ascription of status than the existing understanding implies; and that the Aberdeen model is applicable in the Australian context. These arguments are sustained via the examination of a case study of the policy advocacy of two social service groups in Western Australia during the State Homelessness Taskforce in 2001: the Western Australian Council of Social Service and the Tenants Advice Service of Western Australia.
With its emphasis on shared beliefs and the advocacy use of knowledge within policy subsystems, the advocacy coalition framework (ACF) is ideally suited to the study of environmental policy. Yet the ACF has generally been applied in a domestic context. This article argues that the twin phenomena of economic globalization and the internationalization of environmental affairs are blurring the distinction between some policy subsystems and the international arena. Thus, advocacy coalitions should be understood as operating increasingly along “the domestic-foreign frontier.” In the case of Canada's efforts to develop a coherent climate change policy, the boundaries between political levels have been blurred as local and provincial actors come to understand themselves as players in a global game. This dynamic is exacerbated by Canada's unique constitutional division of authority, which delegates significant autonomy to the provinces on natural resource and energy issues.
The globalisation of tobacco marketing, trade, research, and industry influence represents a major threat to public health worldwide. Drawing upon tobacco industry strategy documents prepared over several decades, this paper will demonstrate how the tobacco industry operates as a global force, regarding the world as its operating market by planning, developing, and marketing its products on a global scale. The industry has used a wide range of methods to buy influence and power, and penetrate markets across the world. It has an annual turnover of almost US$400 billion. In contrast, until recently tobacco control lacked global leadership and strategic direction and had been severely underfunded. As part of moving towards a more sustainable form of globalisation, a global enabling environment linked to local actions should focus on the following strategies: global information management; development of nationally and locally grounded action; global regulation, legal instruments, and foreign policy; and establishment of strong partnerships with purpose. As the vector of the tobacco epidemic, the tobacco industry's actions fall far outside of the boundaries of global corporate responsibility. Therefore, global and local actions should not provide the tobacco industry with the two things that it needs to ensure its long term profitability: respectability and predictability.
To describe how the tobacco industry used the "accommodation" message to mount an aggressive and effective worldwide campaign to recruit hospitality associations, such as restaurant associations, to serve as the tobacco industry's surrogate in fighting against smoke-free environments.
We analysed tobacco industry documents publicly available on the internet as a result of litigation in the USA. Documents were accessed between January and November 2001.
The tobacco industry, led by Philip Morris, made financial contributions to existing hospitality associations or, when it did not find an association willing to work for tobacco interests, created its own "association" in order to prevent the growth of smoke-free environments. The industry also used hospitality associations as a vehicle for programmes promoting "accommodation" of smokers and non-smokers, which ignore the health risks of second hand smoke for employees and patrons of hospitality venues.
Through the myth of lost profits, the tobacco industry has fooled the hospitality industry into embracing expensive ventilation equipment, while in reality 100% smoke-free laws have been shown to have no effect on business revenues, or even to improve them. The tobacco industry has effectively turned the hospitality industry into its de facto lobbying arm on clean indoor air. Public health advocates need to understand that, with rare exceptions, when they talk to organised restaurant associations they are effectively talking to the tobacco industry and must act accordingly.
To explore the immediate impact of the 2001 National Tobacco Campaign (NTC) advertising on movement towards quitting in a broadly representative sample of smokers.
Repeated measures design with surveys two weeks apart. 1000 current smokers aged 18-40 were interviewed. 250 telephone interviews were conducted in each of Sydney and Melbourne (both unexposed at initial survey) and Brisbane and Adelaide (both exposed at initial survey) to measure frequency of negative thoughts about smoking and passive smoking, positive thoughts about smoking, and thoughts about the conduct of tobacco companies; perspective on change; and thoughts and actions about quitting.
At the initial survey, those in regions exposed to the campaign were more advanced in thoughts about quitting. Between surveys, 33% progressed toward cessation and 21% regressed. 69% of participants reported recalling NTC advertising at follow up, which was significantly associated with greater self reported quitting activity and a greater increase in frequency of negative thoughts about smoking.
The results show increased frequency of negative thoughts about smoking and an increase in quitting related thoughts and actions following onset of the NTC campaign. There was also evidence of sustained increase in cessation activity for a month following onset of the campaign. This all occurred in the context of considerable naturally occurring smoking cessation activity, suggesting that the challenge of campaigns in Australia is to induce progress toward quitting among people who are generally engaged with the issue at some level, rather than attempt to stimulate fundamentally new consideration of smoking.
To relate Australian National Tobacco Campaign advertising to outcome measures such as smokers' awareness of and reaction to the campaign, and indicators of interest in smoking cessation.
Continuous tracking was used to survey random cross sectional samples of the target audience via telephone interviews. Baseline measures were collected preceding each advertising phase, whereafter subjects were interviewed on a weekly basis for the entire period of each phase. Changes in outcomes could thus be inferred on a weekly basis allowing variations in advertising intensity to be monitored for effect. Three phases were evaluated variously in Melbourne, Sydney, and Adelaide.
A total of 9033 subjects aged 18-40 years were interviewed. Age and sex of the sample were evenly distributed.
In general, it was found that the greater the media weight, the greater the recall and recognition mediated by the message of the advertisement and the creative execution-advertisements with a clear figure ground executional format appeared more memorable than those without, and health effects advertisements were more memorable than those encouraging calls to a quitline. The relationship between various communication effects and media weight was limited by the confounding of prior activities in two of the phases.
Advertisements with clear figure ground executional formats and those illustrating health effects of smoking have high memorability. Future campaigns that are continuously tracked are recommended to systematically vary media weight, flighting schedules, and advertisement type, so as to maximise information about these variables and their interactions.
In an earlier review of political theories of the policy process, Sabatier (1991) challenged political scientists and policy scholars to improve theoretical understanding of policy processes. This essay responds by comparing and building upon three emerging theoretical frameworks: Sabatier's advocacy coalitions framework (ACF), institutional rational choice (IRC), and Moe's political theory of bureaucracy, which he calls the politics of structural choice (SC). The frameworks are compared using six criteria: (1) the bound aries of inquiry; (2) the model of the individual; (3) the roles of informa tion and beliefs in decision making and strategy; (4) the nature and role of groups; (5) the concept of levels of action; and (6) the ability to explain action at various stages of the policy process. Comparison reveals that each framework has promising components, but each remains short of provid ing a full explanation of the processes of policy formation and change. Directions for future theory development and empirical examination are discussed.
Policy is not made in the electoral arena or in the gladiatorial confrontations of Parliament, but in the netherworld of committees, civil servants, professions, and interest groups. This collection explores the private world of public policy. It provides a survey of the literature on the concept of policy networks and demonstrates its importance for understanding specific policy areas. The case studies cover policy-making in agriculture, civil nuclear power, youth employment, smoking, heart disease, sea defences, information technology, and exchange rate policy. Finally the editors attempt an overall assessment of the utility of the concept, focusing on such questions as why networks change, which interests dominate and benefit from networks, and the consequences of the present system for representative democracy. To describe policy networks is not to condone political oligopoly. Britain has witnessed the substitution of private government for public accountability. The analysis of policy networks draws attention to this erosion of representative democracy and exposes the private government of Britain to public gaze.
Obra que reconstruye el origen y evolución de las actuales redes transnacionales que, con la utilización de las nuevas tecnologías informativas como recurso organizador y aglutinador, han logrado constituirse en movimientos más o menos presionadores en la defensa de los derechos humanos, de la protección ambiental y de una mayor equidad de género, entre otros.
This study examined the process of smoking control policymaking in Japan, employing the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) and the Policy Process Analysis (PPA). In the view of the ACF, changes in policies and policymaking are explained as resulting from the emergence of, and the competition among, two advocacy coalitions, either protobacco or antitobacco. On the other hand, the PPA conceives of the process of policy change as a set of processes and gives a closer look into the important aspects of policymaking that the ACF does not well examine.
© 2000 Political Studies Association and Blackwell Publishing Ltd. The definitive version is available at: http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/journal/118511092/home This article contests the understanding of Peter M. Haas's 'epistemic communities' approach, forwarded by David Toke in his article in Politics of May 1999. It is argued that while Toke diagnoses the approach's failing correctly, the cause he identifies is off the mark. This particularly concerns his assertion of a positivist dogma underscoring the thesis, which is rejected as a misinterpretation of Haas. Rather, it is contended that the framework's inability to engage with the real world of politics, and the other groups therein, is a product of its lack of theoretical refinement and rigorous empirical examination.
Until the nonsmokers' rights movement, tobacco control activity was at the federal or state levels, which is where the tobacco industry dominates. Since the appearance of the nonsmokers' rights movement, progress in tobacco control has occurred primarily at the local level. In response to the success of this movement, the tobacco industry has developed "smokers' rights" groups and other tactics to fight local legislation. Several recent local campaigns in California illustrate these tactics. Tobacco control forces follow many paths, from sitting on the sidelines to making a serious commitment to smoking control legislation. Despite the tobacco industry's superior financial resources, the outcome of proposed local tobacco control legislation appears to depend on how seriously the health advocates mobilize in support of the local legislation. When the health community makes a serious commitment of time and resources, it wins. When it fails to make such a commitment, the tobacco industry prevails, more by default than by its superior financial resources.
Workplace smoking bans are now widespread in a number of countries and are generally well accepted by smokers. Little is known about smokers who do not cope well with smoking bans.
A survey of 669 smokers was conducted 2 years after the introduction of a workplace smoking ban. Variables associated with four different levels of need to smoke were examined.
Nine percent reported experiencing a strong need to smoke at work, 26% a mild need, 45% occasional need, and 19% reported no need. Stronger need was related to (P < 0.01): an index of addiction (higher daily smoking rates and fewer minutes to first cigarette of the day), violating smoking bans, going outside to smoke more, reducing consumption less since the bans, being less approving of the ban, and seeing it as inconvenient, seeing smoking as having less disadvantages (cons) and more advantages (pros), being less ready to quit, lower in confidence of quitting, and having less intention to quit. All of the above effects persisted after controlling for addiction, and the index of addiction only had independent relationships with going outside to smoke, reducing consumption less since the bans, higher pros of smoking and lower self-efficacy (P < 0.01).
There is a small subgroup of smokers who have not adapted well to workplace smoking bans, as well as the much larger subset who report less difficulty. While nicotine addiction plays a role in perceived need to smoke, a number of potentially changeable cognitive characteristics were independently related to need. Workplace smoking policies and programs could take such characteristics into account in addressing the problems these smokers face.
As part of a comprehensive tobacco education campaign, local health departments throughout California have been engaged in the process of enacting local clean indoor air ordinances to protect the public from the effects of secondhand smoke. This paper describes how a Northern California Bay Area health department worked with city and county governments to pass ordinances in the face of persistent tobacco industry opposition. The key strategies used by the health department included organizing broad-based coalitions, achieving effective use of the media, and educating the business community. Tobacco industry tactics included establishing local front groups that launched a massive misinformation campaign to frighten local businesses into believing that passage of an ordinance would adversely affect their business. Finally, the authors discuss how the tobacco industry has created a climate through state and national legislative activity to undermine the ability of local health departments to pursue effective tobacco control policies, most notably through preemptive legislation.
Restrictions on smoking in the Victorian workplace have been measured since 1988. This paper investigates whether the trend of increasing prevalence of total bans found between 1988 and 1992 has continued. Estimates are based on workers' reports of the restrictions on smoking that apply at their workplaces. For indoor workers a total ban on smoking restrictions in the workplace has increased from 58% in 1992 to 66% in 1995. White collar workers continue to enjoy a higher rate of protection than blue collar workers. Factories, warehouses, hotels and restaurants are the worksites least likely to have restrictions. Bans result in considerable exiled smoking: half the smokers reported going out to smoke during working hours on their last work day.
Work-place smoking bans have not only reduced work-day cigarette consumption but also been associated with going outside to smoke during working hours. We examined the extent of "exiled smoking", estimated how much work-day cigarette consumption can be attributed to it, and examined proximal predictors of both these two variables. Some 794 smokers from 42 medium-sized work-places were surveyed as the baseline for an intervention study. A self-completed questionnaire assessed smoking behaviour on work and non-working days, leaving work to smoke, and beliefs and opinions about smoking and smoking bans. Multiple regressions were used to examine predictors of leaving work to smoke, and of the amount smoked when doing so. Smokers reported consuming an average of 5.4 cigarettes during work breaks, 3.5 of which were associated with deliberately seeking opportunities to smoke; 39% reported leaving work to smoke one or more times per day during non-break periods. Indices of addiction were significant predictors of both leaving work to smoke and of cigarette consumption while doing so. Leaving work to smoke is in part an activity of addicted smokers, presumably to maintain blood nicotine levels. There is the potential to further reduce rates of cigarette consumption associated with work-place smoking bans if this "exiled smoking" can be reduced. This may be easier to achieve in light smokers.
Claims that ordinances requiring smoke-free restaurants will adversely affect tourism have been used to argue against passing such ordinances. Data exist regarding the validity of these claims.
To determine the changes in hotel revenues and international tourism after passage of smoke-free restaurant ordinances in locales where the effect has been debated.
Comparison of hotel revenues and tourism rates before and after passage of 100% smoke-free restaurant ordinances and comparison with US hotel revenue overall.
Three states (California, Utah, and Vermont) and 6 cities (Boulder, Colo; Flagstaff, Ariz; Los Angeles, Calif; Mesa, Ariz; New York, NY; and San Francisco, Calif) in which the effect on tourism of smoke-free restaurant ordinances had been debated.
Hotel room revenues and hotel revenues as a fraction of total retail sales compared with preordinance revenues and overall US revenues.
In constant 1997 dollars, passage of the smoke-free restaurant ordinance was associated with a statistically significant increase in the rate of change of hotel revenues in 4 localities, no significant change in 4 localities, and a significant slowing in the rate of increase (but not a decrease) in 1 locality. There was no significant change in the rate of change of hotel revenues as a fraction of total retail sales (P=.16) or total US hotel revenues associated with the ordinances when pooled across all localities (P = .93). International tourism was either unaffected or increased following implementation of the smoke-free ordinances.
Smoke-free ordinances do not appear to adversely affect, and may increase, tourist business.
A randomized study was conducted in 41 workplaces to determine the potential of self-help and group-based programs to encourage reduced smoking in workplaces that have implemented smoking bans. The trial had limited success in recruiting smokers, attrition was an important limitation, and the study outcomes were modest. The authors conclude that more research is needed on effective strategies that help smokers minimize smoking at work.
This article has two aims. First, we develop a dialectical model of the role that policy networks play in any explanation of policy outcomes. Our model is based upon a critique of existing approaches and emphasizes that the relationship between networks and outcomes is not a simple, unidimensional one. Rather, we argue that there are three interactive or dialectical relationships involved between: the structure of the network and the agents operating within them; the network and the context within which it operates; and the network and the policy outcome. Second, we use this model to help analyse and understand continuity and change in British agricultural policy since the 1930s. Obviously, one case is not sufficient to establish the utility of the model, but the case does illustrate both that policy networks can, and do, affect policy outcomes and that, in order to understand how that happens, we need to appreciate the role played by the three dialectical relationships highlighted in our model.
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