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Remembering emotional events
Abstract
Recent experiments have implied that emotional arousal causes a narrowing of attention and, therefore, impoverished memory Recent experiments have implied that emotional arousal causes a narrowing of attention and, therefore, impoverished memory
encoding. In contrast, other studies have found that emotional arousal enhances memory for all aspects of an event. We report encoding. In contrast, other studies have found that emotional arousal enhances memory for all aspects of an event. We report
two experiments investigating whether these differing results are due to the different retention intervalsemployed.inpaststudies two experiments investigating whether these differing results are due to the different retention intervalsemployed.inpaststudies
or to their different categorization schemes for the to-be-remembered- materiaL-Our results indicate a small role for retention or to their different categorization schemes for the to-be-remembered- materiaL-Our results indicate a small role for retention
interval in moderating emotion’s effects on memory. However, emotion had markedly different impacts on different types of interval in moderating emotion’s effects on memory. However, emotion had markedly different impacts on different types of
material: Emotion improved memory for gist and basic-level visual information and for plot-irrelevant details associated, material: Emotion improved memory for gist and basic-level visual information and for plot-irrelevant details associated,
both temporally and spatially, with the event’s center. In contrast, emotion undermined memory for details not associated both temporally and spatially, with the event’s center. In contrast, emotion undermined memory for details not associated
with the event’s center. The mechanisms for emotion’s effects are discussed. with the event’s center. The mechanisms for emotion’s effects are discussed.
... It has long been established that memory retrieval differs by the type of information, specifically central and peripheral information (see Christianson, 1992, for a review). Centrality, from a conceptual perspective, refers to the significance and/or relevance of details to the main event (Burke et al., 1992;Heath & Erickson, 1998). Central information pertains to the essential elements of an event that are crucial to its meaning, including features relevant to the main characters and objects involved. ...
... From a visuospatial perspective, centrality pertains to spatial location, whereby central details are typically positioned at the centre whereas peripheral details are situated in the background or surroundings. Importantly, the conceptual and visuospatial perspectives of information centrality often overlap, especially in visually presented events (Burke et al., 1992). While some studies have relied on the conceptual definition of centrality (e.g., Luna & Albuquerque, 2018), others have incorporated both perspectives (e.g., Mahé et al., 2015). ...
... Figure 1 provides a GIF example. Based on the conceptualisation of information centrality for conceptual and visuospatial salience (Burke et al., 1992;Christianson, 1992;Mahé et al., 2015), each GIF consisted of a main event that featured two individuals engaged in a specific action or movement (e.g., "a woman gave money to a street musician"). The main event was always situated at the centre of the scene, which was intended to be the focal point of the viewer's attention. ...
The increasing use of social media has amplified the spread of false information. Yet little is known about the mnemonic consequences associated with exposure to different types of false information online. In two studies, we examined in a simulated online context how exposure to false information either central or peripheral in events affected memory. European American and Asian/Asian American college students (Study 1 N = 200; Study 2 N = 225) were presented with GIFs of daily life events and read tweets about the events that included four types of information: central true information, central false information, peripheral true information, and peripheral false information. They then took a True/False recognition test that included tweeted and untweeted true and false information and indicated how confident they were in their responses. Regardless of cultural background, participants in both studies demonstrated the misinformation effect, whereby they falsely recognised more and resisted less tweeted than untweeted false information. Furthermore, they showed higher susceptibility to peripheral than central false information exposed via tweets. Asian participants were less influenced by misinformation than European Americans in Study 2. These findings have important implications to combat misinformation in online environments.
... Eyewitness experts examine factors affecting eyewitness identifications under two main groups: System variables and estimator variables [6]. Crime and eyewitness-related factors such as stress, violent content of the crime, exposure time, and perpetrator characteristics are called estimator variables [7][8][9][10][11][12]. The factors under the control of the justice system and related to the accuracy of the identification are covered under the heading of system variables [13]. ...
... BF Accuracy = 99.37%) (Sigma = 2) ( Table 7, 8). In our analysis, we used distance values of the same individuals' images with each other as dependent variables and found that there was no statistically significant difference between the groups ( Table 2, 6). ...
... In our analysis, we used distance values of the same individuals' images with each other as dependent variables and found that there was no statistically significant difference between the groups ( Table 2, 6). However, when we used the appropriate threshold values that we identified (VGG Face and cosine similarity = 0.383, FaceNet and Euclidean l2 = 1.16) we found that both models performed poorly in the Black women data set (Table 4, 8). When adjusting the threshold values of models, we used human accuracy performance, measured in the LWF dataset, as a criterion. ...
Eyewitness misidentifications are one of the leading factors in wrongful convictions. This study focuses on the structure of the lineups, which is one of the factors that cause misidentification, and the use of artificial intelligence (AI) technologies in the selection of fillers to be included in the lineups. In the study, AI-based face recognition systems are used to determine the level of similarity of fillers to the suspect. Using two different face recognition models with a Convolutional Neural Network (CNN) structure, similarity threshold values close to human performance were calculated (VGG Face and Cosine similarity = 0.383, FaceNet and Euclidean l2 = 1.16). In the second part of the study, the problems that are likely to be caused by facial recognition systems used in the selection of fillers are examined. The results of the study reveal that models responsible for facial recognition may not suffice alone in the selection of fillers and, an advanced structure using CNN models trained to recognize other attributes (race, gender, age, etc.) associated with similarity along with face recognition models would produce more accurate results. In the last part of the study, a Line-up application that can analyze attributes such as facial similarity, race, gender, age, and facial expression, is introduced.
... Moreover, there is considerable empirical evidence of emotional memory enhancement (e.g., Cahill & McGaugh, 1995;see McGaugh, 2003). Many such studies show that emotional arousal enhances memory for the central details of an event, often (but not always) at the expense of peripheral details (e.g., Burke et al., 1992;Christianson & Loftus, 1987;Wiemers et al., 2013; see . This phenomenon is known variously as tunnel memory (e.g., Berntsen, 2002;Safer et al., 1998), memory narrowing (e.g., Levine & Edelstein, 2009), and the central/peripheral trade-off (e.g., Kensinger, 2009;Kim et al., 2013). ...
... Specifically, these authors noted that most of the metaanalyzed studies used minimal delays (i.e., <24 h between encoding and retrieval) whereas studies from the neurobiological literature regarding stress and memorywhich generally show memory enhancement effectsuse more substantial delays (i.e., >24 h). This is consistent with the observation that emotional memory enhancement may take time to emerge because we forget emotional memories more slowly than non-emotional memories (Yonelinas & Ritchey, 2015; see also Christianson, 1992;Park, 2005; but see Burke et al., 1992 for mixed support). ...
... According to the present data, negative emotion neither enhances nor impairs recall memory uniformly. Instead, the present findings are consistent with a pattern of focal, or selective, memory enhancement (e.g., Burke et al., 1992;Christianson, 1992;Kensinger, 2009;Talmi, 2013) and do not support the notion that emotion effects are time-dependent (cf. Yonelinas & Ritchey, 2015). ...
Witnessing or experiencing a crime can be emotionally distressing and this emotional reaction can affect the formation and retrieval of event-related memory. Extant eyewitness research, however, has generated inconsistent conclusions regarding the effects of emotional arousal on eyewitness memory. In the present experiment, we used a mock witness paradigm to attempt to remedy several methodological limitations that have persisted in the literature and shed light on the effects of emotional memory within an investigative interviewing context. Participants (N = 132) viewed either a Negative or Neutral video and either immediately or one week later provided their account of the video in a virtual interview procedure, consisting of either cognitive interview- based instructions or a free recall. Negative emotion was associated with selectively enhanced recall for the central aspects of the video. Participants who viewed the Negative video reported more details that were central to the target video than did those who viewed the Neutral video. The present findings highlight the potential for negative emotional events to lead to focally enhanced recall performance.
... The definitions of 'central' and 'peripheral' details used in the thesis were Chapter 1 Pg. 21 modelled after Burke, Heuer andReisberg (1992 Regardless of how 'centrality' is defined, the psychological evidence reveals that response accuracy and confidence are higher for central than peripheral details (Burke, Heuer, & Reisberg, 1992;Freedman et al., 1996;Heath & Erickson, 1998;Migueles & Garcia-B^os, 1999;Wright & Stroud, 1998). Accurate memory may reflect the strength of a memory trace and the weaker the memory, the greater is the effect of misinformation (Wright & Stroud, 1998), post event information (Loftus, 1979) or conformity to co-witness reports (Wright et al., 2000). ...
... Migueles and Garcia-B^os (1999) examined memoiy of the central and peripheral details of a video-taped event relating to a kidnapping. The definitions of central and peripheral details were modelled after Burke et al. (1992); that is, 'central' details related to the main event, the kidnapping, while 'peripheral' details constituted the background details represented in the remaining scenes. Migueles and Garcia-Bajos reported that the distribution of attentional resources was different for actions and details in central than peiipheral information. ...
... Eight central and eight peripheral detail questions pertaining to the film were devised and these were presented in a chronological order with respect to the events of the film. Designation of items as central or peripheral was made on the basis of the definitions provided by Burke et al. (1992). Burke to the main events and characters increased inter-rater agreement to 95 % for all the test items. ...
p>ANOVA analyses in Part One confirmed the benefit of a 'remember' state of awareness accompanying retrieval to recall accuracy, across age. This advantage did not extend to recognition accuracy. Adults were more confident when they remembered an event, and CA resolution was good for central details they remembered. Children's CA resolution during recall was unaffected by their retrieval state or the detail reported. Remembering led to a strong CA correlation for peripheral details adults recognised, and central details children recognised. FOK predictive accuracy was above chance performance, in all age groups, and accompanied by a 'know' retrieval state.
ANOVA analyses in Part Two confirmed the benefits of a 'remember' pre-test instruction to recall accuracy across age, and adult recognition accuracy. The CA correlation responded to the centrality of the detail reported, rather than the 'remember' instruction, in all the experiments. Predictive FOK accuracy was above chance, and high for peripheral details children could not spontaneously recall. The data are discussed in relation to the Source Monitoring Framework and the utility of using a remember-based instruction to increase the quality of eyewitness reports and the reliability of their CA judgements.</p
... Moreover, there is considerable empirical evidence of emotional memory enhancement (e.g., Cahill & McGaugh, 1995;see McGaugh, 2003). Many such studies show that emotional arousal enhances memory for the central details of an event, often (but not always) at the expense of peripheral details (e.g., Burke et al., 1992;Christianson & Loftus, 1987;Wiemers et al., 2013; see . This phenomenon is known variously as tunnel memory (e.g., Berntsen, 2002;Safer et al., 1998), memory narrowing (e.g., Levine & Edelstein, 2009), and the central/peripheral trade-off (e.g., Kensinger, 2009;Kim et al., 2013). ...
... Specifically, these authors noted that most of the metaanalyzed studies used minimal delays (i.e., <24 h between encoding and retrieval) whereas studies from the neurobiological literature regarding stress and memorywhich generally show memory enhancement effectsuse more substantial delays (i.e., >24 h). This is consistent with the observation that emotional memory enhancement may take time to emerge because we forget emotional memories more slowly than non-emotional memories (Yonelinas & Ritchey, 2015; see also Christianson, 1992;Park, 2005; but see Burke et al., 1992 for mixed support). ...
... According to the present data, negative emotion neither enhances nor impairs recall memory uniformly. Instead, the present findings are consistent with a pattern of focal, or selective, memory enhancement (e.g., Burke et al., 1992;Christianson, 1992;Kensinger, 2009;Talmi, 2013) and do not support the notion that emotion effects are time-dependent (cf. Yonelinas & Ritchey, 2015). ...
Witnessing or experiencing a crime can be emotionally distressing and this emotional reaction can affect the formation and retrieval of event-related memory. Extant eyewitness research, however, has generated inconsistent conclusions regarding the effects of emotional arousal on eyewitness memory. In the planned study, we will use a mock witness paradigm to attempt to remedy several methodological limitations that have persisted in the literature and shed light on the effects of emotional memory within an investigative interviewing context. Participants will view either a negative or neutral video and either immediately or one week later provide their account of the video in a virtual interview procedure, consisting of either cognitive interview- based instructions or a free recall. We will test the main effects of emotional arousal, interview procedure, and delay as well as their interactions. The present research will help clarify the nature of emotional memory in forensic contexts.
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... Experiences are usually immediately forgotten; only some experiences and aspects of those experiences become part of people's memories (Reisberg and Heuer, 2004). Episodic memory involves recalling the spatial-temporal context of an original, most often first-time experience (Conway, 2005;Tulving, 2002). ...
... Central life events are usually infused with emotion, both at the time of experience and while reminiscing (LeDoux, 1992;Phelps, 2004;Reisberg and Heuer, 2004). The remembrance of an emotional event (i.e., episodic memory) often involves rich representations of the original experience (McLelland et al., 2015;Tulving, 2002). ...
... Emotions flag what is important and meaningful to us. Substantial evidence indicates that emotions have a powerful influence on cognitive processing (Izard, 2009;LeDoux, 1992;Pessoa, 2013;Phelps, 2004), such as through motivation (Izard, 2009), attention ( € Ohman et al., 2001), perception (Dolan, 2002), learning and memory (Kandell, 2006;LaBar and Cabeza, 2006;Reisberg and Heuer, 2004), and attitude formation (Ajzen, 2005;Fishbein and Ajzen, 2010). Typically, emotions associated with a past event which, having been tagged in the mind as important, can inform present feelings, thoughts, and actions (Pillemer, 2003). ...
Purpose
This research evaluates (1) work situations prompting participants to recall memories of a wilderness-based leadership training program, (2) the content of such memories, and (3) the leadership attitudes and behaviors inspired by those memories.
Design/methodology/approach
A qualitative content analysis of semi-structured interviews was performed with 36 leaders who had participated in a wilderness leadership transformation program in the past (on average six years before).
Findings
The findings suggest that, at moments with emotional pressure and psychological stress, episodic memories of wilderness experiences have a positive influence on actual leadership style. Memories involved moments of solitude, a deep connection with nature, and peer-to-peer counseling. The interviewees regularly relived their emotion-laden wilderness experiences, acquiring direction and guidance. Simultaneously, episodic memories of nature immersion promoted an enduring transformation of their leadership styles.
Research limitations/implications
The findings cannot be blindly generalized as referring to all leaders. The leaders in this study are a subset of leaders who are inclined towards personal growth and leadership development. It is challenging to motivate leaders unkeen on changing to achieve better leadership.
Practical implications
This study indicates that the inclusion of emotional concepts to address the root causes of learning among leaders might be the most promising way to innovate leadership development.
Originality/value
The present study makes a novel contribution to relevant literature by examining leadership transformation through episodic remembrance of leaders' experiences in nature.
... According to one definition, central information is that which contains the details or gist of the event episode and materials that are visually central to the event (Burke et al., 1992). In this context, peripheral information denotes information in the background context. ...
... Irrespective of these differences, experimental work has revealed differences between these types of information as a function of important psychological variables such as emotion (Burke et al., 1992), misinformation (Luna & Migueles, 2009), and social suggestibility (Dalton & Daneman, 2006). To date, no research has systematically investigated the impact of eye-movements and handedness on eyewitness memory for central and peripheral details. ...
Two experiments are presented that investigated the effects of horizontal saccadic eye movements and handedness on eyewitness memory for central and peripheral information. In both experiments, participants viewed a short video depicting a bank robbery and episodic memory was tested after a short delay. Experiment 1 used recognition memory and found an interaction between eye movement, handedness and type of information recalled. This indicated that eye movements enhanced memory to a greater extent for peripheral information for individuals classified as consistently handed. Experiment 2 used free-recall and found eye movement enhancement effects of similar magnitude for central and peripheral items. A similar pattern of eye movement effects was observed for both consistent and inconsistent-handed individuals. Inconsistent handers also had superior memory overall. The results are discussed in terms of theoretical accounts of eye movement effects and implications for the enhancement of eyewitness memory.
... That emotionally distressing events tend to be well remembered has received extensive empirical support on multiple fronts (see McGaugh, 2003;McNally, 2003). Laboratory experiments involving emotional audiovisual stimuli (e.g., Bornstein et al., 1998;Burke et al., 1992;Houston et al., 2013) and other stress-induction procedures (e.g., Bierbrauer et al., 2021;Wiemers et al., 2013;see Shields et al., 2017, for a meta-analysis), together with several studies involving actual witnesses/victims (e.g., Dodier et al., 2021;Yuille & Cutshall, 1986) and trauma survivors (e.g., McKinnon et al., 2015) provide convergent evidence that people tend to retain strong memories for the central components of emotionally salient events (sometimes at the expense of peripheral components; see also Christianson, 1992;Kensinger, 2009;Reisberg & Heuer, 2004, 2007. ...
... The delay between encoding and retrieval is a critical consideration in eyewitness memory studies for at least two reasons. First, emotional memories appear to decay more slowly than nonemotional memories (e.g., Cellini et al., 2019;Christianson, 1992;Park, 2005; see also Burke et al., 1992, for partial support). One of the leading perspectives among emotional memory researchers outside of the eyewitness field-the modulated-consolidation model-concerns the underlying neurobiological processes that modulate memory consolidation in the interim period between encoding and retrieval (e.g., Cahill & McGaugh, 1998;McGaugh, 2018). ...
L’élucidation des effets des émotions négatives sur la mémoire des témoins oculaires est une partie importante de la compréhension de la façon dont les témoins se souviennent et rapportent des événements criminels. Les recherches existantes dans ce domaine ont été incohérentes dans leur méthodologie et leurs conclusions, ce qui justifie une étude empirique plus approfondie. Dans cette expérience, les participants (N = 204) ont visionné une version négative ou neutre d’une vidéo d’une interaction sociale mise en scène et leur mémoire a été évaluée sur le champ ou une semaine plus tard. L’évaluation de la mémoire comprenait à la fois des composantes de rappel et de reconnaissance (identification d’un suspect). Le groupe ayant reçu la version négative de la vidéo a montré une meilleure mémorisation de certains aspects de la vidéo que le groupe ayant reçu la version neutre, mais pas d’amélioration (ou d’affaiblissement) de la performance au niveau de l’identification d’un suspect. Les implications théoriques et pratiques sont discutées.
... Can emotional prosody also influence memory processes? A wealth of literature and daily life experience suggest that emotional stimuli are better memorized than neutral stimuli, an effect known as emotionalenhancement of memory (EEM) [5][6][7][8][9]. On the other hand, several studies point out the existence of retroactive and proactive memory interference due to emotionality [10]. ...
... On the other hand, several studies point out the existence of retroactive and proactive memory interference due to emotionality [10]. It suggests that emotions convey and imply a tendency to broaden or narrow the attention span: negative arousing stimuli lead to memory enhancement for emotional items and impairment for the periphery of emotional items [5,[11][12][13][14] while positive arousing stimuli lead to memory facilitation for the periphery of emotional items [15][16][17][18]. A specific emotion's communicative value has also been linked to distinctive effects [19,20]. ...
... Several studies have verified the emotional trade-off effect in experimental settings by exposing participants to images with either a negative or a neutral emotional valence, followed by an assessment of their memory for each image's central and peripheral details. Two such studies by Burke and colleagues [48] and Christianson and colleagues [49] found that participants who watched negative picture stories demonstrated a superior memory for plot-relevant information and an impaired memory for plot-irrelevant information, relative to those who viewed neutral picture stories. Yegiyan and Lang [50] and Kensinger and colleagues [51] also tested this effect using two different methodologies: Yegiyan and Lang separated each scene into a clear central region and a clear background region, while Kensinger and colleagues superimposed centralised objects over the top of separate, naturalistic backgrounds. ...
Cross-cultural research has elucidated many important differences between people from Western European and East Asian cultural backgrounds regarding how each group encodes and consolidates the contents of complex visual stimuli. While Western European groups typically demonstrate a perceptual bias towards centralised information, East Asian groups favour a perceptual bias towards background information. However, this research has largely focused on the perception of neutral cues and thus questions remain regarding cultural group differences in both the perception and recognition of negative, emotionally significant cues. The present study therefore compared Western European (n = 42) and East Asian (n = 40) participants on a free-viewing task and a subsequent memory task utilis-ing negative and neutral social cues. Attentional deployment to the centralised versus background components of negative and neutral social cues was indexed via eye-tracking, and memory was assessed with a cued-recognition task two days later. While both groups demonstrated an attentional bias towards the centralised components of the neutral cues, only the Western European group demonstrated this bias in the case of the negative cues. There were no significant differences observed between Western European and East Asian groups in terms of memory accuracy, although the Western European group was unexpectedly less sensitive to the centralised components of the negative cues. These findings suggest that culture modulates low-level attentional deployment to negative information, however not higher-level recognition after a temporal interval. This paper is, to our knowledge , the first to concurrently consider the effect of culture on both attentional outcomes and memory for both negative and neutral cues.
... We aimed to explore whether retention interval and misinformation exposure differentially impacted misinformation for high and low-arousing negative events. In addition, memory for central details of negatively arousing events may persist over time more than peripheral details (Christianson and Loftus, 1987;Burke et al., 1992). Central details from negative events and high-arousing events have shown to be vulnerable to prior exposure to misinformation (Van Damme and Smets, 2014), though its effect over time is yet to be seen. ...
Previous research has shown that the exposure to misleading information continues its detrimental effect on memory over time for negatively arousing events. However, research has also shown that both high-and low-arousing negative events are vulnerable to distortion from misinformation. Therefore, the present study set out to explore the impact of retention interval on memory for negative (arousing and non-arousing) and neutral events in the misinformation paradigm. Participants were presented with a negative high-arousing, a negative low-arousing, and a neutral scene, and exposed to misleading information for central and peripheral aspects of each scene. Recognition memory for scene details was measured 10 min after misinformation exposure and again after one week. We found that, regardless of the type of detail, the effect of misinformation persisted over time for the negative-arousing event but disappeared one week later for the negative low-arousing and neutral events. The results are explained in relation to adaptive function and theories of source monitoring. The findings of this study provide important forensic implications, especially when we consider the arousing nature of crimes.
... It aims to diagnose prodromal AD by presenting a captivating love and heartbreak story between a flamenco dancer and a Japanese student. Designed to capture examinees' attention, this emotional story is expected to facilitate learning [22][23][24][25]. Since emotional arousal enhances declarative memory in healthy older individuals but inconsistently in cognitively impaired patients [26][27][28][29], the "Triana Test" hypothesizes that the story could effectively discriminate between patients with amnestic mild cognitive impairment (aMCI) and healthy controls (HCs). ...
Background
The “Triana Test” is a novel story recall test based on emotional material with demonstrated accuracy in diagnosing mild cognitive impairment patients.
Objective
This study aims to obtain normative data for the “Triana Test”.
Methods
A normative study was conducted at a university hospital in Spain. Partners of patients were systematically recruited if eligible (age ≥50, no memory complaints, and a total TMA-93 score at or above the 10th percentile). The “Triana Test” was administered and scored. For developing the normative data, a regression-based method was followed.
Results
The final sample included 362 participants (median age = 66, range = 50–88; 64.9% females). A model including age and educational level better predicted the total scores. Combinations of these variables resulted in different 10th percentile scores.
Conclusions
Norms for using the “Triana Test” are now available. The provided cutoffs for the 10th percentile will aid in the diagnosis of prodromal Alzheimer’s disease.
... The present findings do not support an item-source tradeoff in which emotional stimuli act to increase item-specific memory while reducing source memory. Such views have been proposed to account for the effects of emotional stress on memory (see Burke, Heuer, & Reisberg, 1992;Christianson, 1992). For example, emotional stress has been thought to elicit a kind of "tunnel vision" in which attention is narrowed and awareness of surrounding (source) information is reduced. ...
The influence of emotional stimuli on source memory was investigated by using emotionally valenced words. The words were colored blue or yellow (Experiment 1) or surrounded by a blue or yellow frame (Experiment 2). Participants were asked to associate the words with the colors. In both experiments, emotionally valenced words elicited enhanced free recall compared with nonvalenced words; however, recognition memory was not affected. Source memory for the associated color was also enhanced for emotional words, suggesting that even memory for contextual information is benefited by emotional stimuli. This effect was not due to the ease of semantic clustering of emotional words because semantically related words were not associated with enhanced source memory, despite enhanced recall (Experiment 3). It is suggested that enhancement resulted from facilitated arousal or attention, which may act to increase organization processes important for source memory.
... At a glance, the outcomes of the emotionally-arousing memory are similar to those of FBM in several key features. It is rather universally agreed that memory activated by emotional arousal retains for longer periods compared with generic memory, being difficult to forget and sharing the same longevity characteristic with FBM (Bohannon, Symons, 1992;Burke et al., 1992;Christianson, 1984;Christianson, Lofius, 1987;Heuer, Reisberg, 1990;Pillemer, 1984;Koss, Tromp, Tharan, 1995a). ...
In this paper, researchers specializing in emotional arousal are most likely to benefit from studying the formation of FBM. Regarding the three different mechanisms of FBM formation, the key similarities between them, a detailed analysis of emotional arousal memory from a physiological and psychological perspective, and a comparison of the different models built for FBM are presented.
... It was indicated that there should be a conflict at work that is current or has occurred in the last 6 months. Although the instrument is designed to classify current conflicts, past conflicts were also accepted for validation, as emotional events can be remembered relatively accurately over time (Yuille and Cutshall, 1986;Burke et al., 1992). For motivational reasons, participants had the opportunity to take part in a draw for vouchers. ...
This study aimed to develop and validate an instrument for measuring conflict escalation based on Glasl's conflict escalation model, which can also be used for measuring bullying conflicts. The instrument should be applicable both as a self-assessment and as an interviewer-assessment. In the first study, a first set of items measuring the stages of Glasl's model was developed and validated in an independent cross-sectional sample of 154 participants who completed the self-assessment. In 142 cases, interviews were conducted, and thus self and interviewer-assessments could be compared. In a second study, the final set of items was cross-validated on a second independent cross-sectional sample. In total, 105 participants completed the self-assessment only and 114 were part of the interview study. Because Glasl's model is complex, scale validation was based on a combination of classical statistical validation procedures. Both studies indicate good validity of the new instrument and provide evidence for Glasl's conflict escalation model. As expected, conflict escalation was positively related to negative affect, irritation, and depression. Relationship conflict was more prevalent in more highly escalated conflicts as compared to lower escalated conflicts. Victims of workplace bullying were classified in high escalation levels and showed higher inferiority in conflict situations compared to non-victims with highly escalated conflicts. The present instrument can be used to assess qualitative differences in conflict escalation and thus complements existing instruments to measure conflicts. It is especially useful for practitioners, as they can assess conflict escalation more accurately and thus better choose the appropriate form of intervention.
... Specifically, a study by Danek & Wiley (2020) highlighted the affective component of insight as the key factor in supporting better solution memory, as pleasure ratings predicted the memory advantage more than the cognitive component (i.e., restructuring of the problem). This effect is comparable to flashbulb memories, where strong emotions help to retain gist information about events in long-term memory (McCloskey, Wible, & Cohen, 1988;Burke, Heuer, & Reisberg, 1992). Importantly, it has been shown that while the accuracy of flashbulb memories declines over time, the raters' confidence in the perceived accuracy and vividness of the memory remains high (Kensinger & Schacter, 2006;Talarico & Rubin, 2003). ...
Occasionally, a solution or idea arrives as a sudden understanding - an insight. Insight has been considered an "extra" ingredient of creative thinking and problem-solving. Here we propose that insight is central in seemingly distinct areas of research. Drawing on literature from a variety of fields, we show that besides being commonly studied in problem-solving literature, insight is also a core component in psychotherapy and meditation, a key process underlying the emergence of delusions in schizophrenia, and a factor in the therapeutic effects of psychedelics. In each case, we discuss the event of insight and its prerequisites and consequences. We review evidence for the commonalities and differences between the fields and discuss their relevance for capturing the essence of the insight phenomenon. The goal of this integrative review is to bridge the gap between the different views and inspire interdisciplinary research efforts for understanding this central process of human cognition.
... A rich literature has studied the modulation of memory by emotion, using stimuli such as well-characterized affective pictures (for review, see Reisberg and Heuer, 2004;LaBar and Cabeza, 2006). In several studies, a benefit for remembering emotional stimuli has been found weeks or even a year later (Bradley et al., 1992;Cahill et al., 1996;Ochsner, 2000;Dolcos et al., 2005;Wagner et al., 2006;Weymar et al., 2011). ...
Negative and positive experiences can exert a strong influence on later memory. Our emotional experiences are composed of many different elements - people, place, things - most of them neutral. Do emotional experiences lead to enhanced long-term for these neutral elements as well? Demonstrating a lasting effect of emotion on memory is particularly important if memory for emotional events is to adaptively guide behavior days, weeks, or years later. We thus tested whether aversive experiences modulate very long-term episodic memory in an fMRI experiment. Participants experienced episodes of high or low pain in conjunction with the presentation of incidental, trial- unique neutral object pictures. In a scanned surprise immediate memory test, we found no effect of pain on recognition strength. Critically, in a follow-up memory test one year later we found that pain significantly enhanced memory. Neurally, we provide a novel demonstration of activity predicting memory one year later, whereby greater insula activity and more unique distributed patterns of insular activity in the initial session correlated with memory for pain-associated objects. Generally, our results suggest that pairing episodes with arousing negative stimuli may lead to very long-lasting memory enhancements.
... Gertakizunaren oroimena informazio nagusiaren eta periferikoaren arteko bereizketaren arabera laborategian aztertu izan denean, informazio nagusia periferikoa baino modu zehatzagoan oroitzen dela aurkitu izan da (Burke, Heuer eta Reisberg, 1992;Christianson eta Loftus, 1991;Heuer eta Reisberg, 1990;. Esate baterako, Burke eta haren laguntzaileek (1992) diapositiba multzo bat aurkeztu zieten parte-hartzaileei, non ama bat eta bere semea aitaren lantokira bisitan doazela agertzen zen. ...
Ikerketa honen helburua da gertaera baten oroimenean pertsona gaz- teen eta zaharren arteko ezberdintasunak aztertzea. Horretarako lapurreta baten informazioa (nagusia eta periferikoa) eta edukiak (ekintzak, pertsonak eta detaileak) analizatu dira. Parte-hartzaileek, batez ere, gertaeraren informazio nagusia eta ekintzak gogoratu dituzte. Pertsona helduen errendi- mendua gazteena baino okerragoa izan da, ekintza nagusietan neurri handiagoan oinarritu dira eta pertsonekin eta xehetasunekin erlazionaturiko informazio gutxiago gogoratu dute. Hala ere, ez dute gazteek baino akats gehiago izan. Beraz, gazteen kontakizunak zaharren kontakizunekin alderatuta osoagoak izan dira, baina ez zehatzagoak
... People have different levels of memory for different types of information: gist memory and specific memory. Gist memory refers to the main plot of an event and the conceptual information about the event; specific memory refers to specific information related to the central event or background information unrelated to the central event (Burke et al., 1992). The gist/specific trade-off effect states that emotions increase the likelihood of remembering the main idea of an event and decrease the likelihood of remembering specifics leading to forgetting (Adolphs et al., 2005). ...
This study used the item-based legal forgetting paradigm to investigate the effects of preconception type and material type on directed forgetting, and further explored the effects of preconception on directed forgetting of specific and gist memories through 2 experiments using static textual images and selected dynamic videos as experimental material in a simulated online teaching environment. The results showed that positive preconceptions induced directed forgetting of specific memory, while negative preconceptions enhanced directed forgetting of gist memory only. At the same time, static materials showed a directional forgetting effect, while dynamic materials did not show a directional forgetting effect. Static materials improve individual learning more than dynamic materials.
... Studies on emotions are of particular interest to education and the context of teaching and learning when they address learners' memory ability and knowledge acquisition. Numerous such studies on emotional psychology examine media-generated emotions based on a recipient's degree of stimulation, meaning that emotions can trigger a stimulus which has an effect on memory (Levine & Pizarro, 2004): For example, stories (Burke, Heuer & Reisberg, 1992) or photographs (Safer, Christianson, Autry & Österlund, 1998) which arouse strong emotions in the recipient are easier to remember than media artefacts which are experienced more "neutrally". This is also true for emotionalizing experiences which are media-generated (Klauer, 2004). ...
This article introduces an area of interdisciplinary research at the nexus of education science, media psychology, studies on media reception, communication studies and media studies.
In order to shed more light on the relationship between emotions and media from the perspective of media education, the article scrutinizes media as learning objects, teaching media and learning tools, all of which stimulate emotions. Examples from educational practice help to demonstrate the emotionalizing effect of media. They demonstrate how the use of digital media in educational contexts draws on emotional educational content and how educational practices might stimulate reflective processes as well as action-oriented learning.
By using interactionist and constructivist theories to teach media with a connection to everyday life, active media work and working methods might serve to activate learners as these media provide them with first-hand competence experience and support their social integration in learning groups.
... Levine & Pizarro, 2004): So können stark emotionalisierende Narrative (vgl. Burke, Heuer & Reisberg, 1992) oder Bilder (vgl. Safer, Christianson, Autry & Österlund, 1998) besser erinnert werden als »neutrale« mediale Artefaktedies gilt auch für emotionalisierende mediale Ereignisse (vgl. ...
In diesem Kapitel wird das Verhältnis von Emotion und (digitalen) Medien aus Perspektive der Medienpädagogik beleuchtet. Im Anschluss werden in ausgewählten Unterrichtsbeispielen lebensweltbezogene Lehrmedien, die Handlungsorientierung sowie interaktionistisch-konstruktivistische Arbeitsmethoden vor dem Hintergrund ihrer (medien-) didaktischen Potentiale für den Unterricht vorgestellt.
... Studies on emotions are of particular interest to education and the context of teaching and learning when they address learners' memory ability and knowledge acquisition. Numerous such studies on emotional psychology examine media-generated emotions based on a recipient's degree of stimulation, meaning that emotions can trigger a stimulus which has an effect on memory (Levine & Pizarro, 2004): For example, stories (Burke, Heuer & Reisberg, 1992) or photographs (Safer, Christianson, Autry & Österlund, 1998) which arouse strong emotions in the recipient are easier to remember than media artefacts which are experienced more "neutrally". This is also true for emotionalizing experiences which are media-generated (Klauer, 2004). ...
Why is maker education a suitable approach for giving learners the 21st century skills they need to cope with the digital transformation? This article provides an answer and represents a defense of maker education in the field of educational science. Taking a human-media-machine interaction model as the basis for discussion, this article highlights the growing importance of digital technology as well as technological principles for human communication and interaction. Communication technology and the influence of technology on culture and society require a broad understanding of media literacy in the sense of digital literacy. By broadening the theoretical basis of media literacy education, making, coding and tinkering qualify as approaches for achieving these goals. The discussion uses the four classic dimensions of media literacy and action theory to argue in favor of these approaches.
... participants to recall memories of a wilderness-based leadership training program, (2) the content of such memories, and (3) the leadership attitudes and behaviors inspired by those memories. Experiences are usually immediately forgotten, only some experiences and aspects of those experiences become part of people's memories [91,92]. Episodic memory involves recalling the spatial-temporal context of an original, most often first-time experience [93,94]. ...
Against the backdrop of dramatically increased complexity, speed of change, great uncertainty, and lack of confidence, the call for “new leaders” has become louder. These contemporary challenges demand more than just a change in leadership competences. Scholars and practitioners have argued that a more fundamental shift in mindset is required. At the same time, leadership development is largely based on cognition-based learning to improve competences – skills and abilities (skillset) – through classroom exercises in traditional venues. This is in contrast to addressing the capacities of leaders – their inner resources (mindset) in the face of complex leadership challenges. Yet, changing mindsets is not easy and requires different training than competency-focused programs. However, a stay under primitive conditions in pristine nature does something to us. People relax, reflect, or even transform. Three consecutive empirical studies, conducted by the author, suggest that such a wilderness journey promotes the transformation towards purposeful, authentic leadership.
... Furthermore, studies that included longer learning-test intervals often did not find time-dependent differences in accuracy between emotional and neutral items (e.g., Ritchey et al., 2008;Wang, 2014Wang, , 2018Wang & Fu, 2011;Weymar et al., 2011;but see, e.g., Anderson et al., 2006). This could be due to relatively small samples (Ritchey et al., 2008;Weymar et al., 2011), or repeated testing of the same learned material (Weymar et al., 2011), which can bias results (Burke et al., 1992). Also, in some studies interaction ANOVA tests were performed (Wang, 2014(Wang, , 2018Wang & Fu, 2011). ...
Emotional memory can persist strikingly long, but it is believed that not all its elements are protected against the fading effects of time. So far, studies of emotional episodic memory have mostly investigated retention up to 24h postencoding and revealed that central emotional features (items) are usually strengthened, while contextual binding of the event is reduced. However, even though it is known for neutral memories that central versus contextual elements evolve differently with longer passage of time, the time-dependent evolution of emotional memories remains unclear. Hypothetically, compared to neutral memories, emotional item memory becomes increasingly stronger, accompanied by accelerated decay of-already fragile-links with their original encoding contexts, resulting in progressive reductions in contextual dependency. Here, we tested these predictions in a large-scale study. Participants encoded emotional and neutral episodes, and were assessed 30 minutes (N = 40), 1 day (N = 40), 1 week (N = 39), or 2 weeks (N = 39) later on item memory, contextual dependency, and subjective quality of memory. The results show that, with the passage of time, emotional memories were indeed characterized by increasingly stronger item memory and weaker contextual dependency. Interestingly, analyses of the subjective quality of memories revealed that stronger memory for emotional items with time was expressed in familiarity, whereas increasingly smaller contextual dependency for emotional episodes was reflected in recollection. Together, these findings uncover the time-dependent transformation of emotional episodic memories, thereby shedding light on the ways healthy and maladaptive human memories may develop. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).
... The induction of emotions may be influenced by different aspects of the text (Braun & Cupchik, 2001) and by identification with a character that is more likely in the case of first-person narratives (Kerr, 2005). Moreover, we cannot exclude the "story effect" (novelty or personal memorability) on memory in contrast to the emotional effect (Burke et al., 1992). Bestgen (1994) pointed out the structural importance of sentences and suggested that the emotional curve can be linked to the "interestingness" of stories but also to the clarity and understandability of the text. ...
Emotion has an essential effect on various cognitive processes in humans including attention, perception, learning, and memory. Long-term memories are affected not only by the emotion experienced during learning but also by the emotional state during retrieval. The term “emotional memory” is often associated with episodic memory and mental time-travel; however, emotion influences every aspect of memory (e.g., both declarative memory and nondeclarative memory). Here the authors discuss the methodological advantages and limitations across the current methods in emotional memory research. Traditional neuropsychological methods use emotionally arousing stimuli; however, such stimuli are often reduced to a simple list of words or pictures. In comparison to these methods, virtual reality (VR) is a relatively new tool, but with growing importance in neurosci- ence research and clinical practice. VR allows to study human behavior, cognitive functions, and brain activity in ecologically valid situations even under laboratory conditions. Future directions and potential use of virtual reality in emotional memory testing are discussed.
... Furthermore, Christiansen and Loftus pointed out that the concept of central information was unclear in these studies [8,9]. Discriminating central information into episode centrality and spatial centrality, Burke et al. revealed that emotional arousal prevents only the memory of spatially peripheral information [6]. Moreover, unusualness and a lack of safety play a role in the impairment of the functional field of view [21]. ...
Numerous studies have found the cognitive factors regarding crowd evacuation behaviors to be significant. However, because objective data are lacking, the exact effects of these factors have yet to be clarified. A video clip captured during the Great East Japan Earthquake involving 48 people in a meeting room gave researchers a unique opportunity to access data that allowed a numerical analysis of evacuation behaviors. Using the video clip, researchers discovered a unique evacuation behavior; the decision to either flee or drop was determined by a person’s distance from the exit. Simulations using the evacuation decision model were conducted. The evacuation decision model is a model of herd behaviors that occur during evacuations, and the aforementioned unique evacuation behavior was successfully reproduced in the model. However, the simulation settings seemed to be oversimplified (e.g., number of agents, initial arrangement of the agents, disregarded physical constraints, etc.). This study aimed to reproduce the diagonal spatial pattern of evacuation decisions that emerged using new simulation settings that are more representative of the situation depicted in the video. The diagonal spatial pattern can only be reproduced within the limited ranges of two parameters that define the shape of the visual field of an agent—an autonomous entity in the simulation. The analysis of simulation results revealed that during evacuations, the visual field of an agent was narrowed to 20∘\documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$$^{\circ }$$\end{document} with a relatively long range and led to a hypothesis that people undergoing evacuations were subject to tunnel vision, a cognitive effect in which excessive cognitive demands, fear, or mental stress narrows visual fields of people.
... Specifically, a study by Danek & Wiley (2020) highlighted the affective component of insight as the key factor in supporting better solution memory, as pleasure ratings predicted the memory advantage more than the cognitive component (i.e., restructuring of the problem). This effect is comparable to flashbulb memories, where strong emotions help to retain gist information about events in long-term memory (McCloskey, Wible, & Cohen, 1988;Burke, Heuer, & Reisberg, 1992). Importantly, it has been shown that while the accuracy of flashbulb memories declines over time, the raters' confidence in the perceived accuracy and vividness of the memory remains high (Kensinger & Schacter, 2006;Talarico & Rubin, 2003). ...
Occasionally a solution arrives as a sudden understanding - an insight. Insight has been considered as an “extra” ingredient of creative thinking and problem-solving. Here we propose that insight is a central process in seemingly distinct areas of research. Drawing on literature from a variety of fields, we show that besides being a common topic in problem-solving literature, insight is also a core component in psychotherapy, essential for some forms of meditation, a key process underlying the emergence of primary delusions in schizophrenia, and a factor that drives the positive outcomes of psychedelic therapy. Our goal is to bridge these different views and research traditions. In each case, we discuss the prerequisites and consequences of insight. We examine evidence for common prerequisites of insight experiences, comprising a tension within knowledge structures and a plastic state of mind. We discuss a framework for explaining insight across these fields and highlight the clinical relevance of studying insight. This integrative review provides a better understanding of insight, a central feature of our minds.
... Furthermore, studies that included longer learning-test intervals often did not find time-dependent differences in accuracy between emotional and neutral items (e.g., Ritchey et al., 2008;Wang, 2014Wang, , 2018Wang & Fu, 2011;Weymar et al., 2011, but see e.g., Anderson et al., 2006. This could be due to relatively small samples (Ritchey et al., 2008;Weymar et al., 2011), or repeated testing of the same learned material (Weymar et al., 2011), which can bias results (Burke et al., 1992). ...
Emotional memory can persist strikingly long, but it is believed that not all its elements are protected against the fading effects of time. So far, studies of emotional episodic memory have mostly investigated retention up to 24h post-encoding, and revealed that central emotional features (items) are usually strengthened, while contextual binding of the event is reduced. However, even though it is known for neutral memories that central versus contextual elements evolve differently with longer passage of time, the time-dependent evolution of emotional memories remains unclear. Hypothetically, compared to neutral memories, emotional item memory becomes increasingly stronger, accompanied by accelerated decay of – already fragile – links with their original encoding contexts, resulting in progressive reductions in contextual dependency. Here, we tested these predictions in a large-scale study. Participants encoded emotional and neutral episodes, and were assessed 30 minutes (N = 40), one day (N = 40), one week (N = 39), or two weeks (N = 39) later on item memory, contextual dependency, and subjective quality of memory. The results show that, with the passage of time, emotional memories were indeed characterized by increasingly stronger item memory and weaker contextual dependency. Interestingly, analyses of the subjective quality of memories revealed that stronger memory for emotional items with time was expressed in familiarity, whereas increasingly smaller contextual dependency for emotional episodes was reflected in recollection. Together, these findings uncover the time-dependent transformation of emotional episodic memories, thereby shedding light on the ways healthy and maladaptive human memories may develop.
... Modern researchers consider mental imagery to be any experience resembling information from a sensory input to the human body. Therefore, a person may experience, for example, visual, olfactory [35], or auditory mental imagery [36]. Nevertheless, most scientific and philosophical research focuses on the topic of visual mental imagery. ...
Artificial neural networks are efficient learning algorithms that are considered to be universal approximators for solving numerous real-world problems in areas such as computer vision, language processing, or reinforcement learning. To approximate any given function, neural networks train a large number of parameters—up to millions, or even billions in some cases. The large number of parameters and hidden layers in neural networks make them hard to interpret, which is why they are often referred to as black boxes. In the quest to make artificial neural networks interpretable in the field of computer vision, feature visualization stands out as one of the most developed and promising research directions. While feature visualizations are a valuable tool to gain insights about the underlying function learned by the network, they are still considered to be simple visual aids requiring human interpretation. In this paper, we propose that feature visualizations—class visualizations in particular—are analogous to mental imagery in humans, resembling the experience of seeing or perceiving the actual training data. Therefore, we propose that class visualizations contain embedded knowledge that can be exploited in a more automated manner. We present a series of experiments that shed light on the nature of class visualizations and demonstrate that class visualizations can be considered a conceptual compression of the data used to train the underlying model. Finally, we show that class visualizations can be regarded as convolutional filters and experimentally show their potential for extreme model compression purposes.
... An accepted detail division within complex events is between those that describe the overall event structure (i.e., the gist or theme)-central details-and those that describe specific sensory or contextual aspects (i.e., details peripheral to the story)-specific details. Studies have indicated that central and specific details are supported by different processing mechanisms and prone to different forgetting rates, with central details retained more robustly in memory and less subject to distortion than specific details (Alba & Hasher, 1983;Sekeres et al., 2016;Conway et al., 1991;Thorndyke, 1977; for related emotional memory research, see Burke et al., 1992;Christianson, 1992;. Since specific details of a memory are more likely to be forgotten than central details (Sekeres et al., 2016;Thorndyke, 1977), we reason that recovery of specific details from a memory is selectively affected by a retrieval goal. ...
Memories are not always accurately recalled, and one factor that influences memory is the goal of retrieval. Evidence suggests that retrieving a memory to fit a social goal affects the content that is recollected, yet the nature of this effect, and whether this effect remains stable over time, is not fully understood. To this end, we compared the effect of retrieving a complex event (i.e., a narrative) motivated by a social versus an accuracy goal both immediately and after a 24-hour consolidation period. Three groups of young adults encoded audio narratives and recalled these narratives immediately (Session 1) and again after a 24-hour delay (Session 2). One group recalled the narratives to meet a social goal across both sessions (social); another group recalled the narratives for an accuracy goal across both sessions (accuracy); and a final group initially recalled the narratives for a social goal (Session 1) and then for an accuracy goal (Session 2; mixed). We found no effect of group on the number of details that described the overall theme (central details); however, a social goal significantly reduced the number of specific (episodic) details and altered the order in which the details were described. When the goal of retrieval changed across session (i.e., mixed group), the reduction in specific details remained but not the effect on detail order. These results demonstrate that socially motivated memory retrieval selectively alters the specific episodic content contained in the memory, leaving intact the thematic knowledge and overall structure of the memory.
The eyewitness literature often claims that emotional stress leads to an impairment in memory and, hence, that details of unpleasant emotional events are remembered less accurately than details of neutral or everyday events. A common assumption behind this view is that a decrease in available processing capacity occurs at states of high emotional arousal, which, therefore, leads to less efficient memory processing. The research reviewed here shows that this belief is overly simplistic. Current studies demonstrate striking interactions between type of event, type of detail information, time of test, and type of retrieval information. This article also reviews the literature on memory for stressful events with respect to two major theories: the Yerkes-Dodson law and Easter-brook's cue-utilization hypothesis. To account for the findings from real-life studies and laboratory studies, this article discusses the possibility that emotional events receive some preferential processing mediated by factors related to early perceptual processing and late conceptual processing.
Musical creativity, as a cognitive process, is inherently associated with musical imagery. Several composers have claimed to have composed music based on creative ideas that emerged involuntarily in their minds in the form of musical imagery. Research on musical imagery has been growing steadily, yet studies exploring its link to creativity have been scarce. Furthermore, although reports in the musical imagery literature reveal the existence of novel involuntary musical imagery repetition (IMIR, i.e., music that comes to the mind spontaneously and repeatedly), research to date has focused on familiar IMIR. In a semistructured interview with six composers, we investigated the internal and external experience of the novel IMIR. Based on grounded theory analysis, two descriptive models emerged: the first model indicated that the intramusical features of novel IMIR were described in terms of musical, technical, and linguistic dimensions. The repetition within novel IMIR was related to functional outcomes associated with experience, and there was a sense of familiarity when experiencing novel IMIR. The occurrence of novel IMIR was more likely when individuals reported being in specific mental and physical states. Finally, the emotional valence associated with the novel IMIR was classified as mainly positive. The second model indicated a variety of methods to aid the translation of internal novel IMIR into external musical composition and a range of factors that influence the success of that translation. The findings are discussed in the context of existing literature on creativity, musical imagery, and spontaneous cognition.
Studies have shown that lying can detrimentally affect memory. For example, when people fabricate a false account, this fabrication can turn into a false memory. The current experiment aimed to examine whether the typical effects on memory due to fabrication depend on psychopathy traits. 232 participants completed the Personality Psychopathy Inventory-Revised and watched a mock crime video. Subsequently, participants had to imagine being interviewed as the main suspect of the crime by either telling the truth or lying about the crime. After one-week, all participants were instructed to tell the truth. Fabrication led to false memories. Specific psychopathy traits influenced the recall in that higher psychopathic traits were associated with worse event-related memory (i.e., less correct details and more memory errors). However, psychopathic traits did not intervene in the mnemonic effects of fabrication. Findings can be useful for legal practitioners who deal with statements’ reliability.
Introduction
Studies have shown that there is a growing interest in corporate social responsibility (CSR) and talent management, and the identified links between their aspects. Thus, the current study examined the relationship between socially responsible human resource management (SRHRM)–identified as CSR strategies and practices directed at employees to underpin the effectiveness of CSR implementation–and talent retention. In addition, this study employed a mediation-moderation framework with employee attitude (motivation and trust) as a mediating variable and other-regarding value orientation (ORVO) as a moderating variable. Thus, the current study contributes to talent management and CSR current knowledge by analyzing the depth of the relationship by way of exploring the moderating and mediating process. It answers the “how” and “when” questions and explains the mechanism through which an organization can use its socially responsible HRM practices for retaining talented employees.
Methods
A total of 418 people from the Klang Valley area in Malaysia participated in the study. The hypotheses in the study were tested using PLS structural equation modeling.
Results
The results of the study showed that (a) perceived SRHRM was positively related to talent retention, (b) this relationship was partially mediated by the employee’s attitude (motivation and trust), and (c) ORVO did not moderate the relationship between perceived SRHRM and talent retention.
Discussion
Furthermore, the study findings provide concrete and actionable recommendations on how to formulate and implement appropriate SRHRM policies and practices as they are not only essential for the successful implementation of external CSR programs but also essential for retaining talented employees and for improving their motivation and organizational trust.
The current meta-analysis examined the effects of valence and arousal on source memory accuracy, including the identification of variables that moderate the magnitude and direction of those effects. Fifty-three studies, comprising 85 individual experiments (N = 3,040 participants), were selected. Three separate analyses focusing on valence effects (valence-based: negative-neutral; positive-neutral; negative-positive) and other three focusing exclusively on arousal (arousal-based: high-low; medium-low; high-medium) were considered. Effect sizes varied from very small to medium. For the valence-based analyses, source memory accuracy was impaired for emotional compared with neutral stimuli (dunb = -.14 for negative-neutral; dunb = -.11 for positive-neutral), with a similar performance found for the negative-positive comparison (dunb = -.04). In the case of arousal-based analyses, source memory was improved for stimuli with high and medium arousal versus low arousal (dunb = .27, dunb = .49, respectively), with no statistically significant difference between high and medium arousal stimuli (dunb = -.12). Emotion effects on source memory were modulated by methodological factors. These factors may account for the variety findings typically found in emotion-related source memory research and could be systematically addressed in future studies. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).
In recent years there has been an increasing awareness that a comprehensive understanding of language, cognitive and affective processes, and social and interpersonal phenomena cannot be achieved without understanding the ways these processes are grounded in bodily states. The term 'embodiment' captures the common denominator of these developments, which come from several disciplinary perspectives ranging from neuroscience, cognitive science, social psychology, and affective sciences. For the first time, this volume brings together these varied developments under one umbrella and furnishes a comprehensive overview of this intellectual movement in the cognitive-behavioral sciences. The chapters review current work on relations of the body to thought, language use, emotion and social relationships as presented by internationally recognized experts in these areas.
In recent years there has been an increasing awareness that a comprehensive understanding of language, cognitive and affective processes, and social and interpersonal phenomena cannot be achieved without understanding the ways these processes are grounded in bodily states. The term 'embodiment' captures the common denominator of these developments, which come from several disciplinary perspectives ranging from neuroscience, cognitive science, social psychology, and affective sciences. For the first time, this volume brings together these varied developments under one umbrella and furnishes a comprehensive overview of this intellectual movement in the cognitive-behavioral sciences. The chapters review current work on relations of the body to thought, language use, emotion and social relationships as presented by internationally recognized experts in these areas.
In recent years there has been an increasing awareness that a comprehensive understanding of language, cognitive and affective processes, and social and interpersonal phenomena cannot be achieved without understanding the ways these processes are grounded in bodily states. The term 'embodiment' captures the common denominator of these developments, which come from several disciplinary perspectives ranging from neuroscience, cognitive science, social psychology, and affective sciences. For the first time, this volume brings together these varied developments under one umbrella and furnishes a comprehensive overview of this intellectual movement in the cognitive-behavioral sciences. The chapters review current work on relations of the body to thought, language use, emotion and social relationships as presented by internationally recognized experts in these areas.
El libro es una compilación de los trabajos desarrollados por los estudiantes de los semilleros de investigación de la Facultad de psicología de la Universidad Católica de Colombia.
El capítulo es el producto desarrollado en el semillero cognibrain, se presenta el proceso de validación de contenido de dos de los vídeo juegos de entrenamiento cognitivo desarrollados por el semillero dirigidos adultos mayores.
In a seminal study, Slamecka and McElree showed that the degree of initial learning of verbal material affected the intercepts but not the slopes of forgetting curves. However, more recent work has reported that memories for central events (gist) and memory for secondary details (peripheral) were forgotten at different rates over periods of days, with gist memory retained more consistently over time than details. The present experiments aimed to investigate whether qualitatively different types of memory scoring (gist vs peripheral) are forgotten at different rates in prose recall. In three experiments, 232 participants listened to two prose narratives and were subsequently asked to freely recall the stories. In the first two experiments participants were tested repeatedly after days and a month, while in the third experiment they were tested only after a month to control for repeated retrieval. Memory for gist was higher than for peripheral details which were forgotten at a faster rate over a month, with or without the presence of intermediate recall. Moreover, repeated retrieval had a significant benefit on both memory for gist and peripheral details. We conclude that the different nature of gist and peripheral details leads to a differential forgetting in prose free recall, while repeated retrieval does not have a differential effect on the retention of these different episodic details.
ste libro contiene los resultados investigativos de ocho procesos de formación investigativa desarrollados en la Facultad de Psicología de la Universidad Católica de Colombia, los cuales están articulados a los grupos de investigación Europsis y Enlace, y materializan de esta manera los objetivos que fundamentan las líneas de investigación, tales como: Psicología Educativa, Psicología Jurídica y Criminológica, Psicología de la Salud y las Adicciones; de esta manera, los fenómenos estudiados, entre los cuales se encuentran el sentido de comunidad, la violencia de género, la sexualidad, el reconocimiento emocional, el deterioro cognitivo, la calidad de vida y la Covid-19, son de importancia e interés para la disciplina en este momento histórico que atraviesa Colombia. El conocimiento construido y presentado en este libro es el reflejo de un alto nivel de compromiso y disciplina del grupo de investigadores, que de forma voluntaria acogieron la invitación de la Universidad Católica de Colombia para fortalecer sus procesos de formación en la dimensión investigativa, simultáneamente contribuyendo al desarrollo de la psicología como disciplina y profesión. Los lectores encontrarán en la obra producción de alta calidad académica, orientada desde diversas perspectivas metodológicas y técnicas de estudio por medio de las cuales se da respuesta a los problemas de investigación abordados. Se evidencia en las conclusiones de cada capítulo la necesidad de no solo continuar trabajando en las temáticas planteadas, sino también de construir agendas articuladas entre los diversos semilleros.
This book contains the investigative results of seven investigative training processes developed in the Department of Psychology of the Catholic University of Colombia, which are linked to the Europsis and Enlace research groups, and thus materialize the objectives that underpin the lines of research, such as: educational psychology, legal and criminological psychology, health psychology and addictions. In this way, the phenomena studied, among which are the sense of community, gender violence, sexuality, emotional recognition, cognitive deterioration, quality of life and Covid 19 are of great importance and interest to the discipline in this historical moment that Colombia is going through. The constructed and presented knowledge in this book is the reflection of a high level of commitment and discipline of the research staff, who voluntarily accepted the invitation of the university to strengthen their training processes in the research aspect, simultaneously contributing to the development of psychology as a discipline and profession. Readers will find in the work a production of high academic quality, oriented from various methodological perspectives and study techniques through which a response is given to the research problems addressed. The conclusions of each chapter show the need not only to continue working on the issues raised but also to build connected agendas among the research hubs.
This book contains the investigative results of seven investigative training processes developed in the Department of Psychology of the Catholic University of Colombia, which are linked to the Europsis and Enlace research groups, and thus materialize the objectives that underpin the lines of research, such as: educational psychology, legal and criminological psychology, health psychology and addictions. In this way, the phenomena studied, among which are the sense of community, gender violence, sexuality, emotional recognition, cognitive deterioration, quality of life and Covid 19 are of great importance and interest to the discipline in this historical moment that Colombia is going through. The constructed and presented knowledge in this book is the reflection of a high level of commitment and discipline of the research staff, who voluntarily accepted the invitation of the university to strengthen their training processes in the research aspect, simultaneously contributing to the development of psychology as a discipline and profession. Readers will find in the work a production of high academic quality, oriented from various methodological perspectives and study techniques through which a response is given to the research problems addressed. The conclusions of each chapter show the need not only to continue working on the issues raised but also to build connected agendas among the research hubs.
Trauma victims often come to remember experiencing more trauma than they initially reported. Our experiments are the first to investigate a plausible mechanism for this memory amplification, namely, that people incorporate new details contained in post‐event information (PEI) into their event memory. In Experiment 1, participants viewed traumatic photographs, and completed recognition memory tests before and 24‐hours after PEI exposure. As predicted, PEI distorted traumatic memory. In Experiments 2 and 3, we found that encouraging source monitoring reduced PEI‐related errors regardless of whether the delay period between memory tests was shorter (24 hours; Experiment 2) or longer (one week; Experiment 3). Our results suggest that evaluating the source of traumatic photos increases source monitoring, making people resistant to inaccurate PEI. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
Excessive cognitive demands, fear, or stress narrow evacuees’ functional fields of view (FFV) in disaster evacuation situations. This tunnel vision hypothesis leads to a new model of evacuee behavior deviating significantly from the previously accepted understanding, and possibly altering conventional evacuation protocol designs. In this study, we analyze the impacts of narrowed vision of evacuees on crowd evacuation efficiency through simulated evacuations. The simulated room to be evacuated included multiple exits, of which only one was correct, as well as a single visual sign designating the correct exit, and an agent found the correct exit via this sign if it was within their FFV. We designed an evacuation decision model for the simulated agents based on herd behavior, including cognitive biases frequently observed during evacuations, to which evacuees were assumed to be subject.
Problem definition: Putting customer experience at the heart of service design has become a governing principle of today’s “experience economy.” Echoing this principle, our paper addresses a service designer’s problem of how to select and sequence activities in designing a service package. Academic/practical relevance: Empirical literature shows an ideal sequence often entails an interior peak; that is, the peak (i.e., highest-utility) activity is placed neither at the beginning nor the end of the package. Theoretic literature, by contrast, advocates placing the peak activity either at the beginning or at the end. Our paper bridges this gap by developing a theory accounting for interior peaks. It also provides managerial implications for activity sequencing and selection. Methodology: We model the activity sequencing and selection problem as a nonlinear optimization problem and reformulate its objective as an additive function to generate structural insights. Results: We show that heterogeneity in memory decay explains the phenomenon of interior peaks. The optimal sequence is in either an “IU” or “UI” shape. An interior peak is optimal when the memory decay rate of the peak activity is neither too high nor too low. Managerial implications: Our research sheds light on service sequencing by weighing the phenomenon of interior peaks. In the presence of an interior peak, we show it is optimal to schedule a low point immediately before or after the peak activity, creating a contrast in customer experience. In addition, interior peaks arise partly because the peak activity is more memorable than others. Guided by this logic, as the peak activity becomes even more memorable, one might be tempted to move it to an earlier slot; we show that, counterintuitively, moving it to a later slot can be optimal. Our research also provides implications for activity selection by showing the optimal portfolio may consist of activities with the highest- and lowest-utility values but not those with medium values.
Examined the phenomenon of "weapon focus," which is the concentration of a crime witness's attention on a weapon and the resultant reduction in ability to remember other details of the crime. S-witnesses were presented with a series of slides depicting an event in a fast-food restaurant. Half of the Ss saw a customer point a gun at the cashier; the other half saw him hand the cashier a check. In Exp I, using 36 university students (aged 18–31 yrs), eye movements were recorded while S viewed the slides. Results show that Ss made more eye fixations on the weapon than on the check, and fixations on the weapon were of a longer duration than fixations on the check. In Exp II, using 80 undergraduates, the memory of Ss in the weapon condition was poorer than the memory of Ss in the check condition. It is suggested that results provide direct empirical support for weapon focus. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved)
Weapon focus (WF) refers to the decreased ability to give an accurate description of the perpetrator of a crime by an eyewitness because of attention to a weapon present during that crime. In Exp 1, 64 undergraduates viewed a mock crime scene in which a weapon was either highly visible or mostly hidden from view. Ss in the highly visible weapon group recalled significantly less feature information. The 2nd series of experiments tested the WF effect in a nonemotional situation in which the "time in view" of both the weapon and the individual's face were manipulated. A series of 6 slides were used in which either the weapon or the face was not in view for specific intervals within the sequence. The WF effect was found to occur within a nonarousing, environmentally stark setting and was dependent on the percentage of time the weapon was visible. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved)
Previous research has shown that people remember details from emotional events differently than details from neutral events. However, past research suffers from inadequate equating of the details tested in the emotional and neutral events. In the current five experiments, involving a total of 397 subjects, we equated the to-be-remembered detail information. Subjects in these experiments were presented with a thematic series of slides in which the content of one critical slide in the middle of the series varied. When the critical slide was emotional (a woman injured near a bicycle), compared to neutral in nature (a woman riding a bicycle), subjects were better able to remember a central detail but less able to remember a peripheral detail. To determine whether the emotional event led to different performance simply because it was unusual, we included a third condition, in which subjects saw an “unusual” version of the event (a woman carrying a bicycle on her shoulder). Subjects in the unusual condition performed poorly when recalling both the central and the peripheral detail, and thus differently from those in the emotional condition. To determine what subjects were attending to, in Experiment 4 we gathered reports of thoughts that were evoked while subjects viewed the critical slide. Analyses of these reports indicated that differential elaboration occurred when people viewed emotional, unusual, and neutral events.
Ss watched either an emotional, neutral, or unusual sequence of slides containing 1 critical slide in the middle. Exps 1 and 2 allowed only a single eye fixation on the critical slide by presenting it for 180 msec (Exp 1) or 150 msec (Exp 2). Despite this constraint, memory for a central detail was better for the emotional condition. In Exp 3, Ss were allowed 270 sec to view the critical slide while their eye movements were monitored. When Ss who had devoted the same number of fixations were compared, memory for the central detail of the emotional slide was again better. The results suggest that enhanced memory for detail information of an emotional event does not occur solely because more attention is devoted to the emotional information. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Used a 4-way split-plot design to investigate the effect on eyewitness accuracy of the nature of the witnessed incident (violent, nonviolent), mode of initial questioning (narrative, interrogative), sex of witness, and type of information probed (actions, descriptions). Groups of 6 male or 6 female nonpsychology undergraduates were each randomly assigned to 1 of the resulting 8 conditions. Leading questions, personality and accuracy, and confidence ratings were also examined. Accuracy was poorer under the violent condition, and females performed more poorly than males in this condition. Actions were better recalled than descriptions. Although type of initial questioning had no effect on later accuracy, Ss were misled by leading questions. No relationship was found between either personality and accuracy or confidence in correctness and objective accuracy. Implications for police procedure are indicated. (38 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Investigated 60 undergraduates' accuracy in testimony and identification following either a violent (mugging) or a nonviolent (direction-seeking) videotaped incident in which 1, 3, or 5 perpetrators participated. The relationship between Ss' objective accuracy and their subjective feeling of certainty concerning correctness was also examined. Testimony was less accurate following the witnessing of the violent incident, and the decrease in accuracy was a function of the increase in the number of perpetrators seen, especially under the violent condition. The accuracy of identification was very low, with only 27% of Ss making a correct identification; chance performance was observed with 5 perpetrators. A positive accuracy–confidence relationship held for identification under the nonviolent condition but not under the violent condition. (25 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
In this study, we examined whether highly emotional events are associated with persistence of memory for both central and peripheral detail, as has been claimed elsewhere in the literature (e.g., Yuille & Cutshall, 1989). A total of 437 subjects in two experiments were asked to report their “most traumatic memory” and to answer questions about their chosen memory. A major finding was a significant relationship between rated degree of emotion and the number of central details, but not peripheral details, the subjects believed that they remembered. The implication of this result for the study of emotional memory is discussed.
Many people report vivid recollections of the circumstances in which they learned of major events, such as the assassination of President Kennedy, or the assassination attempt on President Reagan. Brown and Kulik (1977) argued that this phenomenon, which they labeled
flashbulb memory, implies the existence of a special memory mechanism that creates a detailed, permanent record of the individual's experience when triggered by an event exceeding criterial levels of surprise and consequentiality. In this article we evaluate the special-mechanism hypothesis, arguing on empirical and logical grounds that the flashbulb-memory phenomenon does not motivate the postulation of a special flashbulb-memory mechanism. We suggest instead that flashbulb memories should be viewed as products of "ordinary" memory mechanisms, and hence as phenomena that may offer insights into the nature of these mechanisms. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Examined the effects of 14 estimator variables (e.g., disguise of robber, exposure time, weapon visibility) and system variables (e.g., lineup instructions, exposure to mugshots) on a number of measures of eyewitness performance—identification accuracy, choosing rates, confidence in lineup choice, memory for peripheral details, memory for physical characteristics of target, and time estimates. 165 college students viewed a videotaped reenactment of an armed robbery and later attempted an identification. Characteristics of the videotape and lineup task were manipulated. Identification accuracy was affected by both estimator and system variables including disguise of robber, weapon visibility, and lineup instructions. Memory for peripheral details was positively correlated with choosing on the identification task but negatively correlated with identification accuracy. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Discusses issues in the cognitive representation and control of action from the perspective of action identification theory. This theory holds that any action can be identified in many ways, ranging from low-level identities that specify how the action is performed to high-level identities that signify why or with what effect the action is performed. The level of identification most likely to be adopted by an actor is dictated by processes reflecting a trade-off between concerns for comprehensive action understanding and effective action maintenance. This suggests that the actor is always sensitive to contextual cues to higher levels of identification but moves to lower levels of identification if the action proves difficult to maintain with higher level identities in mind. These processes are documented empirically, as is their coordinated interplay in promoting a level of prepotent identification that matches the upper limits of the actor's capacity to perform the action. Implications are developed for action stability, the psychology of performance impairment, personal vs situational causation, and the behavioral bases of self-understanding. (87 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Events that originate through internal mental operations such as reasoning, imagination, and thought may be more colored by or connected to one's current mood than are those that emanate from external sources. If so, then a shift in mood state, between the occasions of event encoding and event retrieval, should have a greater adverse impact on one's memory for internal than for external events. To investigate this inference, a series of studies was conducted that relied on a continuous music technique to modify mood, and on the generate/read procedures devised by N. J. Slamecka and P. Graf (see record
1980-20399-001) to distinguish internal from external events. Considered collectively, the results suggest that internal events are less likely than external events to be recalled after a shift in mood state. Discussion centers on both the empirical limitations and theoretical implications of the present result, as well as on prospects for future research. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
84 undergraduates participated in a study designed to explore the relationship between the psychological state of a witness and the witness's ability to accurately perceive and recall a complex incident. It was found that persons who were anxious and preoccupied, as measured by standard tests (i.e., the Multiple Affect Check List and the Life Experiences Survey), performed more poorly on a test measuring eyewitness accuracy. (11 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
This study is concerned with the question whether extremely emotional experiences, such as being the victim of Nazi concentration camps, leave traces in memory that cannot be extinguished. Relevant data were obtained from testimony by 78 witnesses in a case against Marinus De Rijke, who was accused of Nazi crimes in Camp Erika in The Netherlands. The testimonies were collected in the periods 1943–1947 and 1984–1987. A comparison between these two periods reveals the amount of forgetting that occurred in 40 years. Results show that camp experiences were generally well-remembered, although specific but essential details were forgotten. Among these were forgetting being maltreated, forgetting names and appearance of the torturers, and forgetting being a witness to murder. Apparently intensity of experiences is not a sufficient safeguard against forgetting. This conclusion has consequences for the forensic use of testimony by witnesses who were victims of violent crimes.
The present experiment investigates the effect of weapons on eyewitness recall and recognition using a new experimental paradigm in which a syringe serves as weapon simulation. Contrary to previous weapon manipulations using slides or films of armed targets, the syringe paradigm is personally threatening to the subject. In a 22 design, 86 nonpsychology students were approached by an experimenter who was either holding a syringe or a pen and either did or did not threaten to administer an injection. Exposure to the syringe greatly decreased lineup recognition,p<.05, while enhancing the accuracy of recall for hand cues,p<.05. Contrary to predictions derived from the cue utilization hypothesis, threat of injection was not found to interact with the syringe manipulation. Investigation of individual differences indicated greater accuracy of recall for facial details the lower the subjects' fear of injections and the greater their cognitive abilities (closure and memory).
Subjects in three experiments saw a short film of a mentally shocking event in which a young boy is violently shot in the
face. Compared to other subjects who saw a nonviolent version of the same film, those who saw the mentally shocking version
showed poorer retention of the details of the film. Retention was poorer whether measured by recognition or recall. Furthermore,
impaired memory occurred only when the event was mentally upsetting, and not when it was merely unexpected but not upsetting.
These results suggest that mentally shocking episodes may disrupt the lingering processing necessary for full storage of information
in memory.
Reviews the literature relating arousal and human learning and memory. It is argued that it is important to distinguish between effects of arousal on storage and those on retrieval. The distinction between item arousal and S arousal is also of importance, and more work is needed to consider the conjoint influence of these sources of arousal on performance. Current hypotheses are seen as inadequate because they do not take into account task difficulty in discussing the effects of arousal. A hypothesis is proposed which assumes that high levels of arousal affect storage by focusing attention on physical characteristics of presented information, whereas they affect retrieval by biasing S's search process toward readily accessible sources of stored information. (85 ref)
Research on object concepts has identified one level of abstraction as "basic" in cognition and communication. We investigated whether concepts for routine social events have a basic level by replicating the converging operations used to investigate object concepts. In Experiment 1, subjects were presented with event names from a taxonomy and were asked to list the actions comprising the event. Many more actions were listed at the middle than at the highest taxonomic level, without a further increase at the most specific level, paralleling the pattern of superordinate-, basic-, and subordinate-level object concepts. From these action lists, brief stories were composed for each event. In Experiment 2, subjects made pairwise similarity judgments on the stories. The mean similarity of events increased with specificity, as expected. But differentiation of categories (within-category similarity compared to between-category similarity) was highest for super-ordinates, contrary to results with object categories. In Experiment 3, subjects were fastest in recognizing actions as belonging to events named at the basic level. In Experiment 4, subjects predominantly chose basic-level terms to name stories. We conclude that event taxonomies do show basic-level structure, albeit a less sharply defined and less stable structure than in object taxonomies. The benefits and hazards of extending models of object concepts to other entities, such as social events, are discussed.
This study deals with flashbulb memories associated with the assassination of the Swedish prime minister Olof Palme. A major goal of this research was to explore the consistency of such memories through comparison of the subjects' recollections on two different occasions, one year apart. The results obtained indicated that flashbulb events are accurately recalled in terms of a narrative conception of the concomitant circumstances of the event, but that the event descriptions are not consistent with respect to the specific details of these circumstances. It was concluded that the loss of information during one year contradicts the notion that flashbulb memories persist in absolute accuracy over time, as has been claimed in previous studies. Rather, these memories appear to be reconstructions based on residuals of the circumstances concomitant with the specific event (i.e., that of first hearing of the shocking news), and these memories follow the same pattern of recollection as does recollection of other autobiographical and laboratory-induced emotional events.
This article provides a critical review of the empirical literature on the role of depression and elation in biasing mnemonic processing. Two classes of effects—state dependence and mood congruence—are examined. The latter, which involves the enhanced encoding and/or retrieval of material the affective valence of which is congruent with ongoing mood, is the more extensively researched of the two and is thus the focus of much of the present review. Though the support for claims of such a phenomenon is impressive in its size, consistency, and diversity, a number of questions remain. These include whether such effects are linked to mood states per se, and the possible role that such effects may play in the development of persistent depression.
A persistent problem in the scientific analysis of mood dependent memory (MDM) has been its apparent unreliability. During the 1970s, many studies succeeded in showing that events encoded in a certain state of affect or mood (such as sadness) are more retrievable in the same state than in a different one (such as happiness). During the 1980s, however, most studies failed to find any evidence of MDM, and attempts to replicate positive results rarely prevailed, even when undertaken by the same investigator using similar materials, tasks, and mood-modification methods. Faced with these conflicting results, researchers in the 1990s focused their efforts on identifying why mood dependence sometimes comes, and sometimes goes. These efforts have paid off, as it now appears that MDM emerges in a clear and consistent manner under conditions in which subjects (a) experience strong, stable, and sincere moods; (b) take responsibility for generating the target events themselves; and (c) also assume responsibility for generating the cues required to retrieve these events. Evidence bearing on each of these factors is reviewed, and prospects for future research are discussed.
A simulated crime was staged before 64 witnesses in order to generate eyewitness reports to be analyzed for accuracy. Forty-eight of the witnesses attempted to pick out the suspect from two videotaped lineups—one with and one without the suspect. Successful witnesses showed significantly fewer errors of commission than those who picked the suspect but impeached their identification with another choice. There were 13.5% positive identifications, 13.5% impeached, 40.3% mistaken identifications, and 19.2% nonidentifications. An analysis was made of the differences between successful and unsuccessful eyewitnesses.
-Contrary to the focussing hypothesis of Easterbrook, the results of a study with 201 pupils showed no facilitating effects of emotional arousal on memory performance. In two free-recall tests (one immediately after a short film, the other 14 days later) high emotional involvement during the acquisition phase did not lead to better performance on central elements of the plot. The 'focussing hypothesis' (2) is one of the central assumptions on the relationship of emotional involvement and memory performance. According to this hypothesis high arousal during performance of complex tasks usually is followed by a reduction in cue utilization. However, this decrease does not affect all characteristics in the same way; peripheral elements are more affected than central ones. Under this assumption the presentation of complex material (a film with a sequence of plots) should lead to selective effects in free-recall tests for main plots and subplots. Under high emotional arousal performance on a free-recall test should show: (a) central elements of the main plot are better remembered, (b) recall of peripheral elements of the main plot and for the subplot is poorer. These predictions are in contrast to (1) a presumed general decrease of memory performance. Altogether 201 pupils aged 11 to 18 yr. old participated. The material consisted of a 2%-min. videofilm. The main plot portrayed an argument between a teacher and a pupil, who had forgotten his mathematics assignment. The subplot showed another uninvolved pupil. Group A (high emotional arousal) and Group B (low emotional arousal) had different middle parts (20 sec.) inserted in this film. In Film A (shown to Group A) the argument escalates, but in Film B (for Group B) it does not. Without being told that a memory test was to follow, the pupils were shown Film A or B. Freerecall test of the verbal exchange followed immediately after the presentation and two weeks Inter. A more detailed description with special emphasis on development aspects has been presented (3). Before the free-recall performances in the experimental conditions could be compared, the main plot of the film-scene was divided into 40 idea units (4). The freerecall performances of the pupils were then categorized on the basis of the idea units in the original. The number of correctly remembered idea units was the dependent variable in a three-way analsyis of variance with repeated measures; independent variables were experimental conditions, age, and time of testing. Including all idea units there was a significant main effect of the experimental conditions. Free-recall performance in Condition A was significantly lower than in B (P = 15.18, p < 0.01). For the first time of testing the means were for A 10.80 and B 13.14 and the standard deviations for A 4.16 and for B 5.05. The performance
In 1932, Cambridge University Press published Remembering, by psychologist, Frederic Bartlett. The landmark book described fascinating studies of memory and presented the theory of schema which informs much of cognitive science and psychology today. In Bartlett's most famous experiment, he had subjects read a Native American story about ghosts and had them retell the tale later. Because their background was so different from the cultural context of the story, the subjects changed details in the story that they could not understand. Based on observations like these, Bartlett developed his claim that memory is a process of reconstruction, and that this construction is in important ways a social act. His concerns about the social psychology of memory and the cultural context of remembering were long neglected but are finding an interested and responsive audience today. Now reissued in paperback, Remembering has a new Introduction by Walter Kintsch of the University of Colorado, Boulder.
An experiment was designed to show how immediate recall may affect recognition. A number of subjects were shown a picture. Some were asked to recall it and were then given a recognition test. Others were given only the recognition test after the same interval. Only 4 of the 16 subjects who had recalled it identified it; whereas 14 of the 16 others did so. A second experiment gave similar results.
Recall was constructed round dominant items of the picture. This distribution of emphasis together with the acceptance of an invented detail as genuine were the common causes of errors in subsequent recognition. Both the dominant and invented items in recall were those which became most obviously merged into an organization of related experiences and in consequence those which militated against subsequent recognition.
The recognition test was applied in two further groups of 16 subjects with a change in one of the dominant details (i.e. the wording). The number of subjects who now correctly identified the remainder of the material was 9 when there was no intermediate recall, and nil when immediate recall of the original material was interposed.
In four experiments subjects remembered the critical information in a traumatic slide as either more focused spatially than in its original presentation or more focused spatially than information in a matched neutral slide. Subjects comprehend a neutral scene by automatically extending its boundaries and understanding the visual information in a broader external context. However, when subjects are negatively aroused by a scene, they process more elaborately those critical details that were the source of the emotional arousal, and they maintain or restrict the scene's boundaries. ‘Tunnel memory’ results from this greater elaboration of critical details and more focused boundaries. Tunnel memory may explain the superior recognition and recall of central, emotion-arousing details in a traumatic event, as shown in previous research on emotion and memory. © 1998 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Reviews research literature on the physiological system that appears to determine which events will be imprinted most strongly in the memory. Human and animal research on brain trauma and drug stimulation of the brain, including the role of hormones in amnesia and memory enhancement, are discussed. A series of experiments by the author and colleagues on regulation of memory by adrenaline via the effects of the release of the hormone on glucose levels is considered. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Reviews the literature on emotional states as they influence memory and other cognitive processes. Six topics of research are examined: (1) theoretical approaches, (2) methodological issues, (3) state-dependent effects, (4) mood-congruency effects, (5) clinical studies of mood effects, and (6) mood effects on personal memories. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
A simulated crime was staged before 64 undergraduate witnesses in order to generate eyewitness reports to be analyzed for accuracy. 48 of the witnesses attempted to pick out the suspect from 2 videotaped lineups-one with and one without the suspect. Successful witnesses showed significantly fewer errors of commission than those who picked the suspect but impeached their identification with another choice. There were 13.5% positive identifications, 13.5% impeached, 40.3% mistaken identifications, and 19.2% nonidentifications. An analysis is made of the differences between successful and unsuccessful eyewitnesses. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Investigated in 3 experiments the role of affective valence in creating memory vividness. In Exp I, 24 adults responded to a questionnaire in which they were asked to rate 16 events in a variety of measures. The rating scales of greatest interest asked Ss how vivid their recollections of the events were and how emotional the events had been. Exp II replicated the 1st, but required finer distinctions among emotions. Exp III utilized an interview procedure. Results indicate that the character of the emotion did not influence memory vividness; instead, vividness seemed to be dependent only on the quantity of emotion that accompanied the event. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
The clarity with which events that happened 6 years earlier can be recalled was estimated. The estimates are consistent with a gradual degradation rather than a precipitate decline of memory, and with the proposition that once an event cannot be recalled then it will remain inaccessible under similar conditions of cueing. Rare events are recalled well, suggesting that proactive interference has a strong influence on difficulty to recall. Vivid events are recalled well, also, but other dimensions such as importance of the event, its association with semantic knowledge, and the intensity of physical sensation are not related to recallability. Memory for the date of an event is poor, but for its time of day is good.
After an initial consideration of psychological experimentation, the author describes a long series of experiments in the fields of perception, imagination, and remembering, using material which approximated that found in everyday life. The work on perceiving utilized chiefly geometrical diagrams; and that on imagination, ink-blots. The results in these two cases revealed the influence of the subjects' attitudes and indicated their tendency to introduce previously learned material. In the experiments on remembering two methods were used, one the method of repeated reproduction by a given subject and the other the method of serial reproduction where the material reproduced by one subject became the learning material for a second subject whose recall constituted the learning material for a third subject, etc. This latter series of experiments showed that proper names and titles are very unstable in recall, that there is a bias toward the concrete, that individualizing aspects of the material (stories) tend to be lost, and that abbreviations and rationalizations occur. Throughout the book emphasis is placed on the social determinants of the manner and matter of recall, a point of view which is supported in the anthropological material cited. "Remembering is not the re-excitation of innumerable fixed, lifeless and fragmentary traces. It is an imaginative reconstruction, or construction, built out of the relation of our attitude towards a whole active mass of organized past reactions or experience, and to a little outstanding detail which commonly appears in image or in language form." (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
This research compares memory for traumatic events with memory for non-traumatic versions of the same event. In Experiment 1, subjects watched an event depicted in slides while focusing and rehearsing the central detail of each slide. They were tested after a short or a longer retention interval (20 min or 2 weeks). Subjects who watched the traumatic version were better able to recall the central details that they had rehearsed, but were less well able to recognize the specific slides that they saw. Better recall for the traumatic group did not occur because the words used to describe the recalled details were inherently more memorable, as shown in Experiment 2. In Experiment 3, subjects watched either a traumatic or non-traumatic version of a filmed event and about 6 months later they were asked to remember the essence of the film. Subjects who saw the traumatic version were better able to recall the essence of the film. A similar finding was obtained with a group of subjects from Experiment 1 who were also contacted about 6 months after their initial participation. These results suggest that some information (the essence, the theme) of a traumatic event might be relatively well retained in memory, while memory is impaired for many of the specific, and especially peripheral, details.
Two experiments were designed to investigate the effects of emotional arousal on memory. Emotional arousal was induced via subcutaneous injections of adrenalin whilst subjects in the control conditions received saline injections. Memory performance was assessed by using recall (Experiment 1) and recognition (Experiment 2) tests. The study phase involved slide presentations of a neutral face accompanied by four verbal descriptors concerning the person's name, occupation, hobby, and personality. For each of the total 18 faces, subjects were asked to read each of the four descriptors aloud, concentrate on the face, and choose the one of the descriptors that was most appropriate to the face. Subjects were not aware that their memory for the verbal stimuli would be assessed during a subsequent retention test. Measurements of cardiac and palmar activity were made continuously during the slide presententation. In both experiments autonomic arousal data and self-reports by the subjects revealed a higher level of emotional arousal in the adrenalin group as compared to the saline group. Despite this significant difference in state of emotional arousal, no signifcant differences in memory performance were found between the two groups in either experiment.
Theories differ in their predictions of how skeletal reflex activity should vary with cardiac deceleration, an index of orienting. Although Graham (1975) reported that reflex blinking was facilitated under uncertainty conditions eliciting cardiac deceleration, theoretical implications remained unclear. Graham hypothesized that facilitation was not due to orienting per se but to rebound when orienting was terminated by the blink-eliciting stimulus. This hypothesis was tested in the present research by manipulation of attentional requirements. In Experiment 1, 24 undergraduates received identical stimulation but half made an attention-focusing discrimination between durations of noise startle stimuli and thus maintained attention on the stimulus past the time of reflex initiation; half of the subjects discriminated durations of non-startling tones and thus could terminate orienting when a noise stimulus occurred. In both groups, orienting was induced by a lead stimulus that was followed equally often by noise and tone. The hypothesis was disconfirmed. Blinks were equally facilitated in both groups compared to no-lead stimulus control trials. A second experiment, designed to induce more persistent cardiac deceleration under maintained attention conditions, produced similar results.
Psychological and physiological aspects of emotional arousal were studied concerning their possible roles in mediating amnesia. Subjects were presented with a series of slides consisting of photographs of faces, with each face accompanied by four verbal descriptors. For half of the subjects emotional arousal was induced by means of a source not related to the stimulus material; these subjects were injected with adrenalin and presented with neutral pictures throughout the series. For the other subjects the source of emotional arousal was associated with the stimulus material. These subjects were unexpectedly presented with traumatic slides in the middle of the series. Measurements of palmar, cardiac, and cortical activity were taken continuously during stimulus presentation. Memory performance was measured by means of a cued recall test of the verbal descriptors accompanying the faces. Physiological data as well as post-experimental ratings by the subjects indicated that at the time of the study subjects under both sets of conditions were equally aroused emotionally. However, memory performance for those subjects presented with traumatic slides was clearly below the level of the subjects who were injected with adrenalin. These data suggest that amnesia is mediated by emotional arousal when the source of arousal is related to the to-be-remembered items rather than to high arousal per se (cf. Walker, 1958, 1967).
An experiment was conducted to test a hypothesis emanating from a similarity in data pattern between studies on amnesia and studies on the effects of arousal on memory. The hypothesis was that arousal and amnesia might be related, or more precisely, that amnesia induced in the laboratory might be mediated by high levels of arousal. Subjects in this experiment were presented with a thematic, short story in pictorial form. One version of the story consisted of a traumatic, arousal-inducing event placed between neutral events. A second version of the story contained the same neutral events in the beginning and the end, but also a neutral event in the middle. Palmar skin conductance, heart rate, and subjective self-ratings were used to determine that the manipulation made had caused different degrees of emotional arousal for the two groups of subjects presented with the different versions of the story. The methods used to determine memory performance were recall and recognition. The data obtained indicate that amnesia induced in the laboratory is mediated by emotional arousal in terms of concepts of attention and reconstruction.
This paper presents the rationale for a questionnaire measure of individual differences in stimulus screening—namely, individual differences in automatic (i.e., not conceptual or intentional) screening of irrelevant stimuli and rapid habituation to distracting, irrelevant stimuli. The information rate-arousal hypothesis implies that screeners who impose a hierarchy of importance or pattern on the various components of a complex situation thereby reduce its information rate and should be less arousable than nonscreeners. In confirmation of these theoretical notions, the primary component of the questionnaire, low arousability, was directly correlated with the second component, speed of habituation to intense stimuli, and with all other components representing screening in various sense modalities. That is, all components of the questionnaire were intercorrelated and represented a unitary dimension of individual differences in information processing. Also, as predicted, screeners were underrepresented among characteristically aroused persons and among females relative to males. The final 40-item questionnaire, which consists of nine intercorrelated components, is balanced to control for acquiescence and is free of social desirability bias. Applications of the measure in studies of environmental psychology are discussed.
It has been claimed that emotional arousal causes a narrowing of attention, and, therefore, impoverished memory encoding.
On this view, if details of an emotional event are reported subsequently, these details must be after-the-fact reconstructions
that are open to error. Our study challenges these claims. Using a long-term (2-week), incidental learning procedure, wefound
that emotion promotes memory both for information central to an event and for peripheral detail. This contrasts with the results
of explicit instructions to remember or to attend closely to the event, both of which seem to promote memory for the event’s
gist at the expense of detail. The likely mechanisms underlying these effects are discussed.
Flashbulb Memories are memories for the circumstances in which one first learned of a very surprising and consequential (or emotionally arousing) event. Hearing the news that President John Kennedy had been shot is the prototype case. Almost everyone can remember, with an almost perceptual clarity, where he was when he heard, what he was doing at the time, who told him, what was the immediate aftermath, how he felt about it, and also one or more totally idiosyncratic and often trivial concomitants. The present paper reports a questionnaire inquiry into the determinants of such memories by asking about other assassinations, highly newsworthy events, and personally significant events. It is shown that while the Kennedy assassination created an extraordinarily powerful and widely shared flashbulb memory, it is not the only event that has created such memories. The principal two determinants appear to be a high level of surprise, a high level of consequentiality, or perhaps emotional arousal (assessed by both rating scales and ethnic group membership). If these two variables do not attain sufficiently high levels, no flashbulb memory occurs. If they do attain high levels, they seem, most directly, to affect the frequency of rehearsal, covert and overt, which, in turn, affects the degree of elaboration in the narrative of the memory that can be elicited experimentally. Parallels are made explicit between the behavioral theory and a less elaborated, speculative neuro-physiological theory of which R. B. Livingston (1967) is the proponent Finally, an argument is made that a permanent memory for incidental concomitants of a surprising and consequential (in the sense of biologically significant) event would have high selection value and so could account for the evolution of an innate base for such a memory mechanism.
Flashbulb memories are distinctly vivid recollections of the real-world details surroundings people's discovery of shocking news (e.g., the explosion of the space shuttle, Challenger). Two theories, one depending upon emotional response and the other relying on rehearsal, were compared. The current study focused upon people who heard the news from another person as opposed to the media. Two hundred and seventy-nine subjects were tested 2 weeks, and 142 subjects were tested 8 months following the shuttle explosion on four memory measures: a free and probed recall test of their flashbulb discovery, a confidence estimate of their answers to the discovery probe questions, and a proved recall test of the facts concerning the shuttle explosion itself. The subjects were grouped according to their self-estimated emotional reaction to the discovery of the event (calm vs. upset) and the number of times they rehearsed the shuttle story by recounting the story to others (few vs. many). The results indicated that flashbulb memories of people's discovery of shocking news are different from their memories about the event itself. Further, emotion and rehearsal interact over time such that either factor is sufficient to generate flashbulb discovery memories if measured within a short time after the event. In contrast, both strong emotions and many rehearsals are necessary to maintain flashbulb details over a long period of time.
The proposition that event taxonomies have a “basic” level was tested. In the first two tasks of the experiment, taxonomically
related event categories were elicited. Nine taxonomies were constructed from subjects’ responses on these tasks. In the third
task, subjects listed attributes for events categories from the three levels of abstraction of these taxonomies. A single,
common level of abstraction (the basic level) was identified. Subjects listed significantly more attributes for basic categories
than for superordinate categories, but not significantly more attributes for the lower, subordinate-level categories. Further
analyses showed that basic and subordinate categories elicited a greater number of concrete and event-related features than
action and personrelated features, and that superordinate categories showed the opposite trend. These findings are discussed
in terms of general principles of categorization applied to events, objects, and scenes, and the particular characteristics
of events.