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Urgeschichtliche Unkräuter im Rheinland Ein Beitrag zur Entstehungsgeschichte der Segetalgesellschaften
Abstract
1. Ten early neolithic settlements in the Loess area of the Lower Rhine invariably contain carbonized remains of a varigated weed flora of the same mixture in cornfields. This leads us to the conclusion that this was a very uniform segetal association in the oldest cornfields.
2. Comparisons with the distribution of the individual species today, show that they for the most part originate from indigenous plant associations. Some species must have come in with the corn.
3. We can draw conclusions from the composition of the weeds to the method of harvesting and of cultivation as well as to the condition and location of the cornfields.
4. Because of the uniformity of the weed compositions which have their origin in different ages, agricultural methods are likely to have remained the same for a long time.
5. A comparison with the findings of other scientists causes us to assume that the segetal association described above was also to be found in neolithic cornfields outside the Lower Rhine region.
... The most common species are Bromus secalinus, Chenopodium album, Fallopia convolvulus, and Lapsana communis. These are the main components of the plant association Bromo-Lapsanetum-Praehistoricum, defined by Knörzer (1971) based on weed assemblages. However, this association is no longer observed in cultivated fields in Central Europe. ...
... However, this association is no longer observed in cultivated fields in Central Europe. According to several authors, it would show the presence of fields, permanent or not, cultivated every year with the same methods throughout the LBK territory, which would cause a welldefined combination of weeds (Bakels, 1978(Bakels, , 2009Knörzer, 1971). It is difficult to interpret extinct associations to reconstruct past agricultural practices such as the size of fields, their sustainability, and the seasonality of crops. ...
... The Western and Central Mediterranean is the region of origin for wild poppy that is most often mentioned in archaeobotanical literature (Bakels, 1996;Knörzer, 1971;Schultze-Motel, 1979). However, wild populations of poppy have developed in other geographical areas, including Central Asia, the Caucasus, North Africa, and the Eastern Mediterranean (Salavert, 2010). ...
... Most macrofossils are assumed to be of Galium aparine, a likely native species of coastal regions and woodland edge; however distinguishing this species from Galium tricornutum or Galium spurium (false cleavers) is problematic. Galium tricornutum is thought to be a Roman to Medieval introduction, while Galium spurium is thought to be introduced after 1500 (see Hill et al. 200 ); a curious situation, given that Galium spurium is relatively common in charred assemblages from reece all the way to northern France (Bakels 1999;Coward et al. 2008;Knörzer 1971). Finally, there arises the question of whether the genetic lineages of those plants that occupy anthropogenic environments are in fact closer to once existing native species, or if rather they comprise new lineages containing arable adapted phenotypes which evolved on the continent. ...
... However, these are generally less common, as are those of other low-growing native species, Polygonum aviculare (knotgrass), Stellaria media (chickweed), Plantago lanceolata (English plantain) and the archaeophyte Urtica urens (annual ne le) the last, recovered from southeast England (Hunter 2012), represents the rst record for this species. The predominance of tall, large-seeded species might then suggest that crops were harvested relatively high on the culm, as Knörzer (1971) originally suggested for Bandkeramik sites. Likewise the predominance of large weed seeds might also indicate that small weed seeds were removed after harvest, perhaps through the use of winnowing baskets, as such seeds fall through the holes between the weave. ...
... One curious phenomenon is the increased appearance of Lapsana communis (common nipplewort) in charred assemblages from the Saxon to medieval period. The species is one of the key de ning weeds of the Neolithic Bandkeramik of Europe (Bakels 1999;Knörzer 1971) and present in waterlogged assemblages from the Neolithic onwards (e.g. Nye & Scaife 1998;Robinson 1989;Tomlinson & Hall 1996), but regarded as doubtfully native (see Preston et al. 200 ). ...
... Rajtuk kívül megjelentek a már tipikus gabonagyomok is, mint a gabonarozsnok (Bromus secalinus) és a szulákkeserûfû (Fallopia convolvulus). Ez utóbbiak voltak az elsôk között Európába hurcolt archeofiton gabonakísérôk (KNÖRZER 1971, WILLER-DING 1988, ZEIST 1993, KREUZ 1994, BROM-BACHER 1997 Mindazonáltal a korai prehisztorikus idôkben még nagyon kevés volt a tipikus gyomnövények száma (GROENMAN 1979, GREIG 1988, RÖSCH 1998, GYULAI 2001, ami arra utal, hogy csak a könnyû talajokat mûvelték; a hosszú parlagos idôszakok nem kedveztek a terofiton fajoknak; az akkori kultúrnövények valószínûleg nem voltak elônyösek a karakterisztikus gyomtársulások kifejlôdéséhez; valamint a behurcolt fajok további vándorlása akadályokba ütközött. A gyomok migrációját például meglehetôsen lassíthatta, hogy a szántóföldek szigetszerûen el voltak egymástól izolálódva. ...
... A kalászgyûjtés csak a magas növésû gyomfajok speirochor terjedését tette lehetôvé. Az alacsonyabb termetû gyomok areájának gyorsabb növekedésére így nem volt lehetôség (KNÖRZER 1971). A gabona betakarításakor a korai neolitikumtól egészen a vaskorig, sôt helyenként még a középkorban is a kalászszedés volt a megszokott. ...
... A gabonaszalmát istállóalomnak még a szalagkerámiás kultúrában sem használták. Valószínû, hogy a kalászok begyûjtése után a földeket legeltették, ami kedvezett a gyomnövények endo-és epizoochor terjedésének (KNÖRZER 1971, WILLERDING 1988 20 . ...
A könyv témakörei hidat képeznek a botanika, az archeobotanika, a növényvédelem, a növénytermesztés, az ökológia, a néprajz és a természetvédelem tudományágai között. Célja, hogy megpróbálja a gyomnövényekkel szembeni negatív előítéletet átformálni egy pozitívabb szemlélet irányába, elmélyítse a téma iránt érdeklődők botanikai és ökológiai tudását, valamint útmutatóul szolgáljon a mezőgazdaság és a természetvédelem elveinek összehangolásához. Elsősorban olyan botanikusoknak ajánljuk, akik a gyomnövények iránt is érdeklődnek; olyan agrár szakembereknek, akik kedvelik a botanikát; a természet védelmére is ügyelő növényvédő szakmérnököknek; azoknak a gazdálkodóknak, akiktől nem állnak távol az elméleti tudományok. Rajtuk kívül hasznos tudásanyagot szerezhetnek belőle az agrár- és biológia szakos egyetemi hallgatóink is.növényvédő szakmérnököknek; azoknak a gazdálkodóknak, akiktől nem állnak távol az elméleti tudományok. Rajtuk kívül hasznos tudásanyagot szerezhetnek belőle az agrár- és biológia szakos egyetemi hallgatóink is.
... The most common species are Bromus secalinus, Chenopodium album, Fallopia convolvulus, and Lapsana communis. These are the main components of the plant association Bromo-Lapsanetum-Praehistoricum, defined by Knörzer (1971) based on weed assemblages. However, this association is no longer observed in cultivated fields in Central Europe. ...
... However, this association is no longer observed in cultivated fields in Central Europe. According to several authors, it would show the presence of fields, permanent or not, cultivated every year with the same methods throughout the LBK territory, which would cause a welldefined combination of weeds (Bakels, 1978(Bakels, , 2009Knörzer, 1971). It is difficult to interpret extinct associations to reconstruct past agricultural practices such as the size of fields, their sustainability, and the seasonality of crops. ...
... The Western and Central Mediterranean is the region of origin for wild poppy that is most often mentioned in archaeobotanical literature (Bakels, 1996;Knörzer, 1971;Schultze-Motel, 1979). However, wild populations of poppy have developed in other geographical areas, including Central Asia, the Caucasus, North Africa, and the Eastern Mediterranean (Salavert, 2010). ...
... La « zone à pavot » Plusieurs travaux ont porté sur la répartition des semences de pavot sur les sites rubanés nord-occidentaux (Knörzer 1971 ;Bakels 1982Bakels , 1992Heim & Jadin 1998). Dans l'état des recherches actuelles, trente sites datés entre 5200 et 5000 av. ...
... Dans l'état des recherches actuelles, trente sites datés entre 5200 et 5000 av. J.-C et localisés dans la région délimitée par la province de Hesse à l'est, et le Hainaut à l'ouest ( Fig. 3), ont livré des graines de Papaver somniferum (Knörzer 1971(Knörzer , 1998Bakels 1978Bakels , 1982Bakels , 1992Bakels , 2008Bakels & Rousselle 1985 ;Dietsch-Sellami 2002, 2004Kreuz 1990 ;Heim & Hauzeur 2002 ;Jadin & Heim 2003 ;Kreuz & Marinova 2005 ;Bakels 2010 ;. Les graines sont absentes des sites les plus anciens, même lorsqu'il s'agit de sites localisés à l'est du Rhin, et n'apparaissent que lors de la deuxième phase d'extension du rubané (LBK II) dans les assemblages carpologiques (Kreuz 1990(Kreuz , 2007Bakels 1992 ;Heim & Jadin 1998 ;Kreuz & Marinova 2005 ...
... Lamersdorf (Knörzer 1967(Knörzer , 1968 Laurenzberg 7 (Knörzer 1997) 20-Kückhoven (Knörzer 1998) 21-Wanlo (Knörzer 1980) 22-Oekoven (Knörzer 1971) 23-Garsdorf (Knörzer1971) ...
... Cereals are the major group of plants in temperate areas which can fulfil this requirement. Following Knörzer (1971), Bakels (1978Bakels ( , 2009, Kreuz (1992Kreuz ( , 2007 and Salavert (2011), whose conclusions were based on archaeobotanical macroremains, we consider T. monococcum and T. dicoccum, a hulled wheat, as the main cereals in the LBK cropping system, Hordeum vulgare (barley) being rare and often considered as a weed (Kreuz 2007). • A protein source. ...
... • Furthermore, all past and present rural societies of the world use narcotic plants. Papaver somniferum (opium poppy) was noticed in the remains assemblages of some LBK sites, mostly those located in the westernmost part of this culture's territory (Knörzer 1971;Salavert 2010Salavert , 2011. ...
... A holistic approach to the analysis of such farming systems is essential, however, in order to avoid independent assessment of individual components. The overall LBK system of land use should then be assumed to have included animal husbandry and predation Mixed cereals-pulses cropping > rotation: Nitrogen direct supply => ++ field fertility Archaeology: no disproof (Lüning, 2000) Sowing seasonality: Spring sowing => more crop security Archaeology: no disproof (Bogaard, 2004;Kreuz et al., 2005;Bakels, 2009) Intensive Pruning More winter fodder => more livestock => more manure => + field fertility Archaeology: no disproof (Kreuz, 1992;Burrel & Baudry, 1990;Thiébaud, 2005;Liagre, 2006) Pulses => less manure needs Nitrogen supply => + field fertility Archaeology : confirmation (Knörzer, 1971;Bakels, 1978;Kreuz, 1990Kreuz, , 2007Salavert, 2011) (hunting, gathering) alongside cultivation of crops. As a consequence, Fig. 2 presents all activities that comprise the PF production system of the LBK Culture, in a one-year cycle. ...
... Cereals are the major group of plants in temperate areas which can fulfil this requirement. Following Knörzer (1971), Bakels (1978Bakels ( , 2009, Kreuz (1992Kreuz ( , 2007 and Salavert (2011), whose conclusions were based on archaeobotanical macroremains, we consider T. monococcum and T. dicoccum, a hulled wheat, as the main cereals in the LBK cropping system, Hordeum vulgare (barley) being rare and often considered as a weed (Kreuz 2007). • A protein source. ...
... • Furthermore, all past and present rural societies of the world use narcotic plants. Papaver somniferum (opium poppy) was noticed in the remains assemblages of some LBK sites, mostly those located in the westernmost part of this culture's territory (Knörzer 1971;Salavert 2010Salavert , 2011. ...
... A holistic approach to the analysis of such farming systems is essential, however, in order to avoid independent assessment of individual components. The overall LBK system of land use should then be assumed to have included animal husbandry and predation Mixed cereals-pulses cropping > rotation: Nitrogen direct supply => ++ field fertility Archaeology: no disproof (Lüning, 2000) Sowing seasonality: Spring sowing => more crop security Archaeology: no disproof (Bogaard, 2004;Kreuz et al., 2005;Bakels, 2009) Intensive Pruning More winter fodder => more livestock => more manure => + field fertility Archaeology: no disproof (Kreuz, 1992;Burrel & Baudry, 1990;Thiébaud, 2005;Liagre, 2006) Pulses => less manure needs Nitrogen supply => + field fertility Archaeology : confirmation (Knörzer, 1971;Bakels, 1978;Kreuz, 1990Kreuz, , 2007Salavert, 2011) (hunting, gathering) alongside cultivation of crops. As a consequence, Fig. 2 presents all activities that comprise the PF production system of the LBK Culture, in a one-year cycle. ...
This article presents the conception and the conceptual results of a modelling representation of the farming systems of the Linearbandkeramik Culture (LBK) Assuming that there were permanent fields (PF) then, we suggest four ways that support the sustainability of such a farming system over time: a generalized pollarding and coppicing of trees to increase the productivity of woodland areas for foddering more livestock, which itself can then provide more manure for the fields, a generalized use of pulses grown together with cereals during the same cropping season, thereby reducing the needs for manure. Along with assumptions limiting bias on village and family organizations, the conceptual model which we propose for human environment in the LBK aims to be sustainable for long periods and can thereby overcome doubts about the PFs hypothesis for the LBK farming system. Thanks to a reconstruction of the climate of western Europe and the consequent vegetation pattern and productivity arising from it, we propose a protocol of experiments and validation procedures for both testing the PFs hypothesis and defining its eco-geographical area.
... Cereals are the major group of plants in temperate areas which can fulfil this requirement. Following Knörzer (1971), Bakels (1978Bakels ( , 2009, Kreuz (1992Kreuz ( , 2007 and Salavert (2011), whose conclusions were based on archaeobotanical macroremains, we consider T. monococcum and T. dicoccum, a hulled wheat, as the main cereals in the LBK cropping system, Hordeum vulgare (barley) being rare and often considered as a weed (Kreuz 2007). • A protein source. ...
... • Furthermore, all past and present rural societies of the world use narcotic plants. Papaver somniferum (opium poppy) was noticed in the remains assemblages of some LBK sites, mostly those located in the westernmost part of this culture's territory (Knörzer 1971;Salavert 2010Salavert , 2011. ...
... A holistic approach to the analysis of such farming systems is essential, however, in order to avoid independent assessment of individual components. The overall LBK system of land use should then be assumed to have included animal husbandry and predation Mixed cereals-pulses cropping > rotation: Nitrogen direct supply => ++ field fertility Archaeology: no disproof (Lüning, 2000) Sowing seasonality: Spring sowing => more crop security Archaeology: no disproof (Bogaard, 2004;Kreuz et al., 2005;Bakels, 2009) Intensive Pruning More winter fodder => more livestock => more manure => + field fertility Archaeology: no disproof (Kreuz, 1992;Burrel & Baudry, 1990;Thiébaud, 2005;Liagre, 2006) Pulses => less manure needs Nitrogen supply => + field fertility Archaeology : confirmation (Knörzer, 1971;Bakels, 1978;Kreuz, 1990Kreuz, , 2007Salavert, 2011) Fig. 1 Introducing soil fertilising & food securing proposals for sustaining the LBK permanent fields farming system (hunting, gathering) alongside cultivation of crops. As a consequence, Fig. 2 presents all activities that comprise the PF production system of the LBK Culture, in a one-year cycle. ...
This article presents the conception and the conceptual results of a modelling representation of the farming systems of the Linearbandkeramik Culture (LBK) Assuming that there were permanent fields (PF) then, we suggest four ways that support the sustainability of such a farming system over time: a generalized pollarding and coppicing of trees to increase the productivity of woodland areas for foddering more livestock, which itself can then provide more manure for the fields, a generalized use of pulses grown together with cereals during the same cropping season, thereby reducing the needs for manure. Along with assumptions limiting bias on village and family organizations, the conceptual model which we propose for human environment in the LBK aims to be sustainable for long periods and can thereby overcome doubts about the PFs hypothesis for the LBK farming system. Thanks to a reconstruction of the climate of western Europe and the consequent vegetation pattern and productivity arising from it, we propose a protocol of experiments and validation procedures for both testing the PFs hypothesis and defining its eco-geographical area.
... This process was initiated millennia ago with the introduction of species that with time became naturalised and thereby considered as part of the local floras in which they were introduced (Preston et al., 2004). These species were often associated with agriculture (Knörzer, 1971;Willerding, 1986;Whitehouse and Kirleis, 2014;Filipovićet al., 2020;Dal Corso et al., 2022;Kirleis et al., 2022). During the last centuries, an ever-increasing global connectivity dramatically boosted the rate of plant species' introductions (Seebens et al., 2017). ...
... We believe that archaeobotany, the study of ancient plant remains, can make a valuable contribution to the field of invasion ecology, particularly in relation to hypotheses that focus on plant mobility in the past. Next to the movement of crops (e.g., Kirleis and Fischer, 2014;Filipovićet al., 2020;Dal Corso et al., 2022;Kirleis et al., 2022), the accompanying weed species are of core interest in archaeobotanical research since their presence can provide supplementary information on ancient connectivity, past agropastoral practices and disturbance of natural vegetation (Knörzer, 1971;Willerding, 1983;Kreuz, 1994;Knörzer, 1998;Rösch, 1998;Bogaard et al., 1999;van der Veen, 2005). The integration of ancient DNA analyses for reconstructing past genomes currently focuses on crop domestication (Brown et al., 2009;Czajkowska et al., 2020;Filatova et al., 2021), but could be efficiently applied to wild species as well. ...
Pre-adaptation to anthropogenic disturbance is broadly considered key for plant invasion success. Nevertheless, empirical evidence remains scarce and fragmentary, given the multifaceted nature of anthropogenic disturbance itself and the complexity of other evolutionary forces shaping the (epi)-genomes of recent native and invasive plant populations. Here, we review and critically revisit the existing theory and empirical evidence in the field of evolutionary ecology and highlight novel integrative research avenues that work at the interface with archaeology to solve open questions. The approaches suggested so far focus on contemporary plant populations, although their genomes have rapidly changed since their initial introduction in response to numerous selective and stochastic forces. We elaborate that a role of pre-adaptation to anthropogenic disturbance in plant invasion success should thus additionally be validated based on the analyses of archaeobotanical remains. Such materials, in the light of detailed knowledge on past human societies could highlight fine-scale differences in the type and timing of past disturbances. We propose a combination of archaeobotanical, ancient DNA and morphometric analyses of plant macro- and microremains to assess past community composition, and species’ functional traits to unravel the timing of adaptation processes, their drivers and their long-term consequences for invasive species. Although such methodologies have proven to be feasible for numerous crop plants, they have not been yet applied to wild invasive species, which opens a wide array of insights into their evolution.
... Pronalazak dijelova ovojnice zrna pšenice može pomoći pri identifikaciji mogućih strategija preživljavanja u naseljima. Primjerice, istraživači su, od sedamdesetih godina do danas, odredili da se izglednijim čini da su karbonizirani biljni ostaci posljedica proizvodnje hrane ili obrade usjeva, a ne konzumiranja hrane, i da stoga ukazuju na obradu usjeva i pritom korištene metode (Knörzer 1971;Dennell 1972;1974;Hillman 1984;Jones 1984). Otada su razvijeni prediktivni modeli kojima je moguće identificirati kojem bi stupanju obrade usjeva određeni arheobotanički ostaci mogli pripadati. ...
... The recovery of wheat glume bases can help identify possible subsistence activities at the settlements. For example, since the 1970s researchers have determined that carbonised plant remains are more likely to result from food production and crop processing, rather than from food consumption and therefore provide a record of the crop husbandry and processing methods employed (Knörzer 1971;Dennell 1972;1974;Hillman 1984;Jones 1984). Since then, predictive models have been created to identify which stage of the crop processing sequence an archaeobotanical assemblage may represent. ...
... The LBK (c. 5600-5000 cal BC) is one of the best studied material culture complexes in European prehistory, and hundreds of sites have been investigated archaeobotanically (Willerding 1980;Kreuz 1990Kreuz , 2007Knörzer 1997). As a result, the spectra of crops and wild plants typically associated with the LBK are well known, particularly in the central and western part of its distribution. ...
... The arable weed assemblage derives from the flora growing with crops, and the ecology of the constituent species sheds light on growing conditions and hence the farming methods used (e.g. Knörzer 1971;Wasylikowa 1981;Willerding 1986;van der Veen 1992;Jones 2002). ...
Through integrated analysis of archaeobotanical and artefactual distributions across a settlement, the authors discover 'neighbourhoods' using different cultivation areas in the surrounding landscape. Differences between groups also emerge over the life of the settlement in the use of special plants, such as opium poppy and feathergrass. Spatial configurations of cultivation and plant use map out the shifting social geographies of a Neolithic community.
... Many of these species are now considered part of the native flora and only palynological and archaeological research can reveal their non-local provenance and their alien roots (e.g. Godwin 1975, Knörzer 1971, Opravil 1978, Pennington 1969, Van Zeist 1980. More changes took place in the European landscape when early farmers adopted domesticated livestock from the Middle East and southern Russia (and perhaps even northern Siberia in case of the reindeer) (e.g. ...
... LBK farming practices and landscapes are some of the most intensively studied in Neolithic Europe (e.g. Bakels 1978;Bogaard 2004;2011b;Knörzer 1971;Kreuz 1990;. The major crop repertoire of the early Neolithic LBK complex (c. ...
... FÜr die Jungsteinzelt ergibt es in Hornstaad dagegen ein vÖllig anderes Bild, das auch durch Untersuchungen in anderen Landschaften bestätigt wird (z. B. Knörzer, 1971;Jacomet~ 1987;Kalis -Meurers-Balke, 1988). Oie neoli-thi~ Kulturlandschaft war offenbar geprägt durch ausgedehnte GebÜsche und lichte Wälder, sowie deren Säume. ...
... A infestação de lavouras e pastagens por muitas ervas daninhas sempre foi muito comum e normalmente esta espécies são introduzidas através de lotes de sementes contaminados. Embora métodos simples para limpeza de sementes já existam há muito tempo (Knörzer, 1971), a limpeza de sementes permaneceu bastante ineficaz até o fim do século XIX. Durante milênios, a colheita de semente conteve altas quantias de sementes de ervas daninhas (Schneider et al., 1994). ...
A propagação de plantas pela dispersão de sementes é reconhecida como um dos fatores fundamentais que afetam o recrutamento das plantas e é um importante passo do ciclo reprodutivo da maioria delas. A dispersão reduz os níveis de predação nas proximidades dos adultos da mesma espécie, aumenta as chances de germinação das sementes e estabelece novos habitats favoráveis a colonização. Além disso, a dispersão de sementes também gera a distribuição espacial dos indivíduos adultos da população. Embora seja reconhecida a importância da ressemeadura natural na renovação e persistência de espécies em pastagens, o entendimento do processo de dispersão sob nova perspectiva dentro dos modernos modelos de produção, que se pautam na sustentabilidade, onde temos, lado a lado, animais silvestres e produção pecuária baseada em pastagens é um assunto pouco conhecido. Com essa revisão, objetivou-se traçar a trajetória dos estudos sobre dispersão de sementes, com ênfase nos sistemas de classificação, os tipos, os dispersores, o processo de dispersão de sementes entre habitats, avaliação do potencial de dispersão de espécies vegetais através de ruminantes e as aplicações e limitações atuais da dispersão de sementes, e assim contribuir para a construção dessa nova concepção de desenvolvimento baseada na sustentabilidade dos sistemas de produção agropecuários.
... The proposition that C. album was collected by Linear Pottery farmers is not novel in itself (Bakels, 1992;Bieniek, 2002;Bogaard, 2011;Bogaard et al., 2011;Kn€ orzer, 1967Kn€ orzer, , 1971Kreuz, 2007;Mueller-Bieniek et al., 2018). The significance of the archaeobotanical assemblage from Ludwinowo 7 lies in the dominance of C. album type seeds over all other taxa, domesticated and wild. ...
When found on settlements of early European farmers, the dietary role of seeds of Chenopodium album (commonly called goosefoot or fat-hen) is difficult to assess. It is often hard to determine whether the small black seeds are modern or ancient. Rarely are they found in sufficient concentrations to warrant radiocarbon dating. Palae-obotanical sampling at the Neolithic site of Ludwinowo 7 in north-central Poland yielded abundant carbonized C. album seeds but only a modest quantity of domesticated cereals (einkorn wheat, Triticum monococcum, and the new type of glume wheat, NGW) and other cultivated plants (flax, Linum usitatissimum, and peas, cf. Pisum sat-ivum). Samples of C. album seeds and carbonized wheat chaff from the same context produced consistent dates in the late 6th millennium B.C. The frequency of C. album type seeds at Ludwinowo suggests their presence was not incidental but intentional, contributing significantly to the diet of the inhabitants in multiple ways. We propose that wheat cultivation, although practiced, was not central to the subsistence economy of the inhabitants of Ludwinowo.
... The first way of expressing interspecific relationships is by means of the ecological grouping of taxa. Ecological taxon groups can be adopted: directly from the literature 3 Some authors have even proposed past associations that are absent today, e.g. the association Bromo-Lapsanetum praehistoricum (Knörzer 1971). (Arnolds-Van der Maarel 1979, Ellenberg et al. 1991, Runhaar et al. 2004); by adjusting adopted taxon groups to palaeobotanical datasets (Kreuz 2005after Ellenberg et al. 1991, Out 2012after Arnolds-Van der Maarel 1979; or they can be constructed manually (i.e. the groups are formed by the individual researcher, based on his/her expert knowledge of the taxon's current environment). ...
... But what activities might these plant remains represent at Veli∏tak? Since the 1970s researchers have determined that carbonised remains are more likely to result from food production processing, e.g., crop processing, rather than food consumption (Knörzer 1971;Dennell 1972;1974;1976;Hillman 1984;Jones 1984). Predictive models have since been created to identify which stage of the crop processing sequence an assemblage represents, based on the assumption that each stage produces a characteristically different ratio of cereal, chaff and weeds within the sample (Hillman 1984;Jones 1984;Van der Veen 1992;Van der Veen, Jones 2006). ...
The archaeobotanical remains from Velištak are the first evidence of plant economies from an open-air settlement dating to the late Neolithic Hvar culture in Croatia (c. 4900–4000 cal BC). The results presented here are from the 2007–2013 field seasons. Based on an examination of carbonised macro-remains, it is suggested that emmer, einkorn, and barley were the main crops at Velištak, along with lentils, bitter vetch, and possibly peas and flax. Wild plants were also exploited, with evidence of wild fruits, such as cornelian cherry. Similarities with archaeobotanical finds from the early/middle Neolithic (c. 6000–4900 cal BC) also suggest that plant economies remained relatively unchanged during the Neolithic.
... Archaeobotanical experience has shown, especially in Europe where systematic ß otation has taken place for over 30 years, that the majority of charred assemblages are highly similar in their composition, comprising of an extremely limited subset of the diversity to be found within the European ß ora. Prior to Hillman's studies, Körber-Gröhne (1967 and Knörzer (1971) had commented on the recurrent nature of archaeobotanical assemblages, comprising three basic elements; grains of crops, especially cereals, chaff and seeds of probable weed species. Occasionally species would be represented not known today as weeds. ...
... Root crop weeds, plants from grassland or fallow land, and ruderals are rather abundant. The winter crop weeds are the wellknown species described already by Knörzer (1971). The data confirm generally the ideas of Kreuz and Schäfer (2011) of permanent fields, but their idea of only summer crop cultivation is not supported by the data presented here. ...
Off-site pollen data as well as onsite plant
macrofossil data from Southwest Germany enable the
distinguishing of three main phases of agricultural land use
history. The last phase, here simplified called the ‘‘Extensive
ard phase’’, had already started in the Bronze Age and
ends in the 19th century A.D. It is characterized by extensive
land management, permanent fields with short fallow
phases, ploughing, the use of animal dung as fertilizer, and
grazed woodlands. The first phase, comprising the Old and
Middle Neolithic, is characterized by hoe-farming only on
very fertile soils and a very restricted set of crops. For the
second phase, comprising the Young, Late and Final
Neolithic, a slash-and-burn-like agricultural system is most
probable. During the Late and Final Neolithic, this cultivation
system with fire use and shifting fields was gradually
practised on permanent fields and was modified,
leading finally to the ‘‘Extensive ard’’ land use system with
fertilizer and ploughing instead of burning.
... Information on crop growing conditions can be inferred from assemblages of arable weed seeds that occur in charred form along with crop remains (e.g. Jones 1992;2002;Knörzer 1971;Wasylikowa 1981). The ecology of weeds growing in cultivation plots and harvested with the crops can be used to reconstruct the way in which plots were managed. ...
Farming in Britain has been characterized by some authors as the transient and sporadic cultivation of food that had a limited economic importance, and more specifically as the production of special or symbolic foods consumed in ritual contexts. Farming in central Europe, by contrast, has been characterized as subsistence cultivation of staple crops. Much of the literature on Neolithic farming in Britain and central Europe, therefore, suggests a sharp contrast in the nature and purpose of cultivation. This chapter compares archaeobotanical data from Britain and central Europe to see how they differ and where (or whether) they appear to converge. In terms of the scale of cereal production and the permanence of cultivation plots, farming practices in Neolithic Britain and central Europe appear rather similar. What has sometimes been interpreted as ritual practice in one area and subsistence in the other probably represents the same activity. Interpretations of Neolithic farming appear to owe more to preconceived ideas of individual authors (whether oriented towards subsistence or ritual) than to the primary archaeobotanical evidence.
Although evidence is sporadic it is becoming clear that haymaking and hay meadow management were likely indispensable elements of practices related to animal husbandry during the Roman period. As large towns begin to emerge, success in breeding large livestock such as cattle and horses would have required good quality fodder. Yet, how we distinguish fodder or other animal associated plant remains in the archaeological record can be problematic for many reasons. This paper explores this issue through the context of Roman Mursa, located in modern day Osijek, Croatia. Two pits dating to c. AD133, contained relatively large quantities of grassland and wet ground species, such as Trifolium/Melilotus sp. Prunella vulgaris and the grasses Poa sp. and Phleum sp., as well as chaff and other remains, such as dung, eggshells, and fish scales. By examining the proportion of species grouped into habitat types, we see that the composition of sample SU391 is indictive of hay meadows and could indicate nearby animal stabling in the centre of the early Roman colony.
Grazing animals enjoy an ambiguous reputation in the field of nature conservation. Livestock are often treated as a scourge, yet native large herbivores form the prime attraction of many a reserve. This book gives the first comprehensive overview of the use of grazing as a tool in conservation management. Considering in turn the ecological and historical background, the impact of grazing on community structure, management applications and future prospects, this book examines issues such as the role of herbivores as keystone species, the assessment of habitat quality and the function of scientific models in advancing grazing management. Large herbivores are shown to be potentially powerful allies in the management of nature reserves, particularly in the maintenance, enhancement or restoration of biodiversity.
Grazing and Conservation Management will appeal to conservation biologists and rangeland managers, providing them with a clearer understanding of grazing and conservation management.
From the moment people started to settle, agriculture became a common and rapidly increasing form of land use, having a huge impact on nature and landscape on all continents. An impact much greater than even urbanisation and increasing infrastructure. Nowadays, agricultural activities directly influence more than 38% of the world’s land surface. Two major practices must be distinguished: on the one hand the production of crops on arable land, and on the other hand livestock farming. The focus in this chapter is on the production of crops on arable land. An exception is made for two examples on the landscape level, which will be discussed here. These refer to traditional agricultural land use systems, one from the low mountain ranges of Central France and one taken from the Northwest European lowlands.
Burnt-offering places are an archaeologically heterogeneous group of finds in the Alps, predominantly occurring during Late Bronze Age and Iron Age. Plant macrofossil and charcoal analyses were carried out at nine of these sites, targeting at the assessment of the offerings and the firewood used for the altars. A total of 99 taxa are represented by carbonised remains. One constant component in the finds are fragments of a cereal product, characterised by small-grained (< 300 µm) cereal bran and close structural resemblance to archaeological bread finds. Further classification (grain-paste, porridge or bread) was however not possible. In opposite to the processed cereals, grain finds (mainly hulled barley, hulled wheats, broomcorn millet) are rather scarce. Older sites (LBA) show the under-representation of main crops as documented for contemporary settlements. Finds of legumes were found mainly in north Italian sites. Oilseeds occur punctually. The useful plants spectrum, together with the archaeozoological record, confirms an "agrarian" character of the rituals postulated earlier: domesticated plants and animals dominate over gathered plants and game. Four hypotheses are suggested to explain the role of wild plants in the rituals, however not allowing definite conclusions. Fuel wood choice was guided by local availability, only two sites indicating specific selection. Dendrological and taphonomical parameters of the charcoal point to a predominance of gathered deadwood. Both aspects (deadwood use, no specific selection) clearly differentiate the Alpine burnt-offering from the ancient Greek ritual, which is often used as a basis for comparison.
L'étude d'un nouveau corpus de macrorestes botaniques de 7 sites du Rubané de Hesbaye a permis d'aborder un éventail de questions, devenues classiques au fil des recherches de nos prédécesseurs, sur les plantes utilisées, leur association et les traitements qu'elles ont pu subir. L'examen des contextes de découverte a, entre autres, permis de mettre en évidence un lien entre les grands ensembles de macrorestes de céréales et un type récurrent de structure cylindrique à fond plat, ainsi que la confirmation de plusieurs cas de localisation de tels rejets au nord-ouest d'une unité d'habitation ou de l'aire villageoise. La découverte d'orge commune en contexte Rubané de Hesbaye, l'extension du pavot à l'ensemble du Groupe rhéno-mosan ont été l'occasion de rappeler les attaches méridionales de ces plantes. Jusqu'à la présente étude, ces taxons étaient peu ou pas attestés dans la région étudiée. L'examen des aires d'extension de l'orge et du pavot à l'ouest du Rhin durant le Néolithique ancien ne doit pas faire perdre de vue la dimension chronologique de leur apparition dans nos régions, soit à la fin de la séquence du Rubané régional, vers 6050 BP. Un scénario envisageant la diffusion de certaines plantes depuis le bassin de la Méditerranée occidentale vers la région rhéno-mosane au travers du Bassin parisien et des groupes qui l'ont habité au Néolithique ancien est suggéré, à titre d'hypothèse. Abstract The study of new botanical data from 7 Hesbayan Linear Pottery Culture settlements has offered the opportunity to review several major questions, that arase from earlier research, such as the use of plants, their association and the prehistoric treatments they received. Detailed examination of their contexts has brought to the fore correlations between large samples of carbonised seeds and a special recurrent type of cylindrical pit with a fiat bottom. It has also confirmed several cases of such discard areas at the northwestern side of an habitation unit or village area. The discovery of common barley in Hesbayan Linear Pottery Culture context and the extension of poppy to the whole Rhine-Meuse Linear Pottery Culture Croup has given us the opportunity to recall the southern origins of those plants. Until the present work, such taxa were absent or extremely rare in the studied area. Examining the spread of these plants in our region du ring the Early Neolithic, we cannot ignore the chronological dimension of this phenomenon, the end of the regional Linear Pottery Culture circa 6050 BP. A hypothesis suggesting the diffusion of some plants from the occidental Mediterranean basin to the Rhine-Meuse region through the Paris Basin and the human groups that were living there during the Early Neolithic is proposed.
This paper presents archaeobotanical data from three late Neolithic Sopot Culture (c. 5200–4000 cal BC) tell sites, Sopot, Slavča and Ravnjaš, located in eastern Croatia. Tell settlements are well suited for exploring aspects of diet and subsistence, as they present a concentrated area with successive generations building upon previous occupation levels. The plant remains from the three study sites suggest a crop-based diet of mainly einkorn, emmer, barley, lentil and pea, as well as evidence of crop-processing activities. This diet was also probably supplemented by wild fruit from the local environment, such as cornelian cherry, chinese lantern and blackberry.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s00334-015-0524-0
The results of palynology (Bertsch 1932); Firbas 1949; Walter and Straka 1970) give enough evidence to assure that many colonizing plant species were present in central Europe long before man as an agriculturist. According to Godwin (1949, 1960) pollen and diaspores of families that include many colonizing (and therefore ‘weedy’ today) genera, esp. Caryophyllaceae, Chenopodiaceae, Compositae, Umbelliferae have been found in Great Britain even from the full-glacial, but particularly from the late-glacial period. From this time there is evidence of diaspores of Sonchus arvensis, Polygonum aviculare, Galium cf. aparine, Chenopodium cf. album, and other important weeds of today. They were pioneers of patches of raw mineral soil, abandoned by ice and water, with a high mineral status untouched by leaching and free of the competition of woody perennials, because ‘before agriculture, the most widescale disturbance was caused by Pleistocene glaciation’ (Harlan and de Wet 1964). A narrow but extremely extended fringe of soil was alternately covered and exposed by the ice, offering ideal conditions for the rapid and widescale spread of pioneers, among them many weeds of today.
During the evolution of the Central European landscape and especially since the settlement of man there has been a permanent change of processes affecting dispersability of plants. In a traditional man-made landscape there was the highest diversity of dispersal processes combined with a high diversity of land use practices. In the actual man-=made landscape most of these processes became lost or changed. Due to the rules of seed prescription many weeds became extinct, which were spread in former times with uncleaned seed. Traditional manure contained huge amounts of diaspores whereas today animal slurry with low contents of diaspores or mineral fertilizer are used. Changing harvest methods have selected the dominance of weeds which ripen later and have light diaspores. Herded and transhumant domestic livestock decreased or became locally extinct, which was probably the most important dispersal vector in the Central European man-made landscape. Artificial flooding practices favoured the migration of species in meadows of mountain and flooding practices favoured the migration of species in meadows of mountain and floodplain regions. Whereas in the traditional man-made landscape all habitats were more or less connected due to alternating management or grazing, today most habitats are isolated. With respect to restoration efforts in habitats dispersal processes or vectors should be included before planning. If there is no possibility of restoring traditional or similar dispersal processes, artificial reintroduction of species is the only option.
Most of the countryside of northwestern Europe is characterized by an absence of forest. Indeed, forest covers only about 25% of France, 27% of Germany, 10% of The Netherlands and 8% of England and Wales; in western Europe only 1% is considered to be ‘old-growth’ forest (Dudley, 1992). This quintessence was captured by many seventeenth century painters, who emphasized the sky with its clouds over near-treeless landscapes. To many a citizen of today, heaths, downs, limestone grasslands and other open vegetation types are viewed as original, natural and ancient. Yet many of these vegetation types are artificial and, as such, are as unnatural as most forests of northwestern Europe.
In 1988 part of a Rossen settlement was excavated near Maastricht-Randwijck. The settlement was situated on the lower terrace of the river Maas and bordered an oxbow lake. Pits filled with domestic waste produced charcoal as well as carbonized fruits and seeds. The former river course was sampled for pollen analysis. The botanical data resemble rather well those published in connection with Rossen sites in the adjacent German Rhineland, despite the unusual lower terrace location. The traces of "landnam" in the pollen record are the same, as are the remains of agricultural activities. These activities follow the pattern known from the preceding Bandkeramik culture, except where cereals are concerned. Rossen farmers grew naked wheat and naked barley as a main crop, and also the customary emmer and einkorn wheats. The introduction of new crops might represent an influence from France, possibly through Großgartach.
Francis, A., Darbyshire, S. J., Clements, D. R. and DiTommaso, A. 2011. The Biology of Canadian Weeds. 146. Lapsana communis L. Can. J. Plant Sci. 91: 553-569. Nipplewort, Lapsana communis, is an annual weed of the Asteraceae native to Europe and western Asia, first detected in northeastern and Pacific northwestern regions of North America in the 19th century. It appears to have been introduced as a contaminant of imported garden material and seeds, but may also have been deliberately introduced as a medicinal herb. After a century of remaining close to its original points of introduction in gardens and ruderal habitats, it spread to neighbouring areas, and now occurs across southern Canada and in many areas of the United States. Possible reasons for this range expansion include forest clearance and changing crop management practices as was observed in Europe, where this plant has become an important weed in grain, forage and vegetable crops. In Ontario, L. communis has recently emerged as a weed in wheat (Triticum aestivum), corn (Zea mays) and soybean (Glycine max) fields. Various herbicides have been effective on L. communis in corn, but control has been less effective in winter wheat, where the herbicides MCPA and 2,4-D used alone have provided little or no control. Control in soybean has yet to be assessed. In Europe both mechanical methods and herbicides have been effective in controlling the weed, but L. communis has recently developed tolerance to MCPA. It is unclear whether this weed will continue to spread or will remain a localized or relatively minor crop pest in Canada.
In this paper we estimate the degree to which the range and proportion of wild plant foods are under-represented in samples of charred botanical remains from archaeological sites. We systematically compare the differences between central European Neolithic archaeobotanical assemblages that have been preserved by charring compared to those preserved by waterlogging. Charred archaeobotanical assemblages possess on aggregate about 35% of the range of edible plants documented in waterlogged samples from wetland settlements. We control for the ecological availability of wetland versus terrestrial wild plant foods on assemblage composition and diversity, and demonstrate that the significantly broader range of wild plant food taxa represented is primarily a function of preservation rather than subsistence practices. We then consider whether observed fluctuations in the frequency of edible wild taxa over time can also be attributed to preservation, and demonstrate that it cannot; and thus conclude that there are significant changes in plant food diets during the Neolithic that reflect different strategies of land use and, over time, a decreasing reliance on foraging for wild plant foods. The wild species included in our analyses are not spatially restricted—they are common throughout central Europe. We maintain, therefore, that our results are relevant beyond our study area and more generally illustrate the challenges of attempting to reconstruct the relative importance of wild plant foods—and thus plant diet breadth—in Neolithic archaeobotanical assemblages from charred data alone.
Erratum to: Veget Hist Archaeobot (2014) 23 (Suppl 1):S121–S133 DOI 10.1007/s00334-014-0437-3Unfortunately only the upper part (ca. the last 2000 years) of the pollen diagram “Mindelsee” (Fig. 2) has been published. The whole diagram is given here.Fig. 2Pollen diagram from Mindelsee calculated on base of total terrestrial pollen sum = 100 %; linear time axis cal. b.c./a.d.; Alnus glutinosa-type, Poaceae, and Humulus/Cannabis included in the pollen sum, Cyperaceae excluded; Humulus/Cannabis treated as a shrub; analyses: A. Kleinmann (prehistoric part), M. Rösch (historic part)
Excavations undertaken since 1991 in advance of gravel extraction at Bucy-le-Long "La Fosse Tounise" (Aisne) have produced substantial traces of two Neolithic settlements, the earliest dating to the Paris Basin Late Bandkeramik and the later to the Villeneuve-Saint-Germain group. Despite the close proximity of lon- ghouses belonging to the two successive occupations, assemblages from pits do not appear mixed. Ceramic and lithic finds, as well as carbonised seeds, from the lateral pits of two neighbouring longhouses (dating respectively to Late Bandkeramik and Villeneuve-Saint-Germain) are compared. Although some differences are underlined, the evidence points to a certain degree of continuity between the two periods.
The paper examines the two existing models for identifying arable 'producers' and' consumers' using archaeobotanical data from sites in southern England. Both models attribute variation between charred assemblages to the role of sites as primary arable producers or those receiving harvested crops. The testing of the models demonstrated that many charred archaeobotanical samples rather than relating to single specific processing activities can be attributed more generally to the waste generated from the routine processing of crops taken from storage throughout the year. The identifiable processing stages seen from most samples composition then represent only those stages conducted after storage. Variation between site assemblages can therefore be attributed to different amounts of processing carried out after harvest before crops were put into storage rather than distinguishing between sites that grew crops and those that did not. As harvesting and processing prior to storage are labour demanding, charred assemblages have the potential to reveal differences within the social organisation of past farming communities. Two patterns were distinguished: one where the organisation of agricultural labour appeared to be conducted at a household level, the second where larger scale or communal organisation appeared to be present.
Fragments of ceramic sieves constitute a widespread, but littleknown element in the ceramic inventories of Linear Pottery sites in temperate Europe. These sieves appear to have functioned as strainers for separating curds from whey in cheese production, on the basis of parallels with later archaeological cultures and ethnographic examples. Archaeozoological data support the hypothesis that dairy production has a greater antiquity than has been hitherto accepted. The sieves played an important role in early dairy production, for the manufacture of cheese was an essential step in the exploitation of milk by populations who possibly had a high level of lactose intolerance.
Before the agricultural improvements of recent centuries, grain yields in medieval Europe appear to have been extremely low: well below the full potential of the crops. If yields were similarly low in prehistory, the adoption of cereal cultivation could have conveyed few benefits in terms of productivity. Consideration of the key constraints on cereal yield highlights the previous neglect of the role of pests and diseases. It is suggested that these may have been particularly damaging in the medieval period, but much less so during the early stages of the adoption of agriculture.
Textual and archaeological evidence for the past occurrence of pests and diseases is discussed and, combined with consideration of the development of pest and pathogen problems of recent crop introductions, used to provide a possible outline of the early development of the pest/disease burden. It is suggested that when grain crops were first introduced into temperate Europe there may have been a ‘honeymoon period’ with high yields: pests and diseases which had been endemic on cereals in semi-arid, continental, or Mediterranean climates did not thrive in the temperature climate, while species native to north-west Europe may not have been adapted to attack cereals. Subsequently, however, some pests and diseases evolved to attack cereals in this environment. These may have prompted changes in grain production methods to reduce the risk of damage. Pests and diseases must have been a driving force in agrarian change for several millennia, and cannot be ignored in attempts to understand the history of agriculture.
If humanity is at the brink of a ‘Golden Age’, what then is the divination for nature? In this book we will try to foretell
how wild herbivores will react to the changes that take place in the world in which they live. That world has been changing
since it formed, and for millions of years its plants have been consumed by herbivores. This has led to adaptations in plants
in reaction to herbivory, and our present-day species assemblages and landscapes are a manifestation of the forces of natural
selection that have been in operation for a very long time. Over a much shorter time, these landscapes have been heavily impacted
upon by humans; firstly, by accidentally burning patches of the landscape, but later as a tool to modify that landscape either
for capturing or luring game or even for changing the species composition towards a modified vegetation that yields desired
produce (e.g., cultivation of hazel in the Mesolithic; Simmons et al. 1981).
Evidence for the origin and dating of crop weed communities composed of summer annuals is to be found in palaeobotanical and archaeological data. There is archaeological evidence that around the middle of the first millennium BC fields were taken into permanent cultivation, even on the poorer soils.Fertilization with lime and manure and Plaggenwirtschaft were evidently involved in this early agriculture. In this paper the idea is put forward that Plaggenwirtschaft resulted in a sudden increase in the number of weed species brought together in cornfields and that this practise led to the very first beginning of our modern weed communities.
Wann sind unsere heutigen Pflanzengesellschaften entstanden, und wie haben die Pflanzengesellschaften früherer Zeiten ausgesehen, etwa in der zu Ende gehenden Eiszeit und später? Bei einer Betrachtung dieses Themas muß man scharf unterscheiden zwischen gesichertem Wissen und reiner Spekulation. Es dürfte außer Zweifel stehen, daß wir heute bei der Beantwortung dieser Fragen nur Fossilfunde als sichere Aussagen heranziehen dürfen. Unter diesen spielen die Pollen- und Sporenfunde eine besondere Rolle: Seitdem die von C. A. Weber, Lennart von Post u.a. entwickelte Pollenanalyse von See-, Moor- und anderen Ablagerungen Anwendung gefunden hat, ist die Aufdeckung der spät- und nacheiszeitlichen Vegetationsentwicklung in einem vor wenigen Jahrzehnten noch kaum möglich scheinenden Ausmaß gelungen. Indessen ist die Pollenanalyse natürlich nur eine, wenn auch wichtige Methode der vegetationsgeschichtlichen Forschung. Ich möchte mich daher bei meiner Betrachtung nicht nur auf die pollenanalytischen Ergebnisse stützen, sondern ebenso auch die Funde anderer pflanzlicher Reste mit heranziehen; kurz, ich möchte die Ergebnisse jener Forschungsrichtung zugrundelegen, die man seit einiger Zeit Quartärbotanik nennt.
Das jungsteinzeitliche Dorf Ehrenstein (Kreis Ulm)
- M Hopf
- Früchte
- Samen
- H Zürn
Samen- und Fruchtfunde in Ungarn von der Jungsteinzeit bis zum 18 Jahrhundert (ungarisch)
- B Hartyánvi
- G Nováki
- A Patay
1924 — Die neolithische Flora von Ravensburg
- Berischk
Die neolithischen Pflanzenreste aus Burgliebenau bei Merseburg
- I Natho
Pflanzenreste und Fundmaterial von neuerschlossenen neolithischen und eisenzeitlichen Siedlungsstellen im Göttinger Stadtgebiet
- U Willerding
- B Inmeyer
- U Willerding
- Bodenprofile
Bodenprofile, Pflan-zenreste und Fundmaterial von neuerschlossenen neolithlschen und eisen-zeitlichen Siedlungsstellen im G6ttinger Stadtgebiet
- U Willerdino
- B Meyer
- U Willerding
WILLERDINO, U. 1961 --in MEYER, B. & WILLERDING, U.; Bodenprofile, Pflan-zenreste und Fundmaterial von neuerschlossenen neolithlschen und eisen-zeitlichen Siedlungsstellen im G6ttinger Stadtgebiet. G6ttinger Jb. 1961 ; 2I --38.
I968 --6ooo j~ihrige Geschichte der Getreidenahrung im Rheinland. Decheniana 1 I9
- K.-H Kn6rz~r
KN6RZ~R, K. -H. I968 --6ooo j~ihrige Geschichte der Getreidenahrung im Rheinland. Decheniana 1 I9; I I3--124.
I97oc-Eisenzeitliche Pflanzenfunde im Rheinland
- K.-H Kn6rzer
KN6RZER, K.-H.; I97oc-Eisenzeitliche Pflanzenfunde im Rheinland. Archaeo-Physika 4 (im D.ruck).
Jahrb. r6m.-gerrn, gentralmus. 4
- M Hopf
- Botanik I
- Vergeschichte
HoPF, M. I957 --Botanik und Vergeschichte. Jahrb. r6m.-gerrn, gentralmus. 4; 1--22, HOt'F~ M. I96O --Untersuehung des Htittenlehms des bandkeramischen Hauses yon R6dingen. Bonner Jahrb. I6O; 281--284.
Die Pflanzenreste aus der Kulturschichte der neolithischen Siedlung Riedschachen bei Schussenried
- K Bertsch
- K. Bertsch
Botanik und Vergeschichte.Jahrb. röm.-germ
- M Hopf
Die Roggentrespe (Bromus secalinus) als prähistorische Nutzpflanze
- K.-H Knörzer
- K.-H. Knörzer
Die Prähistorischen Pflanzenreste Mitteleuropas
- E Neuweiler
1954 - Die Pflanzenreste der Rössener Siedlung Ur-Fulerum bei Essen
- E Schiemann
- E. Schiemann
Sämereien und Früchte auf der Pflahlbaute Robenhausen
- H Messikomer
1924 - Die neolithische Flora von Ravensburg
- K Bertsch
- K. Bertsch
1957 - Botanik und Vergeschichte
- M Hopf
- M. Hopf
6000 jährige Geschichte der Getreidenahrung im Rheinland
- K.-H Knörzer
- K.-H. Knörzer
1957 - Die neolithischen Pflanzenreste aus
- I Natho
- I. Natho
1932 - Pflanzenreste aus den Pfahlbauten von Sipplingen und Langenrain im Bodensee
- K Bertsch
- K. Bertsch