Investigating Hegemonic Masculinity: Portrayals of Masculinity in Men’s Lifestyle Magazines

Abstract

A content analysis of eight different men’s lifestyle magazines sold in Canada between November 2004 and August 2006 was conducted
to explore how masculinities are currently being portrayed in regards to the body, aesthetics and grooming, and fashion. Findings
suggest that different men’s magazines represent different forms of masculinity but elements of hegemonic masculinity (culturally
normative ideals of masculinity within a structure of social relations where some men are subordinated) are woven throughout.
Although the marketed look varies by the magazine, these magazines not only convey the message that appearance can be manipulated—but
it should also be enhanced, and that men should engage in bodywork in order to attain the lifestyle they desire.

KeywordsHegemonic masculinity-Metrosexuality-Laddism-Male body-Aesthetics-Fashion-Male body image

Full text

ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Investigating Hegemonic Masculinity: Portrayals
of Masculinity in Men’s Lifestyle Magazines
Rosemary Ricciardelli & Kimberley A. Clow &
Philip White
Published online: 31 March 2010
#
Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2010
Abstract A content analysis of eight different men’s
lifestyle magazines sold in Canada between November
2004 and August 2006 was conducted to explore how
masculinities are currently being portrayed in regards to the
body, aesthetics and grooming, and fashion. Findings
suggest that different men’s magazines represent different
forms of masculinity but elements of hegemonic masculin-
ity (culturally normative ideals of masculinity within a
structure of social relations where some men are subordi-
nated) are woven throughout. Although the marketed look
varies by the magazine, these magazines not only convey
the message that appearance can be manipulated—but it
should also be enhanced, and that men should engage in
bodywork in order to attain the lifestyle they desire.
Keywords Hegemonic masculinity
.
Metrosexuality
.
Laddism
.
Male body
.
Aesthetics
.
Fashion
.
Male body image
Introduction
With the increased visibility of the male body, the content
of men’s lifestyle magazines has recently gained research
attention (e.g., Alexander 2003; Attwood 2005; Benwell
2004; Taylor 2005). Most of this research, however, has
investigated publications in the United Kingdom (e.g.,
Attwood 2005; Benwell 2004) and the United States (e.g.,
Alexander 2003; Taylor 2005). The present study investi-
gated the content of seven issues from eight different men’s
lifestyle magazines available in Canada to examine simi-
larities an d differences among the magazines and in regards
to the existing literature. Utilizing Connell’s(1987, 2005)
theory of hegemonic masculinity, we explored dominant
representations of masculinities within each magazine. In
addition, based on past research findings (e.g., Nixon 1996;
Vigorito and Curry 1998), we specifically investigated
portrayals of the body, aesthetics and grooming, and
fashion. The findings are discussed in relation to consum-
erism and risk theory.
Hegemonic masculinity signifies culturally normative
and influential ideals of masculinity (Connell 1987; Davis
2002; Pringle 2005). As such, masculine hegemony can be
viewed as a role, status set, perspective, behavior or
personal characteristic. Although not all hegemonic men
embody all aspects at once, they may possess particular
elements. For example, both a professional athlete and a
CEO of a major corporation incorporate differing elements
of hegemony. The athlete embodies physical strength,
whereas the CEO symbolizes authority and prestige. In this
way, hegemonic masculinity is represented via discourses
of appearances (e.g., strength and size), affects (e.g., work
ethic and emotional strength), sexualities (e.g., homosexual
vs. heterosexual), behaviors (e.g., violent and assertive),
occupations (e.g., valuing career over family and house-
R. Ricciardelli (*)
Department of Sociology, McMaster University,
1280 Main St W.,
Hamilton, ON L8S 4K1, Canada
e-mail: rose.czarnuch@gmail.com
K. A. Clow
Faculty of Criminology, Justice and Social Policy,
University of Ontario Institute of Technology,
2000 Simcoe Street North,
Oshawa, ON L1H7K4, Canada
e-mail: Kimberley.clow@uoit.ca
P. White
Department of Kinesiology, McMaster University,
1280 Main St W.,
Hamilton, ON L8S 4K1, Canada
e-mail: pwhite@mcmaster.ca
Sex Roles (2010) 63:64–78
DOI 10.1007/s11199-010-9764-8

work) and dominations (e.g., subordination of women and
children) (Pringle 2005).
As these discourses shift over time, so too do the norms
of hegemonic masculinity. Scholars have recognized that
masculinities are also contested due to generational differ-
ences in gender attitudes and practices, as well as structural
changes in society (Connell 2005; Connell and Wood
2005). Generally, whenever hegemonic masculinity is
challenged, a new hegemonic form emerges (Connell
2005). Hegemonic masculinity actually becomes more
powerful because of its ability to adapt and to resist change
(Connell 2005). Yet, whatever its form hegemo nic mascu-
linity remains an ideal that is not realizable for most men
although it represents a benchmark against which men
scrutinize their identities (Carrigan et al. 1985; Connell
2005). Not surprisingly, contemporary men report body
dissatisfaction through comparison with images of agreed-
upon standards of body ideals associated with hegemonic
masculinity (Lorenzen et al. 2004).
Muscularity, Metrosexuality and Laddism
Muscularity has varied over time in its importance for
hegemomic masculinity (Wamsley 2007). For example, for
early fur traders in Canada, muscularity and physical
strength were essential elements of their livelihood as they
were required to paddle, portage, and carry four to five 90
pound bags from before sunup to after sundown (Wamsley
2007). Jeffords (1993) proposed that America embraced
remasculinization—an emphasis on aggres sion and vio-
lence as a means of control—to compensate for feelings of
inferiority due to increases in the status of women and
losses in the Vietnam War. In light of the movement away
from labor inte nsive jobs, where men no longer gained
muscularity working, men have increasingly turned to gym
culture and actively work to become more muscular (Pope
et al. 2000; Wienke 1998). Pope et al. (2000) argued this
trend is indicative of media imagery that has come to
emphasize bulging muscles and rock-hard physiques.
Pronger (2002) has gone so far as to declare that muscles
are the ultimate indicator of masculinity.
Even action figure toys have become more muscular over
time. For example Pope et al. (2000) explained that when GI
Joe figures were first introduced in 1964 they had physiques
comparable and proportionate to men in good physical shape.
By the 1990s they had evolved to super-human proportions,
such that GI Joe’s bicep was almost as big as his waist and
bigger than that of most bodybuilders. Muscular models of
masculinity also proliferate movies like 300 (2006), Path-
finder (2007), and War (2007). Leading role actors, such as
Sylvester Stallone and Arnold Schwarzenegger, embody
dominant muscular masculinity. Just as the thin-ideal is
unattainable for most women, bulging and well-defined
muscles and washboard stomachs are not easily attainable
for men (Davis 2002;Popeetal.2000). Overall images of
muscularity provide a relatively unachievable ideal of how
the male body should look (see Pope et al. 2000).
A second form of masculinity, which has developed
more recently in the 1980s, is metrosexuality (Simpson
1994). Specifically, the metrosexual was first created in the
1970s and is distinguishable from traditional masculinity by
his attempts to form non-oppressive relationships with
women, children and other men (MacKinnon 1992).
Rooted in the gay liberation movement, metrosexuality
places less focus on previously dominant manifestations of
masculinity and inst ead emphasizes self-presentation, ap-
pearance, and grooming (Segal 1993). Thus, it challenges
traditional notions of masculinity while providing alterna-
tive venues for men to express themselves (Carrigan et al.
1985; Connell 1993). Moreover, the increasing availabil ity
of male grooming products and fashions, combined with
the increased expendable income of single adult men, has
led to the growth of the metrosexual phenomenon (Segal
1993; Simpson 1994). David Beckham and Brad Pitt are
celebrities who epitomize this model of masculinity.
Laddism, a third model of masculinity that emerged in
the United Kingdom in the 1990s, diverges significantly
from the metrosexual. It is characterized by an empha sis on
youthfulness, hedonistic consumption, bachelorhood, the
objectification of women and sexual conquest (Attwood
2005; Jackson et al. 2001). Laddism has been described as a
backlash against feminism and metrosexuality (Nixon 2001),
rejecting gender equality and returning to a more sexist and
sexualized view of gender (Benwell 2004). Laddism is a
model of consumerist masculinity that renounces self-
responsibility and indulges in stereotypically masculine
interests, such as sports, cars and video games, as well as
more risky health behaviors, such as binge drinking, drugs,
and promiscuous sexual practices (Attwood 2005;Jacksonet
al. 2001). Colin Farell and Marshall Bruce Mathers III
(Eminem) exemplify laddism.
All these forms of masculinity have emerged as responses
to social changes that have occurred, such as the feminist and
gay movements (Kimmel 1996). This is particularly evident
in late modernity, where life is characterized by considerable
unpredictable and unfamiliar risk (Beck 1992; Giddens
1994). These risks can be technological, social or biological,
leading to anxiety, uncertainty and instability. Researchers
suggest that we are now a risk society (e.g., Ekberg 2007), a
society concerned with anxiety and risks, a society where
even masculinity is unstable.
Media and the Male Body
Media representations of the male body, aesthetics, and
fashion have changed over time (Bordo 1994; Davis 2002).
Sex Roles (2010) 63:64–78 65

Prior to the late 1990s, media images of men have focused
on the face rather than the body (e.g., Archer et al. 1983).
The male body itself was mostly absent (Bordo 1994; Davis
2002). When portrayed, it was limited to action shots and
sports (e.g., Davis 2002). In the early 1990s, the male body
had moved to center stage (Bordo 1994, 1999; Connell
1987;Davis2002;Kimmel1996); as exemplified in
Bordo’s description of a 1995 Calvin Klein men’s under-
wear ad in the New York Times: “[it was] the first time in
my experience that I had encountered a commercial
representation of the mal e body that seemed to deliberately
invite me to linger over it” (1999, p. 168). Researchers have
found that film, television, and print advertisements have
increasingly been foregrounding and sexualizing the male
body (Connell 2005; Coupland 2007; Gill et al. 2005;
Edwards 1997). For example, Gill et al. (2005, pp. 39–40)
stated that “men’s bodies are on display as never before,
from the muscular heroes of the cinematic action genre, to
the ‘sixpacks’ who grace the covers of Men’s Health, and
the ‘superwaifs’ of contemporary style magazines.”
The increase in media images of men promoted how
men could identify through their body (e.g., by their
fashion and appearance)— a major shift in the production
of dominant masculinities in the West. With the male body
more scrutinized and commodified there is a need to have a
detailed look at how the body is being represented (Bordo
1999). The issue is particularly topical and pertinent
because research suggests that men are increasingly falling
into the same appearance-orientated cultural trap that
women have experienced for years (Budgeon 2003):
striving for unachievable physical attractiveness via fash-
ion, aesthetics or body modifications—as part of the shift to
consumer-oriented societies (Davis 2002; Pope et al. 2000).
In addition, media representations of the male body have
been found to decrease men’s body satisfaction (Barlett et
al.
2008; Spitzer et al. 1999).
As Featherstone (1991 ) suggested, the body has become
central to consumer culture. However, the body is no longer
viewed as solely a biological entity; for some time it has
become a socio-cultural construct that is a work in progress
necessitating upkeep and care (Shilling 1993). Men are
increasingly being held responsible for the sha pe and
appearance of their body—a realm hitherto identified with
women (Davis 2002 ; Featherstone 1991; Gill et al. 2005;
Robertson 2006; Shilling 1993). Furthermore, as an object
to be manipulated and financially invested in, the body has
become connected with identity (Budgeon 2003). How a
person presents their body—in terms of style, dress, shape,
and size—contributes to their sense of self. In this sense,
the body is an ever evolving self-reflexive project and an
objectified reality where its current appearance is deter-
mined by the narrative of self under-construction (Giddens
1991). Thus, transforming the body becomes about more
than transforming how the body looks; it changes the way
the body is lived.
Past Research on Men’s Magazines
Historically, magazines have been marketed to women
(Jackson et al. 2001). The few existing magazines for men
focused on hobbies or special interests and did not speak to
masculinity per se. As late as the 1980s, the prevalent belief
was that men were not interested in lifestyle magazines
(Gill et al. 2003). This c hanged, however, with a slick
repackaging of hegemonic ideals and patriarchal values in
magazines such as Loaded and FHM. New technological,
social and biological developments, alongside new social
movements (e.g. feminism, gay liberation) fuelled the re-
visioning of tradition al masculinity (Giddens 1994; Gill et
al. 2005). Yet the nature of this new man was largely
contested, thus generating greater uncertainty and anxiety
in men, as masculinity could take many different forms.
Lifestyle magazines emerged for men in order to ease their
growing anxieties and uncertainties about masculinity, as
well as provide some direction about what is manly in late
modernity. This newfound popularity of men’s lifestyle
magazines continues to this day.
Past research has investigated how men and masculin-
ities have been portrayed in current popular lifestyle
magazines (Alexander 2003;Attwood2005;Benwell
2004; Canape 1985; Taylor 2005; Vigorito and Curry
1998). Such studies in America and the United Kingdom
have a wide range of foci. Vigorito and Curry (1998) found
that, in the United States, men were portrayed differently
depending upon the gender breakdo wn of a magazine’s
readership. Magazines geared to male audiences portrayed
men more often in occupational roles and magazines geared
to female audiences portrayed men more often in parental
or spousal roles. Also, not only are male and female
audiences encountering differing portrayals of men, but the
male subjects actually preferred the images (i.e. men in
occupational roles) aimed at men. Frederick et al. (2005)
investigated portrayals of masc ulinity in magazines target-
ing a male audience and magazines targeting a female
audience. They found that magazines aimed at a male
audience portrayed a more muscular body ideal than
magazines targeting a female audience. Notably, this study
is methodologically limited because two of the three men’s
magazines analyzed were special interest or hobby mag-
azines about body building (i.e., Muscle & Fitness and
Men’s Fitness ). Benwell (2004) asserts that irony is an
integral component of masculinity in men’s lifestyle
magazines (e.g. GQ, Loaded and Arena Magazines) in the
United Kingdom. He shows that magazines use irony, in the
philosophical sense, as “an ambiguous and continually
oscillating movement between various types of masculine
66 Sex Roles (2010) 63:64–78

identity and between the approval and disapproval therefore
… to continually desta bilize the notion of a coherent and
viable masculine identity” (2004, p. 4). Alexander (2003),
on the other hand, analyzed Men’s Health in the United
States and suggested that depictions of muscularity com-
bined with financial success work to undermine men’s self-
esteem, making them vulnerable to consumerism.
Boni (2002), looking at the Italian edition of Men’s
Health, argued that the success of the magazine in the
Italian magazine market is a reflection of men’s changing
gender relations and identities. Moreover he found that the
global media represents a single type of masculinity; one
that is both hegemonic and globally disciplined. Nixon
(1996) explored the advertising changes in men’s mag-
azines –the visual coding of masculinity– to explain the
formation of metrosexual imagery within advertising. He
found that masculinity, as presented by the models, in ads
was assertive, soft and sexualized. Generally, he noted that
the styling of menswear in magazines was geared at new
younger male consumers and embraced changes in their
lifestyle—as such he saw magazines as a reflection of
changes in masculinity (1996).
Content analyses that have specifically examined laddist
magazines (e.g., Attwood 2005; Taylor 2005) have tended
to focus on sex and sexuality. Taylor (2005) found that lad
magazines i n the United States were dominated by
information regarding unorthodox sexual behaviours (in-
cluding non-traditional sexual positions and locations), how
to improve one’s sex life, what women enjoy sexually, and
the optional use of drugs and alcohol. They did not talk
about preventing pregnan cy or STDs. Attwood’s(2005)
exploration of laddist magazines in the United Kingdom
found that hedonism, as well as more explicit portrayals of
sex and women were predominant. Overall, there was a
preoccupation with sexual gratification outside of commit-
ted relationships, such that the boundary between laddist
magazines and soft core pornography magazines has
become blurred.
In another British study, Jackson et al. (2001) examined
how changes in the men’s magazine market shape men’s
gender relations and identities. Focus groups were used to
investigate different opinions and understandings of men’s
magazines and the associated changes in commercial
culture. Jackson et al. ( 2001) looked at the discoursive
construction of gender, accessed through their verbal
discussions wi th respondents, and found much ambivalence
among readers in how they discuss men’s magazines and
masculinity. They concluded that any simple analysis of
mascu linity, including h egemonic mascu linity, was not
possible (Jackson et al. 2001). Instead, they argued that
men’s magazines provide men with a “conceptual map for
navigating safely through their contemporary gender
anxieties, whether in relation to their health, their careers,
their sexual relationships or their p lace in ‘consum er
culture’ more generally” (2001,p.14).Overall,such
magazines were found to symbolize a commodification of
the gender troubles men experienced and open a venue for
change, all while employing devices —such as humor,
defiance and irony—to distance men from any significant
commitment to collective or personal change (Jackson et al.
2001).
Current Study
In the current study, we explored representations of
masculinity in men’s life style magazines. In conducting a
page-by-page content analysis of seven issues of eight
different men’s lifestyle magazines sold in Canada, we
examined if different magaz ines promoted different forms
of masculinity and if depictions of the male body, aesthetics
and grooming, and men’s fashion differed depending on the
form of masculinity promoted in the magazine. Magazines
included in the analys is were all men’s lifestyle magazines
(e.g., focused on leisure, fashion, and culture rather than
hobbies), were in high circulation (e.g., reached a larger
audience), and targeted a male audience (e.g., over half of
the readers of each magazine were men). Moreover, the
magazines chosen provided an excellent opportunity to
explore contemporary representations of muscularity, met-
rosexuality and laddism. Considering the increased visibil-
ity of the male body in popular culture we were interested
in how masculinities are currently being portrayed in men’s
lifestyle magazines.
To investigate how masculinity is marketed to men
(Featherstone 19 91), we focused on representations of
the male body, aesthetics a nd grooming, and fas hion.
Based on the findings of Bordo (1 994), Davis (2002 ), and
Coupland (2007), the magazine content was analyzed
according to the core themes of depictions of the male body
(e.g., muscular vs. thin), aesthetics and grooming (e.g.,
designer male cosmetics vs. hair loss prevention products),
and fashion (e.g., high-end designer business attire vs. skater
wear). Specifically, we wanted to investigate whether
magazines that portrayed differing types of masculinity
differed in how they handled depictions of the male body,
aesthetics and grooming, and fashion. Past research would
suggest that we would find a greater emphasis on fashion
and grooming in magazines promoting metrosexuality (e.g.,
Segal 1993; Simpson 1994) than in magazines focusing on
body shape and size (e.g., Men’sHealth, Alexander 2003).
In addition, Attwood (2005) and Taylor (2005) found
that laddist magazines, in particular, focused on sexualized
portrayals of women. To investigate whether this holds true
in magazines available in Canada as well, we specifically
looked at depictions of women (e.g., dressed in less than a
bikini vs. fully dressed) and general crassness ( e.g.,
Sex Roles (2010) 63:64–78 67

crassness toward women and personal hygiene). Attwood’s
(2005) analysis of laddist magazines also found consider-
able hedonistic consumption. To further this analysis, we
investigated how much content the vario us lifestyle
magazines devoted to differing forms of leisure activity,
such as sports (e.g., sports star interviews and fan gear) and
entertainment (e.g., video games vs. nightclu bs), and
whether this depended upon the type of masculinity
portrayed.
Method
Seven issues of eight different men’s lifestyle magazines
published between November 2004 and August 2006 (N=56
publications) available in Canada were selected for analysis.
The unit of analysis consisted of the entire magazine, from
front to back cover, including all advertisements, text,
pictures and stories. A purposive sampling approach was
used, such that the inclusion of each publication was
determined by three main criteria: (1) genre, (2) popularity,
and (3) gender of readership. All magazines were men’s
lifestyle magazines as opposed to hobby or special interest
magazines. Lifestyle magazine was defined as popular
magazines concerned with leisure, fashion, culture, health,
fitness, tourism and entertainment in general. Only high
circulation magazines were included as these magazines
reach a larger audience. Circulation was determined by the
total number of documented readers (available in media
packages provided for each publication—see Table 1).
Lastly, magazines were selected that had a self-evident male
target audience. From these criteria, the following publica-
tions were selected: Details, OUT, GQ, Men’s Health,
Esquire, Maxim, Stuff and FHM. FHM, the For Him
Magazine, ceased publication in Canada in March of 2007.
OUT, an overtly gay magazine, was included to provide
insight into gay masculinities (Jackson et al. 2001,p.66).
Demographic characteristics of the readers of each publica-
tion (available in media packages provided by each
publication) can be seen in Table 2.
A thematic approach was used to examine portrayals of
masculinity with themes determined through a semi-
grounded theoretical approach (Glaser and Strauss 1967).
Although grounded theory drove the data collection (e.g.,
the categories of analysis and scope of the research were
developed and discovered inductively from the corpus of
data (i.e., the magazines) rather than deductively from
grand theory with predetermined varia bles), the analysis
was guided by theories of hegemonic masculinity and risk
society (Glaser and Strauss 1967).
To ensure all coding categories were exhaustive and
mutually inclusive one magazine from each publication was
analyzed prior to the main analysis to determine emergent
themes. From this analysis, a table was developed to ensure
standardization of coding for use by each independent
researcher when analyzing each magazine issue (see Tables 3,
4, 5, 6 and 7). Within each issue of each magazine, each
page was coded using this table based on the most salient
feature of that page. If two different features were equally
apparent, the page was categorized into those two different
features. After the core variables and major themes were
identified, less relevant data were omitted from the analysis
(i.e., selective coding). Thus, although magazines were
analyzed in their entirety in order to give provide an overall
understanding of how masculinity was being presented
within each different magazine, themes that were not evident
in multiple issues of a publication were later omitted from
the analysis. Both images and text were analyzed in this
fashion; articles were coded based on the content while
advertisements were coded based on the image and text. For
example, an article discussing Jared Allen, a professional
football player, would be coded in the category of “sport”
under the subcategory of “interviews with sport stars.
”
Whereas, an advertisement for flavored vodka, depicting
multiple scantily clad women drinking the vodka in a
nightclub would be coded in the categories of “entertain-
ment” and “women” under the sub-categories of “alcohol,”
“clubbing,” and “women wearing more than a bikini.”
To determine inter-rater reliability, each page was analyzed
separately by two independent researchers. The researchers
were a white male and a white female graduate student. Prior
to beginning the coding, meetings were held to discuss coding
expectations, the coding table, and any potential biases or
issues that could affect the interpretation of the page content.
Coding was done independently although researchers met as
frequently as necessary (often multiple times a week) to check
for ambiguities, disagreements or problems which could arise
when interpreting the content. This process increased both the
reliability and validity of the analyses. Over 95% of the page
categorizations were agreed upon by the researchers. If the
researchers disagreed about how the page should be catego-
rized a discussion and secondary analysis ensued. If agree-
ment was not achieved, the page was removed from the
analysis (less than three percent of pages were removed from
the analysis). Page categorizations were then used to
determinewhatpercentageofeachpublicationwasdedicated
to a particular theme. This also allowed for the page length
between and within publications to be omitted as a potential
issue (percentages were tallied for the publication as a whole
and used in the analyses rather than page frequencies).
Results and Discussion
Representations of masculinity were the focus of the
analysis. The three main emergent themes were depictions
68 Sex Roles (2010) 63:64–78

of the male body (see Table 5), aesthetics and grooming
(see Table 6), and men’s fashion (see Table 7). The analysis
explored whether the different lifestyle magazines promot-
ed differing forms of masculinity and whether depictions of
the male body, aesthetics and grooming, and men’s fashion
differed depending upon the form of masculinity promoted.
Depictions of Masculinity
To determine what form of masculinity was being
depicted in the various publications, we looked for
elements that past research has associated with different
masculinities. By doing so, it became apparent that certain
magazines h ad commonalities. These publications will be
discussed together.
Maxim, Stuff and FHM magazines depicted women more
frequently than men in both advertisements and articles.
These women were more likely to be pictured wearing the
equivalent to a bikini or similarly revealing clothing (22.5%
of the page s in Maxim to 34.17% of the pages in FHM
portray women in such a manner). Thus, these magazines,
unlike the other magazines, were reminiscent of soft-core
pornography (see Table 3). These characteristics extend ed
beyond the attire. Women were also posed sexually along
with other women or men. For example, women were
photographed with their legs slightly apart or with their
hands on the arm or thigh of another woman. Although
explicitly sexual ized imagery did not constitute a large
proportion of the pages of these publications, it did not
appear in other magazines (see Table 3).
There was also a greater emphasis on sports (e.g.,
sporting events, paraphernalia, professional sports and
interviews with sport stars) and entertainment (e.g., video
gaming, music, television shows, film releases, travel and
dining or clubbing) in FHM, Stuff, an d Maxim in
comparison to the other magazines (See Table 4). The
sport-related advertisements and stories were predominant-
ly about higher risk or violent sports, such as: stunts (e.g.,
performing skateboarding tricks like an ollie or kickflip),
boxing and UFC (Ultim ate Fight ing Chal lenge). The
advertisements and articles regarding entertainment differed
from other publications by allocating more pages to
discussions about video gaming systems and games. One
theme which was unique to these magazines was a sense of
crassness toward women and personal hygiene (See
Table 3). For example, vaginal odors were crudely
Table 2 Reader demographic characteristics for each men’s lifestyle magazine analyzed.
Men’s health Esquire GQ Maxim Stuff OUT Details FHM
a
Median age 37.7 43.5 33.1 28.5 28 42.2 33
Median HHI $71,147 $66,685 $63,180 $59,143 $61,534 $92,500 $73,570
Men readers 84% 64% 69% 75% 82% 91% 67%
Women readers 16% 36% 31% 25% 18% 9%
Age 18–34 43% 30% 56% 71% 74% 57%
Age 25–49 60% 56% 61% 59% 59% 73%
Married 55% 51% 36% 34% 29%
Single 45% 49% 64% 66% 71% 70%
House hold income
50,000+ 68% 63% 60% 60% 61% 78%
60,000+ 59% 49% 52% 49% 51% 59%
100,000+ 30% 33% 28% 24% 25% 46% 35%
Sources: Men’s Health, Esquire, GQ, Maxim, Stuff 2005 Nielsen/NetRatings@plan (Spring 2005 Release); Out 2005 MRI Custom Study (Index:
Spring 2005 U.S. Adults), Details 2006 MRI Doublebase (Index: December 2006)
a
FHM, Unstable data as publication ceased in March of 2007
Table 1 The total number of readers of each men’s lifestyle magazine analyzed.
Men’s health Esquire GQ Maxim Stuff OUT Details FHM
a
Total audience (thousands) 10,892 2,710 6,058 13,551 5,598 125 1,002
Sources: Men’s Health, Esquire, GQ, Maxim, Stuff 2005 Nielsen/NetRatings@plan (Spring 2005Release); Out 2005 MRI Custom Study (Index:
Spring 2005 U.S. Adults), Details 2006 MRI
Doublebase (Index: December 2006)
a
FHM, Unstable projects as publication ceased in March of 2007
Sex Roles (2010) 63:64–78 69

Table 3 Average page count and average percentage of pages dedicated to thematic categories of women, crudeness and humor by publication.
Theme: Sub-category Out Maxim Men’s health GQ FHM Details Stuff Esquire
Count % Count % Count % Count % Count % Count % Count % Count %
Women: Revealing clothing .14 .07% 38.00 22.50% 10.43 5.37% 4.86 2.03% 53.43 34.17% 1.86 .90% 32.43 23.61% 4.71 2.70%
Women: Fully dressed 12.86 6.57% 14.43 9.94% 15.43 8.68% 28.29 12.10% 14.43 9.94% 15.43 8.68% 5.71 3.91% 15.57 9.13%
Women: Sexual depictions 1.29 1.03% 3.29 2.00% 1.14 .56% .00 .00% 6.29 3.96% .14 .06% 3.43 2.54% .57 .36%
Humor .00 .00% 6.86 4.11% .00 .00% .14 .04% 10.71 6.75% .00 .00% 9.57 6.95% 1.14 .64%
Crudeness .00 .00% 4.71 2.83% .00 .00% .00 .00% 7.43 4.80% .00 .00% 7.29 5.41% .00 .00%
Average Counts = Total number of pages in all issues of each publication depicting occurrences of each thematic category divided by the total number of issues of each publication analyzed.
Average % = Total number of pages in all issues of each publication depicting occurrences of each thematic category divided by the sum of the pages of all issues, made into a percentage
Table 4 Average page count and average percentage of pages dedicated to thematic categories of sports and entertainment by publication.
Theme: Sub-category Out Maxim Men’s health GQ FHM Details Stuff Esquire
Count % Count % Count % Count % Count % Count % Count % Count %
Sport: Sport star interview .57 .64% 1.43 .90% 2.86 1.46% 2.43 .96% 4.71 2.98% 1.14 .62% .14 .09% 2.86 1.39%
Sport: Events & paraphernalia .00 .00% 5.29 2.94% 5.14 2.52% 5.00 2.02% 5.14 3.33% 1.43 .63% 3.57 2.50% 3.43 2.08%
Sport: High risk & violent .00 .00% 5.14 3.10% .57 .28% .71 .24% 8.29 5.25% .00 .00% 6.14 4.42% .57 .32%
Entertainment: Travel 5.57 4.69% 1.14 .65% 6.86 3.44% 9.29 3.98% 2.29 1.43% 3.71 1.90% 2.29 1.80% 6.14 3.35%
Entertainment: Clubbing .71 .61% 1.57 .98% .71 .33% .43 .13% 1.00 .63% 1.14 .50% .57 .44% 1.86 1.04%
Entertainment: Culture 3.57 2.81% 2.00 1.19% 2.86 1.42% 7.43 3.03% 2.71 1.71% 1.86 .97% 2.29 1.81% 1.71 .82%
Entertainment: Video games .14 .16% 5.43 3.28% .43 .20% .14 .05% 7.86 4.89% 1.43 .87% 6.57 4.69% .00 .00%
Entertainment: Entertainment 21.86 18.48% 12.71 7.44% 3.00 1.49% 20.00 8.03% 13.00 8.39% 5.71 2.73% 17.00 12.10% 9.14 4.95%
Average Counts = Total number of pages in all issues of each publication depicting occurrences of each thematic category divided by the total number of issues of each publication analyzed.
Average % = Total number of pages in all issues of each publication depicting occurrences of each thematic category divided by the sum of the pages of all issues, made into a percentage
70 Sex Roles (2010) 63:64–78

Table 5 Thematically analyzed body content of each magazine recorded both by total average counts and total average percentages.
Body subcategory Stuff Maxim FHM GQ Details Esquire Out Men’s health
Avg.
Count
Avg.
%
Avg.
Count
Avg.
%
Avg.
Count
Avg.
%
Avg.
Count
Avg.
%
Avg.
Count
Avg.
%
Avg.
Count
Avg.
%
Avg.
Count
Avg.
%
Avg.
Count
Avg. %
Body building and muscular men .71 .53% .71 .44% 2.00 1.26% 1.71 .68% .00 .00% .71 .41% .71 .64% 20.43 10.28%
Eating for strength and supplements
for muscular enhancement
.14 .08% 1.29 .71% .57 .37% .00 .00% .14 .09% .14 .10% .00 .00% 8.14 4.08%
Cardio and endurance training .00 .00% .29 .18% .71 .47% .14 .06% .43 .20% .57 .36% .43 .48% 8.86 4.29%
Total counts and percentages .85 .61% 2.29 1.33% 2.28 2.10% 1.85 .74% .57 .29% 1.42 .87% 1.14 1.12% 37.43 18.65%
Average Counts = Total number of pages in all issues of each publication depicting occurrences of each thematic category divided by the total number of issues of each publication analyzed.
Average % = Total number of pages in all issues of each publication depicting occurrences of each thematic category divided by the sum of the pages of all issues, made into a percentage. A
metrosexual can be homosexual, heterosexual or bisexual (Simpson 1994). FHM is no longer in print in North America. Advertisements depicting muscular men were counted in both categories
(both the categories that included supplements and body building)
Table 6 Thematically analyzed aesthetic and grooming content of each magazine recorded both by total average counts and total average percentages.
Aesthetics and grooming
subcategory
Stuff Maxim FHM GQ Details Esquire Out Men’s health
Avg.
Count
Avg.
%
Avg.
Count
Avg.
%
Avg.
Count
Avg.
%
Avg.
Count
Avg.
%
Avg.
Count
Avg.
%
Avg.
Count
Avg.
%
Avg.
Count
Avg.
%
Avg.
Count
Avg.
%
Shaving 1.71 1.22% 2.00 1.19% 1.57 1.01% 1.29 .47% 1.57 .92% 1.00 .49% .14 .16% .71 .35%
Gelled hair .43 .29% .57 .32% .43 .27% .00 .00% .00 .00% .00 .00% .00 .00% .14 .07%
Beauty products 3.71 2.48% 8.43 4.92% 7.43 4.76% 14.43 5.52% 11.00 5.38% 2.86 1.61% 5.00 3.89% 12.00 6.12%
Total counts and
percentages
5.85 3.99% 11.00 6.43% 9.43 6.04% 15.72 5.99% 12.57 6.30% 3.86 2.10% 5.14 4.05% 12.85 6.54%
Average Counts = Total number of pages in all issues of each publication depicting occurrences of aesthetics and grooming divided by the total number of issues of each publication analyzed.
Average % = Total number of pages in all issues of each publication depicting occurrences of each thematic category divided by the sum of the pages of all issues, made into a percentage. A
metrosexual can be homosexual, heterosexual or bisexual (Simpson 1994). FHM is no longer in print in North America
Sex Roles (2010) 63:64–78 71

discussed and stories about urinating on a passed out friend
were included. In sum, there was a pervasive use of laddish
humor, banter, ridicule and general macho joking around.
Similarly to Benwell’s(2004) finding regarding irony, this
crassness appeared to represent the other less distinctive
form of masculinity. This version of masculinity was one
that marginalizes emotionality, sensitivity and thoughtful-
ness. Overall, the imag es of youthfulness, sexuality,
promiscuity, entertainment, and extreme sports presented
in these magazines were consistent with the literature on
laddist masculinity (Attwood 2005; Jackson et al. 2001 ;
Taylor 2005).
In contrast, GQ and Details featu red women far less
frequently (see Table 3) and when portrayed they were
more modestly dressed than in lad magazines (12.10% of
the pages in GQ and 8.68% of the pages in Details showed
modestly dress ed women compared to the 2.03% of the
pages in GQ and .90% of the pages in Details showing
women in revealing clothing). The featured male models
were slightly older, better manicured and more polished
than the lad models. This is consistent with Canape ’s
(1985) observation of GQ in the mid 1980s.
The most dominant theme in GQ and Details was the
advertising and discussion of high-end designer fashion
and business attire (27.6% of the pages in Details and
26.4% of GQ’s). Mul ti-pag e fashion spreads and articles
about how to dress and new and upcoming styles were
predominant features (see Table 7). Furthermore, in
comparison to laddist publications, Details and GQ had
a greater emphasis on material wealth and status symbols
(e.g., Omega or Esquire watches, Gucci cuff links,
Montblanc pens). Details and GQ also addressed men’s
appearance concerns, such as aging and hair loss, more
frequently than the lad publications. These magazines
discussed preventing and coping with aging, specifically
hair loss or balding. FHM and Stuff magazines did not
mention t hese issues in any publication analyzed. Overall,
Details and GQ’s emphasis on expensive designer men’s
fashion, designer accessories and the cultivation of a
polished appearance were consistent with the literature on
metrosexuality (Segal
1993;Simpson1994).
Esquire and OU T magazines were oriented to the
metrosexual demographic as indicated by their frequent
portrayals of expensive designer fashions, status symbols
and the polished appearance of the male models. These two
publications, however, used slightly older and more mature
models and placed a greater emphasis on current events
than the other metrosexual magazines, as well as the laddist
magazines. OUT magazine was publishe d for a gay
audience, which explained its representations of male
sexuality throughout the publication. Male models were
featured sexually in provocative poses alone or with other
men. This sup ported previous findings that magazines
Table 7 Thematically analyzed fashion content of each magazine recorded both by total average counts and total average percentages.
Fashion: Subcategory Stuff Maxim FHM GQ Details Esquire Out Men’s health
Avg.
Count
Avg. % Avg.
Count
Avg. % Avg.
Count
Avg. % Avg.
Count
Avg. % Avg.
Count
Avg. % Avg.
Count
Avg. % Avg.
Count
Avg. % Avg.
Count
Avg. %
Sport wear 4.43 3.28% 4.86 2.94% 2.86 1.75% 4.86 1.91% 5 2.47% 2.14 1.09% .43 .39% 8.43 4.18%
Designer fashion and
business attire
7.43 5.11% 11.86 6.89% 7.29 4.63% 65.86 26.41% 57 27.60% 47.43 22.95% 21.71 19.27% 14.57 7.22%
Accessories and shoes 4.43 3.24% 4.00 2.33% 4.00 2.57% 8.71 3.38% 7.86 3.76% 6.57 3.14% 2.14 1.73% 2.43 1.29%
Extreme casual wear, and
surf and skater gear
7.00 4.66% 7.71 4.59% 6.72 4.15% 3.28 1.27% 3.86 1.77% 3.57 1.63% 1.43 1.26% 3 1.51`%
Total counts and
percentages
23.29 16.29% 28.43 16.75% 20.87 13.10% 82.71 32.97% 73.72 35.60% 59.71 28.81% 25.71 22.65% 28.43 14.20%
Average Counts = Total number of pages in all issues of each publication depicting occurrences of fashion divided by the total number of issues of each publication analyzed. Average % = Total
number of pages in all issues of each publication depicting occurrences of each thematic category divided by the sum of the pages of all issues, made into a percentage. A metrosexual can be
homosexual, heterosexual or bisexual (Simpson 1994). FHM is no longer in print in North America
72 Sex Roles (2010) 63:64–78

targeted to a gay readership tend to have more explicitly
homoerotic representations of male models (Jackson et al.
2001).
Men’s Health magazine featured elements of metrosex-
uality, w ith its emphasis on fashion and appearance
concerns. Ho wever, the publication was primarily
concerned wi th issues of men’s health and muscularity
(see Table 5). The predominant theme in the publication
was physical strength, focusing on increasing muscle mass
via diet, exercise and strength training. Overall, these
emphases were consistent with the literature on muscularity
(Davis 2002; Pope et al. 2000).
From analyzing the content of the magazines, FHM,
Stuff, and Maxim seemed to promote laddist masculinity
(Attwood 2005; Jackson et al. 2001; Taylor 2005), whereas
GQ and Details seemed ge ared toward metrosexuality
(Segal 1993; Simpson 1994). Although Esquire, OUT, and
Men’s Health promoted elements of metrosexuality, Esquire
seemed to promote an older metrosexuality, OUT depicted a
version of gay metrosexuality, and Men’s Health predom-
inantly promoted muscularism . Thus, current men’s life-
style magazines seemed to be representing different forms
of masculinity.
The Male Body
Having established that varying forms of masculinity were
depicted in different men’s lifestyle publications, we now
examined how the male body was portrayed in these
different magazines. Based on past research, we expected a
greater emphasis on the body in Men’s Health (e.g.,
Alexander 2003) than in the other magazines. Whether
laddist and metrosexual magazines depict the male body
differently was unknown and of specific interest.
Images of the m ale body were evident throughout
each publication (see Table 5). Generally, all models had
lean and well-toned bodies but were not hypertrophic.
Noteworthy here , there was a trend in som e of the
metrosexual magazines toward models who were relative-
ly thin. Not surprisingly, the magazine that focused the
mostonthemalebodyitselfwasMen’sHealth.Weight
training, diet and nutritional information were the pre-
dominant forms of body shaping discussed in the
magazine. Overall 10.28% of the pages presented images
of moderately muscular men flexing, body-building and
strength training. Meanwhile 8.20% of the pages adver-
tised diets and nutritional information specifically for
muscular enhancement (see Table 5).
The type of male body most commonly depicted in the
publication was toned and muscular
—but not massive.
Men’s Health gave the most attention to strength training
and being lean, with an emphasis on achieving this body
type via healthy diet and exercise behaviors (e.g., having
good form when working out, not using ille gal muscle or
stamina increasing drugs, and eating right). Other forms of
exercise and diet—beyond weight training to build muscle
mass—were also presented (see Table 5) under the guise of
promoting overall health (e.g., articles encouraging cardio-
vascular training [4.29%]). As Barlett et al. (2008) found
that exposure to muscular media images increased body
dissatisfaction among men, being bombarded by the images
in these men’s lifestyle magazines may contribute to
clinical issues ranging from low self-esteem to Body
Dysmorphic Disorder.
All other magazines analyzed gave minimal, if any,
attention to achieving a muscular body. Across these
magazines, an average of 0% to 1.54% of the pages were
dedicated to body-work for muscle gain and less than 1.6%
to diet, supplements and cardiovascular exercise (see
Table 5). However, it was apparent that the masculine body
ideal was lean and toned as opposed to hypermuscular.
Most often, bodywork and strength training were about
achieving a certa in appearance rather than about being
healthy. This finding corresponds to Attwood’s(2005)
research on the male body and heterosexuality, where she
claimed that lifestyle magazines were coming to favor the
fashion or toned body over the hypermuscular male body.
While conventional notions connecting muscularity with
masculinity (Davis 2002 ; Pronger 2002) were frequently
identified in Men’s Health magazine—this masculinity,
along with its associated traits (e .g., being physically
strong, competitive and athletic) have been identified by
researchers as maintaining the dominant position of men in
society (Connell and Wood 2005; Davis 2002; Donaldson
1993). Strangely, though , the conten t of the other mag-
azines signified a movement away from hyper-muscularity.
In fact, the male bodies represented in all the men’s lifestyle
magazines were much less hypert rophic than male bodies
presented in bodybuilding magazines such as Fl ex or
Muscle & Fitness (Pope et al. 2000). This suggests that
strength was but one method of establishing and maintain-
ing power among men. For example, metrosexual publica-
tions relied more on money and status as representations of
power (as purchasing the designer fashions and status
symbols in these publications necessitate considerable
wealth), whereas the laddist magazines focused on sexual
dominance over women as a primary source of power.
Thus, the different forms of masculinity were utilizing
different elements of hegemonic masculinity to assert
power and dominance.
With the exception of the focus on muscle mass gain in
Men’s Health, the emphasis in other magazines was
predominantly on weight loss. The importance of weight
loss was indicative that body fat was anathema to cultural
ideals of masculinity and that men need to work on and be
responsible for their bodies (Giddens 1991; Robertson
Sex Roles (2010) 63:64–78 73

2006). This pressure to lose weight has plagued women for
decades (Wolf 1991). It now appears that men are facing
this pressure.
All magazines had inspirational stories about how
particular men, often celebrities, struggled with their
weight. For e xample: J orge Garcia fro m LOST was
interviewed in Maxi m (March 2006c) about being over-
weight and how his weight affected him. Testimonials
reported by men about their weight loss success were
featured in all of the publications. For example, an article
published in Men’s Health was entitled: “I was a big fat
[man]. Then I went to the movies” (March 2006, p. 82).
Although these testimonials and inspirational stories may
be motivational for some men or assure others that their
own weight struggles were normative, these stories also
emphasize that the body is a project that can be worked on
and this may lead to greater dissatisfaction with men’s own
appearance.
In addition, articles in the laddist magazines were often
derogatory about people who were overweight. This
derogation displays an additional element of hegemonic
power, where groups of men were excluded from the
dominant group (Carrigan et al. 1985; Connell 1987). Male
readers would be especially motivated to avoid being
categorized into this low status subgroup of men.
Thus, the male body was displayed in all publications,
confirming the idea that the male body was now very
visible (Bordo 1999;Gilletal.2005). Although the
visibility of the male body may have detrimental conse-
quences for men, such as additional pressures to lose
weight or to keep the body toned, depictions of the male
body may also be used to assert dominance over women
and other groups of men.
Aesthetics and Grooming
Next, we analyzed whether magazines that promoted
differing forms of masculinity portrayed aesthetics and
grooming differently. Given the research of Segal (1993 )
and Simpson (1994), we expected the metrosexual mag-
azines to emphasize aesthetics and grooming more than the
other magazines. Advertisements for male cosmetics such
as moisturizers, facial cleansers and fragrances did appear
in all of the magazines, accounting for 1.61% to 6.12% of
the content. Nonetheless, the meterosexual magazines did
seem to promote these produ cts more than the other
magazines (see Table 6). A noteworthy finding, however,
was that the type and brand of product, the content of the
advertisement and the meaning embedded in the accompa-
nying text varied among the magazines as well.
Advertisements in the metrosexual publications—including
Men’s Health and OUT—primarily promoted designer
colognes and beauty products (e.g., Dolce & Gabbana,
Calvin Klein and Fendi). All of these publications also
included articles that discussed and ranked men’scosmetic
and grooming techniques. Advertisements typically featured
clean cut, clean shaven men. For example, the following text
appeared in one article: “You are how you groom. Behind
every blinding smile, careful coiffure, and neatly trimmed
nostril fringe lays the daily routine that defines you. The way
you leave the bathroom says a lot about how you’ll tackle
each day ... Good grooming has the power to make you a
better man ... start grooming for improvement” (Bean and
Boye 2006, p. 158). Advertisements like this promoted a new
consumer-oriented preoccupied society. Past research has also
identified that Hollywood cinema contributed to this phe-
nomenon by helping to foster the importance of aesthetics for
men (Featherstone 1991). Advertisements and articles about
grooming and aesthetics compose, on average, 6.12% of the
pages in Men’s Health, 5.38% in Details,5.52%inGQ,
3.98% in OUT (see Table 6). The same trends were evident in
Esquire, though to a much lesser extent (1.61% of the pages).
The laddist magazines also advertised cosmetic and
grooming products, but with a different focus. These
magazines tended to pitch products as ways to attract
women. For example, an Old Spice advertisement for
scented body wash in Maxim ( 2005, p. 84) depicted a
photograph of a woman’s breasts, stomach and unbuttoned
fly stating that “you may not have noticed, but women also
have noses.” Frequently advertised brands, including AXE,
Tag and Old Spice, placed advertisements showing women
removing their clothes and becoming sexually aroused by
their products (e.g., the AXE effect). Th ese types of
advertisements and articles made up, on average, 4.92%
of the pages in Maxim, 2.48% in Stuff and 4.76% in FHM
(see Table 6).
These types of articles an d advertisements were consis-
tent with the view that aesthetics and grooming play a
central role in contemporary consumerism (Featherstone
1991; Shilling 1993). The message these m agazines
conveyed was that through buying products and services a
man can change his embodied self and, thus make himself
into the man he wants to be. Traditionally, concerns about
appearance and the attractiveness of the body have been
more common amongst women and disavowed by hetero-
sexual men (Davis 2002). Our results suggest that this norm
is subject to contestation.
Additional cosme tic products primarily advertised in the
laddist publications were shaving products and hair gels.
Advertisements for these specific grooming supplies com-
posed on average between 1.01% and 1.22% of the pages in
these magazines. The other lifestyle publications devoted
markedly fewer pages to these items (an average of .32% of
pages in all other publications, see Table 6). Notably, all
three laddist magazines often carried the same advertise-
ments (same product, brand, and photo spread). The hair
74 Sex Roles (2010) 63:64–78

product advertisements generally displayed clean shaven
men with spiked hair (to demonstrate the effects one could
obtain with the product), whereas the shaving advertise-
ments used bold colors and focused on the physical razor
(and the technology used), to the exclusion of all else—
even the male models.
Articles and advertisements about aging and preventing
hair loss appeared more often in metrosexual magazines
than the other publications. Products such as Redken for
Men, which was marketed as being able to thicken hair and
slow hair loss, were advertised frequently. A Redken
advertisement in an issue of Details depicted a man with
his hair styled to boost density. These magazines tended to
present their readers with the idea that thinning or graying
hair is a problematic but treatable issue. This sort of
material ranged from .27% of the pages in GQ to 1.09% of
the pages in Details. Maxim was the only laddist magazine
to also contain this type of information (.15%).
Whether it was promoting hair gels and razors for a more
youthful, boyish look in the lad magazines or dealing with
hair loss and gray hair in the metrosexual magazines, these
publications were promoting different ways of slowing the
appearance of age. This was consi stent with Coupland’s
(2007) finding that aging and appearance were concerns of
men. Yet rather than from their thirties onward, our findings
indicate that men may become concerned about aging in
their twenties. Men’s fear of aging makes them susceptible
to the marketing of products purpor ted to slow or even
reverse the aging process (Nabi 2002). As Fe atherstone
explained, discourses within movies, television, newspapers
and advertisements make men feel that “the wrinkles,
sagging flesh, tendency toward middle-aged spread, hair
loss etc. which accompany aging should be combated by
energetic body maintenance on the part of the individual
with help from the cosmetic, beauty, fitness and leisure
industries,” (1991, p. 178). Capitalizing on these fears has
opened up a venue to extend the marketing of aesthetic and
grooming products and services to men as well as women,
who have hith erto been the focus of t his industry
(MacDonald 1995).
Fashion
Finally, we analyzed the portrayal of fashion in the
magazines. Again, based on the findings of Segal (1993)
and Simpson (1994), we expected the metrosexual pub-
lications to promote fashion more than the other magazines.
Although fashion photo-spreads, advertisements and
articles constituted a number of pages in all the men’s
lifestyle magazines, the metrosexual magazines did seem to
devote a greater percentage of pages to fashion and
designer accessories in comparison to other magazines.
However, the style of clothing, the type of fashion, and how
the male models were posed generally differed across
publications (see Table 7).
GQ, Details, and Esquire magazines generally presented
men dressed in high-end designer business attire (e.g., suits
by Armani and Hugo Boss) or, for non-work situations, in
brand name fashion labels (e.g., Dolce & Gabbana and
Diesel). By portraying these attractive male models in
expensive attire, often surrounded by beautiful women,
these fashion advertisements projected images of confi-
dence and success. Articles accompanying these fashion
spreads frequently instructed men on how to transform
business attire into business casual and evening wear or to
inform them about what they should wear in different
contexts. For example, the article “The ten things you need
in your closet: You take care of the socks and underwear.
We’ll supply the rest” informed men about the latest
fashion trends, how different pieces of clothing should be
worn together, and when to wear the outfits (Esquire,
March 2006b
, p. 94). Fashion was being promoted as the
key to financial success.
Similar to the other metrosexual publications, advert ise-
ments in OUT primarily pitched designer fashion labels.
Unlike the other magazines, OUT focused more on evening
and club wear, which tended to be tight fitting, sheer,
sexually provocative and highlighting body contours and
skin. Male models in OUT wor e more revealing clothes—or
only underwear—more often than in the other publications.
Rather than depicting male models accompanied by
women, these attractive, lean, and well-toned male models
were frequently pictured together. Pages dedicated to
designer fashions made up on average 19.27% of the pages
in OUT (see Table 7 ).
The majority of fashion advertisements and articles in Men’s
Health depicted designer business and evening wear—
although fashion itself was much less prevalent than in the
other metrosexual magazines, comprising up to 7.22% of the
publication’s pages (see Table 7). Unlike the other publica-
tions there was a greater focus on sportswear (4.18%). The
models in these sportswear images were attractive and well
groomed, often posed actively engaging in physical activity.
The fashion advertisements and articles depicted in the laddist
magazines were considerably different from the other
publications. Business attire and designer fashion content
was common but less frequently depicted than in the other
publications. Type of clothing and how that clothing was
presented also differed. Clothing was more causal, relaxed in
fit, and youthful (e.g., dress shirts were unbuttoned without
ties). For example, a six page fashion article, entitled
Essentials, pictures a young attractive model dressed in a
Hugo Boss suit on the first page. Each consecutive page
shows the same model wearing only one piece of the suit
paired with some other causal designer clothing—such as the
suit jacket with a sleeveless t-shirt, sandals and orange rolled
Sex Roles (2010) 63:64–78 75

up cargo pants (Maxim, April 2006a). The emphasis here is
how to make designer business attire much more casual.
Designer business attire made up on average 6.89% of the
pages in Maxim,5.11%ofStuff, and 4.63% of FHM (see
Table 7).
The lad publications also advertised oth er types of
fashions, including less expensive brands such as American
Eagle, Abercrombie & Fitch and Unionbay. These adver-
tisements and articles showed young attractive models, in
their late teens or early twenties, in their dorm rooms or
with friends, wearing t-shirts, cargo pants or jeans while
enjoying sports, music or video games. For example, an
advertisement for Arizona Jean Company pictured a young
man dressed in jeans and a t-shirt sitting on his twin bed in
his dorm room while tossing a basketball in the air (FHM,
August 2006). Models were also depicted in groups of
friends. Advertisements for men’s clothing were also
framed sexually. For example, a Pepe Jeans ad pictured a
male model embracing a female dressed in a mini-skirt and
cropped halter top (Stuff, April 2006, p. 129). Thus, these
magazines seemed to promoting fashion as a means for
social success.
Surfer and skater wear was also advertised in the laddist
magazines. Advertisements and articles for skater or surfer
gear depicted physically fit and carefree models in their late
teens or early twenties who were dressed and actively posed
for such activities. For example, a wakeboarding fashion
spread included the caption “Wave Stunners: What’s cooler
than knowing how to tear like a world-class wakeboarder?
Looking like you don’t care” (Maxim, July 2005, pp. 140–
146). Overall, advertisements and articles for surf and
skater fashions and less expensive causal wear made up an
average of 4.14% of the pages in FHM, 4.66% of Stuff and
4.59% of Maxim. The other genres depicted such advertise-
ments and articles on a range of only .27% to 1.77% of their
pages (see Table 7).
Overall, the centrality of fashion in all of the publica-
tions illustrated that these magazines promoted image,
style, and appearance as being important for contemporary
men. How fashion was marketed was about more than just
the clothing. Models, for instance, were wearing these
fashions and, in this way, the positive characteristics of the
models themselves (e.g., attractive, toned, successful) were
being sold as achievable given the proper dress. Thus, men
were being targeted by consumer capitalism (Featherstone
1991; Giddens 1991). The message was that a man is
defined by how he dresses.
These underlying themes of fashion leading to social
success (laddist magazines) or financial success (metrosex-
ual magazines) can be encompassed within the realm of
hegemonic masculinity (Connell 2005; Connell and Wood
2005). Connell’s notion of hegemonic masculinity centers
on the power differential in gender relations (Carrigan et al.
1985; Connell 1987, 1993). In other words, there is a
hierarchy of power, where some men are at the top
(Carrigan et al. 1985). Traditionally, hegemonic masculinity
locates wealthy heterosexual men at the top of this
hierarchy, subordinating other men (e.g., men of different
sexualities, races and social classes) as well as women
(Carrigan et al. 1985; Connell 1993, 2005 ). The laddist
magazines, however, elevate d socially successful (e .g.,
popular, well liked) men to the top of this power hierarchy,
whereas metrosexual publications continue to promote
wealthy heterosexual men but specifically within the
context of appearance and prestige. Men’s Health, on the
other hand, focused on athleticism as the dominant and
powerful factor for manliness. These forms of masculinity,
therefore, are variants within hegem onic masculinity.
The magazines not only suggested that a man has a
better chance of being successful in relation to other men
by ‘dressing the part ’, they also suggested that men can be
dominant over women should they do so. In the laddist
magazines, the fashio n spre ads portr ayed the m en as
sexually dominant. In the metrosexual magazines—includ-
ing Esquire and Men’s Health— the fashion models often
appeared as attracting the attention and interest of women,
which also put them in a position of power and control. In
addition, as none of the mo dels were portrayed as
subordinate, unattractive, or unhappy, the implied message
is that these men were at the top of the hierarchy and by
achieving the right look, the reader can be too.
Limitations and Future Research
The content analysis provided a systematic (information
was assigned to categories acc ording to criteria) and
objective (each step was conducted adhering to specific
rules and procedures) approach to investigate dominant
portrayals of masculinity. Future content analyses could
be improved by sampling more issues of magazines and
sampling a range of magazines from different countries
together, which could further increase the generalizabil-
ity of the findings. Also, a comparative international
focus (e.g., comparing issues of Maxim published in
Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom)
could provide greater insight into masculinity portrayals
in Canada and elsewhere.
The most prevalent limitation of the content analysis is
its purely descriptive nature as it cannot establish causal
relationships among variables (Bordens and Abbott 2008).
A second limitation is the limited longevity of the findings
(Bordens and Abbott 2008). Given the magazines analyzed
in the content analysis were published between 2004 and
2006; the findings of the analysis specific to magazine
content will decrease in applicability as the magazines
become increasingly outdated.
76 Sex Roles (2010) 63:64–78

Future research investigating how male images in men’s
lifestyle magazines affect men and their sense of self is
needed. Although the findings from this study suggest that
the images in men lifestyle magazines—such as the
promotion of thin but muscular models—may be detrimen-
tal to men’s psychological wellbe ing, future r esearch
utilizing more experimental designs or longitudinal studies
may wish to examine these issues further.
Conclusion
Past research on men’s lifestyle magazines has tended to
focus on a particular magazine (e.g., Alexander 2003; Boni
2002) or a particular sub-genre of men’s lifestyle magazines
(e.g., Attwood 2005;Taylor2005). Building on past
research, the current study examined m ultiple men’s
lifestyle magazines targeting different demographics of
men to investigate similarities and differences in portrayals
of the body, aesthetics and grooming, and fashion across
magazines. We found that the men’s lifestyle magazines
promoted different forms of masculinity. Overall, metro-
sexuality was most commonly depicted (Details, GQ,
Esquire, and OUT) as might be expected given the lif estyle
genre. Laddist masculinity was predominan t in a sub-genre
within lifestyle magazines (Stuff , FHM and Maxim).
Extreme muscularity was only emphasized in Men’s Health,
though elements of metrosexuality were apparent in this
publication as well. Despite which forms of masculin ity
were most prominent in each publication, elements of
hegemonic masculinity were depicted throughout. Thus,
metrosexuality and laddism were not so much discrete
alternatives to hegemonic masculinity, but different vehicles
through which hegemony could be expressed. Part of
hegemo ni c m a scu li nit y’s power and ability to remain
dominant is its ability to adapt to the different social
contexts (Connell 2005). Thus, hegemonic masculinity
remains dominant due to its malleability as it molds itself
into emerging or new forms of masculin ity.
Although it was once common for images of men to be
restricted to facial photos or sports action shots (Archer et
al. 1983;Davis2002), the depictions of men in the
magazines were not similarly restricted. Full length body
shots of men were common to all publications, demonstrat-
ing the increased visibility of the male body (Bordo 1994,
1999; Connell 1987; Davis 2002). These images of men
were often sexualized and objectified, which is consistent
with research on advertising and men (Coupland 2007).
This objectification is something that has been noted in
women’s magazines for years and has been associated with
negative consequences (Davis 2002 ; Wolf
1991) and now
new research suggests that men may be affected by
objectification as well (Barlett et al. 2008).
Shifting norms, values and customs threaten social
identity—they are no longer pre-determined or regulated
(Beck 1992). Thus people, including men, are required to
make life choices that require some amount of risk because
only in taking risk can the self be transformed (Beck and
Beck-Gernsheim 1995). This, combined with the increasing
visibility of male body in magazines, increases men’s
responsibility for their body shape and puts pressure on
them to transform and improve the body—often as a
component of their identity (Giddens 1991; Robertson
2006; Shilling 1993 ).
Theorists h ave argued that men are increasingly being
held responsible for their personal appearance (Davis
2002; Featherstone 1991;Giddens1991; Robertson 2006;
Shilling 19 9 3 ). The men’s lifestyle magazines examined
here reinforce this view. Readers g ain the impression that
they need to groom and dress in a particul ar manner in
order t o be successful, although the look varies depending
upon the desired form of masculinity. The overall
objective of self-improvement pervades the collective
discourse. In this way, these publications promote con-
sumerism by exposing men to advertisements and articles
about the male body, aesthetics and fashion.
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