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Individual Differences in Sociosexuality: Evidence for Convergent and Discriminant Validity

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Abstract

Individual differences in willingness to engage in uncommitted sexual relations were investigated in 6 studies. In Study 1, a 5-item Sociosexual Orientation Inventory (SOI) was developed. Studies 2, 3, and 4 provided convergent validity evidence for the SOI, revealing that persons who have an unrestricted sociosexual orientation tend to (a) engage in sex at an earlier point in their relationships, (b) engage in sex with more than 1 partner at a time, and (c) be involved in relationships characterized by less investment, commitment, love, and dependency. Study 5 provided discriminant validity for the SOI, revealing that it does not covary appreciably with a good marker of sex drive. Study 6 demonstrated that the SOI correlates negligibly with measures of sexual satisfaction, anxiety, and guilt. The possible stability of, origins of, and motivational bases underlying individual differences in sociosexuality are discussed.
PERSONALITY PROCESSES AND INDIVIDUAL
DIFFERENCES
Individual Differences in Sociosexuality:
Evidence for Convergent and Discriminant Validity
Jeffry A. Simpson
Texas A&M UniversitySteven W Gangestad
University of
New
Mexico
Individual differences in willingness to engage in uncommitted sexual relations were investigated
in
6
studies.
In Study
1,
a
5-item
Sociosexual Orientation Inventory
(SOI) was
developed.
Studies
2,
3,
and 4 provided convergent validity evidence for the SOI, revealing that persons who have an
unrestricted sociosexual orientation tend to
(a)
engage in sex at an earlier point in their relation-
ships,
(b) engage in sex with more than
1
partner at a time, and (c) be involved in relationships
characterized by less investment, commitment, love, and dependency. Study
5
provided discrimi-
nant validity for the SOI, revealing that it does not covary appreciably with a good marker of sex
drive.
Study 6 demonstrated that the SOI correlates negligibly with measures of sexual satisfaction,
anxiety,
and
guilt.
The possible stability of, origins of, and motivational bases underlying individual
differences in sociosexuality are discussed.
Over 5 decades ago, Alfred Kinsey and his associates em-
barked on the most ambitious, comprehensive, and in-depth
study of
the sexual
behavior and practices of human beings that
has ever been conducted. Although Kinsey primarily
was
con-
cerned with documenting population norms
(eg.,
mean rates of
various forms of sexual behavior), one of the most striking fea-
tures
of his data
was
the substantial variability that individuals
displayed across
a
wide array of what he referred to
as
sociosex-
ual attitudes and behaviors (Kinsey, Pomeroy,
&
Martin, 1948;
Kinsey, Pomeroy, Martin, & Gebhard, 1953). Indeed, as more
recent research has corroborated, individuals exhibit consider-
able variability on several sociosexual features that tend to co-
vary, including frequency of actual and preferred sexual inter-
course, number of actual and preferred partners, incidence of
concurrent (e.g, extramaritaO affairs, number of different sex-
ual partners foreseen in
the
future, attitudes toward engaging
in
uncommitted sexual relations, the ease with which uncommit-
ted sexual relationships can be entered into, and the frequency
with which sexual fantasies about partners other than the
current one predominate in one^ thoughts (see Eysenck, 1976,
and Hunt, 1974, for reviews; see Snyder, Simpson, & Ganges-
tad, 1986, for evidence of covariance).
This research
was
supported by National Institute of Mental Health
Grant MH45081 to Jeflry A. Simpson. We thank Lana Aaron, Sheri
Baker, Holly Bogart, Debbie Grudrein, Mindy Hall, Lisa Hutchins,
Margaret Lerma, Jim Lyon, Paul Nicolai, Karen Owens, Faith Short,
Sarah Sloan, Nicole Streetman, and Richard Williams for their assis-
tance during the empirical phases of these investigations.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to
Jeffry
A.
Simpson, Department of Psychology, Texas A&M University,
College Station,
Texas
77843,
or Steven
W
Gangestad, Department of
Psychology, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, New Mexico
87131.
Given that many of these sociosexual
behaviors
and attitudes
strongly covary, Snyder et al. (1986) and Gangestad and Simp-
son (1990) have suggested that they might tap a common indi-
vidual difference dimension reflecting
sociosexual orientation
or
sociosexuality.
Individuals at one end of this dimension
those who possess a
restricted
sociosexual orientation—typi-
cally insist on commitment and
closeness in a
relationship prior
to engaging in sex with a romantic partner. Restricted individ-
uals
claim,
for instance, that they need closeness before feeling
comfortable with sex, they have had few sexual relationships in
the past
year,
and they rarely if ever
have
had
sex
with
a
partner
on one and only one occasion. Conversely, persons at the other
end of the dimension—those
who
exhibit an
unrestrictedsocio-
sexual
orientation—tend
to
feel relatively comfortable engaging
in sex without commitment or
closeness.
Unrestricted individ-
uals indicate, for example, that they could enjoy sex without
commitment, they have had several different sexual partners in
the past year, and they have engaged in sex with partners once
and only once on several different occasions.
Some of
the
variance underlying sociosexual behaviors and
attitudes can be accounted for
by
gender differences. Men, rela-
tive to
women,
tend to possess more permissive attitudes and to
exhibit more unrestricted behavior with regard to engaging in
uncommitted sexual relations (eg., Buss & Barnes, 1986; Eys-
enck, 1976; Griffit & Hatfield,
1985;
Hendrick, Hendrick, Sla-
pion-Foote, & Foote, 1985). Nonetheless, across virtually all
indexes of sociosexuality, the variability in responses that exists
within
each sex greatly exceeds that which exists
between
men
and women (eg, Eysenck, 1976; Hendrick et al., 1985; Hunt,
1974;
Kinsey etal.,
1948;
Kinsey etal.,1953;Snyderetal., 1986).
Hendrick et al. (1985), for instance, reported a substantial dif-
ference between college men and women in attitudes toward
permissive sex, yet the reliable within-sex variance on permis-
siveness was more than double the between-sex variance.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1991, Vol. 60, No. 6, 870-883
Copyright 1991 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. 0022-3514/91/S3.00
870
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... The Sociosexual Orientation Inventory (SOI) was first developed by Simpson and Gangestad (1991) as a self-report tool to evaluate the sociosexual attitude and the tendency to more or less unrestricted sexual relationships. This psychometric tool comprised five items and was widely used in many research articles on this field (Simpson & Gangestad, 1991). ...
... The Sociosexual Orientation Inventory (SOI) was first developed by Simpson and Gangestad (1991) as a self-report tool to evaluate the sociosexual attitude and the tendency to more or less unrestricted sexual relationships. This psychometric tool comprised five items and was widely used in many research articles on this field (Simpson & Gangestad, 1991). However, the original version of SOI, with a sole global score, had some important weaknesses, such as the variable internal consistency of the SOI across samples, the low psychometric quality of the SOI, because of the open response formats of the first three items, the different methods of scoring of the SOI, and the sole inclusion of romantic couples in the original study by the SOI authors (Penke & Asendorpf, 2008). ...
... The three models included the original unidimensional structure of SOI (Simpson & Gangestad, 1991) and the threefactor structure proposed by Penke and Asendorpf (2008). Finally, a bifactor model modified the three-factor model by adding a general factor reflected by all the items. ...
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... This bias in short-term sexual rewards has also revealed sex differences in sociosexuality. Sociosexuality relates to individual differences in attitudes and desires toward casual sex, as well as the degree to which one engages in uncommitted sexual activity (Penke & Asendorpf, 2008;Simpson & Gangestad, 1991). Sex differences in sociosexuality tend to be large (i.e., d ≥ 0.80), robust across cultures (Schmitt, 2005), and somewhat reduced but never eliminated or reversed in more gender egalitarian nations (Lippa, 2009). ...
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... The few studies that include people with sexual diversities have focused on relating propensity for sexual excitation with risk behaviors, such as substance use (Lorenz, 2021), cybersex addiction (Laier et al., 2015), or lack of sexual control (Miner et al., 2016), forgetting its relationship with the orgasmic experience. Our finding may also be due to the fact that, compared to heterosexual females, those who engage in sexual relationships with other females exhibit significantly more sexual desire (Lippa, 2007), score higher on sociosexuality (i.e., degree of openness to engage in casual or noncommittal sex; Simpson & Gangestad, 1991) and on sexual sensation seeking, sexual curiosity, and arousability (Stief et al., 2014). It is possible that the erotica of lesbian and bisexual females, unlike heterosexual females, is more focused on the goals and consequences of sexual activity (in this case, reaching orgasm) (Sierra, Muñoz-García & Mangas, 2024), a disposition that has traditionally been associated with male sexuality. ...
... Sociosexual orientation or sociosexuality refers to an individual's inclination toward engaging in casual, uncommitted sexual relationships (Kinsey, 1998;Simpson & Gangestad, 1991;Zheng et al., 2014). A more "restricted" sociosexual orientation is associated with a long-term mating strategy and a tendency towards being more cautious before engaging in sexual activity, having fewer sex partners and prolonged courtship. ...
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Human sexuality and mating behaviors have been linked to the subjective importance of olfaction and body odor in one's life; however, the relationship among these factors has not been fully explored. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the relationships between sociosexual orientation, subjective importance of olfaction, and body odor sniffing behavior, and to determine whether there is cultural consistency. A total of 1,904 Chinese college students (Study 1) and additional 861 participants from more general population (410 Chinese and 451 Americans) (Study 2) completed three questionnaires measuring sociosexual orientation, subjective importance of olfaction, and body odor sniffing behavior, respectively. The results of Study 1 indicated a significant association between sociosexual orientation, subjective importance of olfaction, and body odor sniffing behavior for both males and females. Besides, the subjective importance of olfaction mediated the relationship between sociosexual orientation and body odor sniffing behavior. The results of Study 2 suggested that the relationships between sociosexual orientation, subjective importance of olfaction, and body odor sniffing behavior were consistent across cultures. To conclude, this research highlights the significant association between sociosexual orientation, subjective importance of olfaction, and body odor sniffing behavior, which exhibited consistency across genders and cultural backgrounds. These findings provide valuable insights into the role of human mating strategies in olfaction.
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