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Foreign Policy of Kyrgyzstan Under Askar Akayev and Kurmanbek Bakiyev
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... The emergent foreign policy pattern of all these states can be described as "multi-vector" foreign policies. While not all five explicitly embrace this concept -Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan have done so in various documents and official statements (Hanks 2009;Sari 2012) -it is arguably applicable to all of them in some fashion or another, and indeed, the five foreign policy practices are of interests as variations of multi-vectorism. As they entered the world of independent states, the Central Asian states -possibly more than the other post-Soviet new states 5 -faced the challenge of engaging with, without giving up too much to, a range of different external actors. ...
The series Eurasiatica. Quaderni di Studi su Balcani, Anatolia, Iran, Caucaso e Asia Centrale was born to deal specifically with a wide area, composite but interrelated that, in addition to the traditional historical and cultural significance, is taking on an increasing political and economic value. The placement of this series within Edizioni Ca’ Foscari originates at the same time from a strong tradition of studies on the Balkans, Caucasus and Central Asia in our University, where the main languages of these regions are taught - Albanian, Bulgarian, modern Greek, Romanian, Serbian-Croatian, Russian, Persian, Turkish, Armenian and Georgian. The studies published in this series are intended to provide a tool for high scientific and multidisciplinary research in different fields (archaeology, art, anthropology, ethnology and ethnomusicology, linguistics, philology, folklore, religion, history, geopolitics).
The book discusses the issues which are vital to Central Asian Republics and to India, including the threats they face, such as terrorism, fundamentalism and its consequences. It touches upon the China's regional aspirations and objectives, including the massive BRI initiative (Belt and Road), discusses the challenges of (lack of) territorial connectivity between India and Central Asian Republics, the interests of other great powers, etc. This publication analyses various aspects of historical background, presents some literary discourses, while thoroughly referring to the contemporary strategic, socio-political and economic dynamics of the region.
This article examines and compares the foreign policy preferences of three small states in Central Asia, namely Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan, in the post-independence era. Although the three countries share similar features, such as a common Soviet legacy, landlocked position, and population size, the foreign policy behavior differs in Turkmenistan. While Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan align with Russia, Turkmenistan embraces permanent neutrality. This study argues that natural resource endowment, coupled with fewer internal threats and geographical constraints compared to Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, helped Turkmenistan to pursue a neutral and more independent foreign policy. Yet, over-reliance on China as the major buyer of Turkmen natural gas may make it difficult to sustain permanent neutrality.
After the emergence of independent Central Asian republics, which remained under the rule of Tsarist Russian and successor Soviet empire for several decades, Central Asia has become an arena for great power rivalry. It was a rational choice for newly-independent Kyrgyzstan, as a small country, neighbor to giant China, and whose dependency on Russia continued to a certain degree for security reasons and economic considerations, to adopt a multi-vector foreign policy in order to decrease its dependency on the former overlord and to counterbalance its giant neighbor which pursued expansionist policy in trade and the other projects in the region. In accordance with such a rationality, Kyrgyzstan, while keeping its relations with Russia and opened its borders for goods from China, also developed its relations with the US, Canada, EU, Germany, Turkey, Japan, etc., and became member of several global or regional governmental organizations to integrate into global political and economic system. Though its relatively weaker role and influence in Central Asia compared to the other great powers, India, which never pursued an imperialist policy in the region in history, might be an important alternative option with regard to its huge demographic, economic, and technological capacity, geographical proximity, and historical-cultural links for foreign policy orientation of Kyrgyzstan. India, with its huge potential to be a great counterweight, can make multi-vector foreign policy of Kyrgyzstan more successful, sustainable, and well-balanced, by providing it with a new direction and dimension and more room for maneuvering; so that, Kyrgyzstan will be able to create a more favorable, freer, safer, and less-restraining external setting to conduct its foreign policy as an independent and sovereign country.
This article provides an analysis of Mongolia’s foreign relations with the post-Soviet Central Asian states, particularly with Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, and their prospects going forward. It provides an overview of relations and analysis of why, despite shared geocultural identities and geopolitical imperatives, their relationship remains more distant than Mongolia’s relations with its other neighbors of East Asia. It then assesses the changes brought by the dynamics of a rising Chinese power projection as manifested through its Belt and Road Initiative in the region, and, using the IR theories on rising powers and weak state behavior, examines the impetus of these shifting dynamics for future Mongolia–Central Asia relations.
The book is about Turkish- Kyrgyz Political Relations between 1991 and 2013.
This chapter presents and analyses the data related to the three case studies selected to display the inside-out facet of co-constitution, namely Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Moldova. The link between their “ideas of the state” and “ideas of the region” has been investigated by using a discursive approach to explore their foreign policy narratives. Unsettled state identities in the three countries under investigation have affected the way the post-Soviet region has been imaginatively re-constructed, i.e., as a space in which multiple, divergent ideas of the region coexist and overlap.
This is the only book since the fall of the Soviet Union to analyze the security of the newly emerged independent states in the strategically vital region of Central Asia and the Caucasus.
This insightful work maps out the possibilities and dangers that lie ahead for the nations of Central Asia and the Caucasus. The book analyzes the current security situation and clarifies its historical context, identifying the factors that have shaped the security of these young nations since their independence. It also examines the parameters—political, economic, ethnic, energy, and military—that will decide the security of the region in the future.
The book's author tells the whole story behind the headlines when he discusses, for example, the real reason for the "wine war" of 2006, when Russia banned imports of Georgian wine for "health reasons," or when explaining the impact of the expanding American presence—both political and military—after September 11. Conflict and Security in Central Asia and the Caucasus is a primer for those who want to know more about this strategic region and essential reading for all students of world affairs.
Snyder, Bruck, and Sapin (1962) argued many years ago that those of us interested in understanding foreign policy decisions needed to get inside the “black box” of the decision-making process. Doing so, they pointed out, required a focus on the agents involved in the process. This agent-centered approach differed significantly from the broader, structural approaches that had marked the study of global politics prior to their revolutionary work. At an intuitive level it makes sense to focus on the process and the agents involved, and indeed, most of our casual conversations about international politics and foreign policy center around individuals and small decision-making groups. Many of the major subfields in international politics are nonetheless populated by structural or systems-level approaches, which either ignore individuals altogether or make simplified assumptions about agent-centered or micro-level processes that are under-theorized or not tested.
Despite the negative atmosphere it created for both sides, the Davos case should be seen as an opportunity to revisit the various aspects of Turkish-Israeli relations. Turkish-Israeli rapprochement is important for the regional order. However, both sides should realize that like all bilateral relations the Turkish-Israeli one is subject to social, political and psychological parameters. There is no ideal, correct model that is free of social effects. The fluctuations of a bilateral contact cannot be understood through simplistic analyses that prioritize personalities or other trivial issues. Every single event, including that at Davos, should be seen as one function of complex social phenomena. Even the most unexpected events in politics are the products of several major social machineries. This article will offer an alternative analysis of the Turkish-Israeli relationship in the light of a number of social structures.
The Mavi Marmara tragic affair is viewed in Israel as part of a Turkish political maneuvering which gained momentum following the Arab Spring. According to this view Turkey under Prime Minister Erdogan has identified a vacuum created by the US phased withdrawal from the region, a decline in Egypt's traditional role and the growing European and American need for Turkey's involvement. In these circumstances, Turkey can assert itself as a regional power with domestic, regional and international political and economic returns. Championing the Palestinian cause and criticizing Israel bears hardly any price tag. Israelis and, especially, those who decide whether to accept Turkey's demand for ending the Mavi Marmara affair and restoring normal relations, question whether this is Turkey's strategy. The Arab Spring may produce major changes in the region's political map that would also affect Turkey and Israel. This is a time when a dialogue, rather than rupture and confrontation, would better serve their long term interests. Yet both governments are now entrenched in their positions. This calls for a nongovernmental initiative to prevent further deterioration and search for a process to heal the relationship.