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PFAS contamination: Pathway from communication to behavioral outcomes

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Guided by the risk information seeking and processing model, this study examines social cognitive variables that motivate individuals to actively seek and process information related to per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS) contamination. Results indicate that information insufficiency, affective response, and informational subjective norms are positively related to information seeking and systematic processing, which are positively associated with policy support and intention to adopt risk mitigation behaviors. These findings suggest that when communicating the health risks of PFAS contamination to the general public, cognitive, affective, and normative factors are important initial steps to generate public interest in relevant information.
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Journal of Health Communication
International Perspectives
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PFAS Contamination: Pathway from
Communication to Behavioral Outcomes
Xinxia Dong & Janet Z. Yang
To cite this article: Xinxia Dong & Janet Z. Yang (2023) PFAS Contamination: Pathway from
Communication to Behavioral Outcomes, Journal of Health Communication, 28:4, 205-217,
DOI: 10.1080/10810730.2023.2193144
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/10810730.2023.2193144
Published online: 28 Mar 2023.
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ARTICLE
PFAS Contamination: Pathway from Communication to
Behavioral Outcomes
XINXIA DONG and JANET Z. YANG
Department of Communication, University at Buffalo, Buffalo, New York, USA
ABSTRACT
Guided by the risk information seeking and processing model, this study examines social cognitive variables that motivate individuals to
actively seek and process information related to per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS) contamination. Results indicate that
information insufficiency, affective response, and informational subjective norms are positively related to information seeking and
systematic processing, which are positively associated with policy support and intention to adopt risk mitigation behaviors. These findings
suggest that when communicating the health risks of PFAS contamination to the general public, cognitive, affective, and normative
factors are important initial steps to generate public interest in relevant information.
While industrialization has enabled large-scale production, created
job opportunities, and boosted economic growth, environmental
problems created by industrialization should never be overlooked
(Cherniwchan, 2012; Power et al., 2018). As a case in point, per-
and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS) contamination is an emer-
ging environmental crisis closely associated with the manufactur-
ing of hazardous synthetic chemicals found in a variety of
products, including paper packaging, household items, and non-
stick cookware (Glüge et al., 2020). PFAS are known as “forever
chemicals” because of the stable chemical structures that keep
them persistent in air, water, and soil, and they are extremely
difficult to break down naturally (Kempisty & Racz, 2021).
PFAS exposure has been linked to cancer, reproductive and
immune system damage, and other adverse health impacts
(Fenton et al., 2021; Sunderland et al., 2019). However, these
negative health impacts have not received attention from research-
ers and policymakers until recently (Abunada, Alazaiza, & Bashir,
2020). Government agencies have implemented regulatory poli-
cies (Dean et al., 2020). However, the general public remains
ignorant of their exposure to PFAS (Richter, Cordner, & Brown,
2018). As such, it is imperative to improve health communication
about PFAS to increase public support for PFAS regulation and
motivate citizens to adopt risk mitigation behaviors.
To inform health communication, it is important to eval-
uate how people receive and interpret information related to
PFAS contamination. By actively seeking out and evaluating
relevant information in depth, individuals may become more
inclined to demand policy and adopt preventive behaviors
(Hovick, Freimuth, Johnson-Turbes, & Chervin, 2011; Lee,
Boden-Albala, Jia, Wilcox, & Bakken, 2015). In particular,
dual process theories articulate that the way in which people
process information can contribute to attitude formation and
attitude change (Eagly & Chaiken, 1993; Petty & Cacioppo,
1986). Building on this literature, Griffin, Dunwoody, and
Neuwirth (1999) proposes that both active information seek-
ing and systematic information processing can lead to more
persistent attitude change that may contribute to behavioral
formation. By delineating social cognitive variables that
influence communication behaviors, the risk information
seeking and processing (RISP) model offers pathways
through which communication messaging may influence
subsequent behavioral outcomes. However, few studies
have evaluated these pathways. To fill this research gap,
this study applies the central part of the RISP model to
explore the determinants of information seeking and sys-
tematic processing, as well as their relationships with sub-
sequent policy support and intention to engage in risk
mitigation behaviors.
Our study makes important contributions to existing scholar-
ship. First, this study examines the impact of risk communica-
tion behaviors on policy support and risk mitigation behaviors,
which has rarely been studied in past research based on the
RISP model. Second, this research unveils the influence of
multiple individual characteristics on information insufficiency,
a key construct in the RISP model. Third, this study tests the
utility of the RISP model in a novel risk context PFAS
contamination, which may generate meaningful insights for
other emerging environmental health risks.
Address correspondence to Xinxia Dong, Department of
Communication, University at Buffalo, Buffalo, New York, USA.
E-mail: xinxiado@buffalo.edu
Journal of Health Communication, 28: 205–217, 2023
Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1081-0730 print/1087-0415 online
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/10810730.2023.2193144
Literature Review
Information Seeking and Systematic Processing
The RISP model explicates social cognitive variables that moti-
vate communication behaviors such as information seeking and
information processing (Griffin, Dunwoody, & Neuwirth,
1999). Information seeking is “a volitional process of selecting
information channels to reach desired informational goals, as
well as one of making choices to attend to messages embedded
in any particular channel” (Dunwoody & Griffin, 2015, p. 103).
Regarding information processing, the RISP model distin-
guishes two modes. Systematic processing refers to “a rela-
tively comprehensive and analytic scrutiny of judgment-
relevant information” (Chen, Duckworth, & Chaiken, 1999).
In comparison, heuristic processing is the default information
mode that primarily relies on judgmental cues and existing
mental shortcuts (Chaiken & Ledgerwood, 2012). In other
words, people who process information systematically will
exert cognitive effort to understand and assess the arguments
presented in a message (Chaiken, 1980). In contrast, heuristic
processors may accept a message’s position based on peripheral
elements such as an expert source (Trumbo, 1999). The depth
of information processing has profound implications for attitu-
dinal and behavioral consequences, as systematic processing is
associated with attitude change that is more stable and resistant
to counter-persuasion than heuristic processing (Eagly &
Chaiken, 1993). Therefore, with the goal of examining the
connection between communication behaviors and behavioral
outcomes, we focus on systematic processing and information
seeking in this research. Previous research has shown that
information seeking (Liu, 2020; Ramírez et al., 2013) and
systematic processing (Gong et al., 2022; Hong & Kim, 2020)
can encourage people to adopt healthy lifestyles and enact
preventive behaviors.
Information Insufficiency and Antecedent Variables
The RISP model adopts the sufficiency principle from the
heuristic systematic model (HSM; Eagly & Chaiken, 1993),
which argues that people will exert cognitive effort to process
information until they reach judgmental confidence. The RISP
model posits that when people perceive their current knowledge
about a risk as insufficient, they will engage in active informa-
tion seeking and systematic processing. There are cognitive,
affective, and normative antecedents to information insuffi-
ciency (Griffin, Dunwoody, & Neuwirth, 1999).
Related to cognitive antecedent, perceived hazard character-
istics denote people’s multi-faceted perceptions of risk, includ-
ing risk judgment, institutional trust, and personal efficacy
(Griffin, Neuwirth, Dunwoody, & Giese, 2004). Risk judgment
entails individuals’ perceived probability of suffering from
a hazard (i.e., perceived likelihood) and their perceived serious-
ness of its negative consequences (i.e., perceived severity).
Intuitional trust represents people’s trust in various entities,
such as government agencies and scientific institutions, in
managing risk and protecting the public. Personal efficacy is
people’s belief that they are capable of protecting themselves
from harm. As shown in the RISP model, individual
characteristics, including prior experience with a hazard, are
expected to shape perceived hazard characteristics, which will
influence people’s affective response to the risk. Both of these
factors, along with people’s inclination to follow social expec-
tations regarding their own information level (i.e., informational
subjective norms), contribute to information seeking and infor-
mation processing through information insufficiency.
Applying the RISP model to this research context, when
people perceive high risk from PFAS contamination and experi-
ence strong emotional reactions, they are likely to want to
achieve greater information sufficiency. Similarly, when they
believe that others expect them to stay informed about PFAS
contamination, they are also more likely to desire more infor-
mation. Thus, we will first evaluate the relationship between the
antecedent variables and information insufficiency, information
seeking, and systematic processing (Research Question).
Because these relationships have been evidenced numerous
times in empirical studies (e.g., Griffin et al., 2008; also see
review in Yang, Aloe, & Feeley, 2014), we will not posit
specific hypotheses regarding each variable.
Policy Support and Risk Mitigation Behaviors
To date, only a handful of studies have investigated the con-
nection between communication behaviors and downstream
behavioral outcomes (Griffin, Neuwirth, Giese, & Dunwoody,
2002; Li & Zheng, 2022; Lu, Song, & McComas, 2021).
Situated in the persuasion literature, dual process models such
as the HSM and the elaboration likelihood model (ELM; Petty
& Cacioppo, 1986) underscore the critical role of information
processing in attitude change (Eagly & Chaiken, 1993).
Attitudes formed through the central route or systematic pro-
cessing are more stable and more predictive of behaviors
(Chaiken, 1980; Petty & Briñol, 2012). A growing body of
literature has recognized that systematic processing decreases
the likelihood of someone being persuaded by counterargu-
ments (Nabi, Moyer-Gusé, & Byrne, 2007) and produced
greater behavioral intentions (Li & Huang, 2020).
Following this argument, Griffin, Dunwoody, and Neuwirth
(1999) theorized that active information seeking and systematic
processing may contribute to more stable behavioral beliefs. In
the context of health and environmental risks, Griffin,
Neuwirth, Giese, and Dunwoody (2002) further elucidated the
connection between communication behaviors and behavioral
outcomes. Specifically, attitude toward a given behavior influ-
ences behavioral intention and in turn enables the actualization
of a behavior, as suggested by the theory of planned behavior
(TPB; Ajzen, 1991). In this vein, information seeking and
systematic processing may act as antecedents to attitude forma-
tion by shaping people’s behavioral beliefs and their evaluations
of these beliefs (Fishbein & Ajzen, 2009). Thus, these commu-
nication behaviors are likely to have observable impact on
attitude because they tap into one’s cognitive structure asso-
ciated with behavioral evaluation.
Supporting this conjecture, past research has shown information
seeking to be positively related to policy support and risk-mitigation
behaviors related to air pollution (Ng, Yang, & Vishwanath, 2018),
climate change (Mead et al., 2012), and vaccination (Zhou &
206 X. Dong and J. Z. Yang
Roberto, 2022). Similarly, systematic processing has been shown to
be positively associated with support for climate change mitigation
policy (Yang, Rickard, Harrison, & Seo, 2014) and intention to
adopt preventive behaviors against COVID-19 (Chen & Chen,
2020). In this research context, we will examine policy support
and intention to engage in risk mitigation behaviors as expressions
of attitude because they indicate people’s favorable or unfavorable
positions toward PFAS regulation and control on the collective and
individual levels. Thus, we hypothesize the following:
H1: Information seeking (H1a) and systematic processing
(H1b) will be positively related to policy support.
H2: Information seeking (H2a) and systematic processing
(H2b) will be positively related to behavioral intention.
Besides, previous research also indicates that various indivi-
dual characteristics may influence people’s support for solu-
tions to environmental problems. For example, Republicans
report less support for governmental policies to cut power
plant emissions than Independents and Democrats (Hart &
Feldman, 2018). Individuals who are female, middled-aged,
with high education and income are more likely to engage in
pro-environmental behaviors (López-Mosquera, Lera-López,
& Sánchez, 2015). Thus, we incorporate a series of socio-
demographic variables as control variables in our analysis. In
addition, the RISP model posits that general awareness and
relevant hazard experience will influence perceived hazard
characteristics, so we also measured these variables as control
variables. Figure 1 illustrates our research question and
hypotheses.
Method
Upon IRB approval, we constructed an online survey using
Qualtrics and recruited American adult participants (N = 538)
through Amazon’s CloudResearch platform in September 2022.
The median survey completion time was 10 minutes, and parti-
cipants were compensated $1. The sample was gender-balanced
(50.9% female), primarily White (77%), and the average age
was 42 (SD = 12.67). The median household income was
between $50,000 and $59,999.
Measures
All variables were measured with items validated in previous
research. Except for otherwise noted, all items were measured
on a 7-point scale. Question wording and descriptive data for all
items are presented in Table 1. Table 2 presents zero-order
correlations among key variables.
Risk Judgment
Adapted from past research (Griffin, Neuwirth, Dunwoody, &
Giese, 2004), we used three items to measure perceived like-
lihood and three items to assess perceived severity. Upon relia-
bility check, these items were averaged into two indices for
perceived likelihood (Cronbach’s α = .90) and perceived sever-
ity (Cronbach’s α = .87). These two indices are highly corre-
lated (r = .75, p < .001). Thus, product term was computed to
assess risk judgment (Griffin et al., 2008; Hwang & Jeong,
2023).
Institutional Trust
Previous research has shown that different types of institutional
trust are interdependent, but also have distinctive impacts on
risk perception (Brewer & Ley, 2013; Feng, Keller, Wu, & Xu,
2014). Thus, we measured both trust in government (Griffin
et al., 2008) and trust in science (Song, McComas, & Schuler,
2018) to gauge institutional trust. An exploratory factor analysis
with principal axis factoring and varimax rotation showed that
these seven items loaded onto two factors (Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin
= .84, χ
2
= 3163.36, p < .001). Upon reliability check, therefore,
two indices were created to measure institutional trust in gov-
ernment and institutional trust in scientists. These two indices
were moderately correlated (r = .34, p < .001).
Personal Efficacy
One item adapted from Griffin et al. (2008) evaluated respon-
dents’ perceived ability in protecting themselves from PFAS
contamination.
Affective Response
We used six items adapted from previous research (Nabi,
Gustafson, & Jensen, 2018) to measure negative affective
response. Participants indicated the degree to which thinking
about PFAS made them feel sad, fearful, anxious, angry, wor-
ried, or distressed.
Figure 1. Proposed relationships based on the RISP model. Note. The research question evaluates relationships covered in the dotted line.
RISP Model and Behavioral Outcomes 207
Table 1. Descriptive statistics for key variables
Concepts Measures M SD
Risk Judgment
Perceived Likelihood
(1 = very unlikely,
7 = very likely)
How likely are you to become ill in the future from PFAS? 3.52 1.44
How likely are you and your family to be affected by PFAS? 3.76 1.57
How likely is it for you to suffer negative consequences from PFAS? 3.88 1.54
Averaged index 3.96 1.46
Cronbach’s α .90
Perceived Severity
(1 = not severe at
all, 7 = very
severe)
If you were to become ill from PFAS, how serious do you think this
illness would be?
4.49 1.49
How serious of a threat is PFAS to you and your family? 3.50 1.48
If you were to suffer negative consequences from PFAS, how serious
would these consequences be?
4.41 1.39
Averaged index 4.41 1.39
Cronbach’s α .87
Product index 18.98 10.74
Trust in Institutions
(1 = strongly
disagree, 7 = strongly
agree)
Trust in Government Government is doing a competent job of protecting people’s health from
PFAS-related risks.
3.26 1.35
Government officials care about minimizing PFAS-related risks to health
and safety of people like me.
3.42 1.37
I trust government to help protect me from PFAS-related risks. 3.16 1.44
Averaged index 3.28 1.25
Cronbach’s α .89
Trust in Science Do you trust the science community to:
Provide the best available information on PFAS. 5.57 1.20
Provide enough information to decide actions to take regarding PFAS. 5.40 1.22
Provide truthful information about human safety related to PFAS. 5.43 1.30
Provide timely information regarding PFAS. 5.16 1.35
Averaged index 5.39 1.14
Cronbach’s α .92
Personal Efficacy
(1 = strongly disagree,
7 = strongly agree)
In my life, it would be easy for me to protect myself from PFAS. 4.13 1.45
Affective Response
(1 = none of this feeling,
7= a lot of this feeling)
When you think about the possible risks from PFAS to you and your
family, how much do you feel:
Sad 3.32 1.95
Fearful 3.73 1.62
Anxious 3.64 1.73
Angry 3.27 1.87
Worried 4.20 1.74
Distressed 3.45 1.73
Averaged index 3.60 1.50
Cronbach’s α .92
Informational
Subjective Norms
(1 = strongly
disagree,
7 = strongly agree)
Injunctive Norm Most people who are important to me think that I should seek information
about PFAS.
2.68 1.43
Others expect me to seek information about PFAS. 2.65 1.39
My family and friends expect me to seek information about PFAS. 2.57 1.35
Descriptive Norm People in my life whose opinions I value seek information about PFAS. 2.59 1.43
Most people who are important to me seek information about PFAS. 2.56 1.31
My family and friends pay attention to information about PFAS 2.66 1.38
Averaged index 2.62 1.21
Cronbach’s α .94
(Continued)
208 X. Dong and J. Z. Yang
Table1. (Continued)
Concepts Measures M SD
Information
Insufficiency
(0–100 scale)
Current
Knowledge
Now, we would like you to rate your knowledge about PFAS. Please use
a scale of zero to 100, where zero means knowing nothing and 100
means knowing everything you could possibly know about this topic.
Using this scale, how much do you think you currently know about the
risk from PFAS?
16.77 19.20
Sufficiency
Threshold
Think of that scale again. This time, we would like you to estimate how
much knowledge you would need to achieve an understanding of the
possible risk from PFAS. Of course, you might feel you need the same,
more, or possibly even less, information about this topic. Using a scale
of 0–100, how much information would be sufficient for you, that is,
good enough for your purposes?
59.49 24.40
Information Seeking When it comes to the topic of PFAS, I’m likely to go out of my way to get
more information.
4.27 1.68
When the topic of PFAS comes up, I try to learn more about it. 4.96 1.43
When the topic of PFAS comes up, I’m likely to tune it out. (Reverse
coded)
4.99 1.67
Whenever the topic of PFAS comes up, I go out of my way to avoid
learning more about it. (Reverse coded)
5.41 1.60
Gathering a lot of information on PFAS is a waste of time. (Reverse
coded)
5.21 1.61
Averaged index 4.93 0.92
Cronbach’s α .73
Systematic Processing
(1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree)
After I encounter information about PFAS, I am likely to stop and think
about it.
4.65 1.36
If I need to act on PFAS, the more viewpoints I get the better. 5.29 1.28
It is important for me to interpret information about PFAS in a way that
applies directly to my life.
5.02 1.30
After thinking about PFAS, I have a broader understanding. 5.11 1.23
When I encounter information about PFAS, I read or listen to most of it,
even though I may not agree with its perspectives.
4.63 1.36
Averaged index 4.94 0.98
Cronbach’s α .80
Policy Support
(1 = strongly oppose, 7 = strongly support)
Restrictions on manufacturing and importing PFAS. 5.33 1.38
Setting maximum permissible levels of PFAS in food and drinking water. 5.62 1.52
Regulating the disposal of products that contain PFAS. 5.70 1.22
Averaged index 5.55 1.12
Cronbach’s α .75
Behavioral Intention
(1 = very unlikely, 7 = very likely)
Install in-home water filters designed to reduce PFAS. 4.82 1.64
Avoid oil and water-resistant food packaging. 4.21 1.58
Avoid microwave popcorn. 3.55 1.84
Use stainless steel or cast-iron cookware instead of nonstick cookware. 4.79 1.80
Avoid overheating when you do use nonstick cookware. 4.75 1.69
Stop using chipped or scratched nonstick cookware. 4.35 1.85
Avoid stain-resistant or water-repellant carpet, furniture, and clothing. 4.21 1.59
Avoid personal care products with “PTFE” or “Fluoro” ingredients. 4.76 1.47
Averaged index 4.43 1.16
Cronbach’s α .84
RISP Model and Behavioral Outcomes 209
Informational Subjective Norms
Six items were adapted from previous research (Yang & Kahlor,
2013) to gauge both descriptive norms and injunctive norms
(Rimal & Real, 2003) related to communication behaviors
regarding PFAS contamination.
Information Insufficiency
We adopted the two-item measurement strategy to assess cur-
rent knowledge and sufficiency threshold (Griffin et al., 2008).
Based on a 0–100 scale, respondents were asked to estimate
their knowledge level and the information they needed to deal
with PFAS risks. We utilized the regression approach (Kahlor,
2007; Yang et al., 2010) to evaluate how sufficiency threshold
was associated with the outcome variables, after controlling for
current knowledge.
Information Seeking
Five items measured active information seeking (Griffin et al.,
2008). Among them, three were reverse coded and averaged
together with the other items.
Systematic Processing
We used five items to measure systematic processing (Griffin,
Neuwirth, Giese, & Dunwoody, 2002). These items reflect the
extent to which respondents process PFAS-related information
systematically.
Policy Support
Participants indicated how much they supported three policy
initiatives regarding PFAS contamination (Brennan, Evans,
Fritz, Peak, & von Holst, 2021). These items reflect key reg-
ulations that address PFAS contamination.
Risk-Mitigation Behavioral Intention
Eight items designed based on the U.S. Environmental
Protection Agency’s updated guideline (EPA, 2022) measured
participants’ intention to engage in risk mitigation behaviors.
Control Variables
We measured age, gender (0 = male, 1 = female), race (0 =
minorities, 1 = White), education (1 = lower than high school,
7 = doctoral degree, M = 4.42, SD = 1.34), household income (1
= $10,000 to $19,999, 12 = more than $150,000, M = 6.51, SD
= 3.17), political ideology (1 = extremely liberal, 7 = extremely
conservative, M = 3.72, SD = 1.87), and general awareness of
PFAS contamination (30.48% have heard of PFAS; 56.69%
never; 12.83% unsure). We also measured relevant hazard
experience using two items from past research (Viscusi &
Zeckhauser, 2015). Respondents were asked whether they or
someone they knew had ever become ill as a result of exposure
to PFAS (0 = no/not sure, 1 = yes). An index for relevant hazard
experience was created based on the summed scores (M = 0.07,
SD = 0.33, Cronbach’s α = .77).
Analysis
Hierarchical ordinary least squares regression was conducted in
SPSS 26.0 to evaluate the relationship between the independent
variables and the dependent variables by incrementally control-
ling for other variables (Cohen, Cohen, West, & Aiken, 2003).
Tables 3 and 4 show the regression results.
Results
The research question examined the relationships between the
antecedent variables and information insufficiency, information
seeking, and systematic processing. Controlling for current
knowledge, sufficiency threshold was positively associated
with information seeking and systematic processing. Risk judg-
ment and trust in science were positively related to sufficiency
threshold, but personal efficacy and trust in government were
not. Neither affective response nor informational subjective
norms were significantly associated with sufficiency threshold,
but both were positively related to information seeking and
systematic processing. Together, the RISP-based variables,
along with individual characteristics, accounted for 32% of
Table 2. Zero-order correlations among key variables
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13
1. Relevant Hazard Experience
2. Risk Judgment .19**
4. Trust in Government .25** .05
5. Trust in Science .06 .21** .34**
3. Personal Efficacy .18** −.14** .36** .04
6. Affective Response .06 .57** −.05 .15** −.13**
7. Informational Subjective Norms .27** .43** .40** .26** .22** .34**
8. Current Knowledge .21** .21** .24** .11* .19** .17** .37**
9. Sufficiency Threshold .05 .21** .08 .19** .02 .15** .19** .10*
10. Information Seeking −.15** .36** −.13** .29** −.16** .36** .18** .00 .27**
11. Systematic Processing .03 .39** .12** .40** .02 .39** .35** .16** .32** .60**
12. Policy Support −.05 .36** −.15** .33** −.19** .39** .12** .04 .26** .50** .50**
13. Behavioral Intention .06 .49** .02 .23** .03 .41** .38** .15** .23** .48** .47** .46**
Note. *p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001.
210 X. Dong and J. Z. Yang
the variance in information seeking and 34% of the variance in
systematic processing.
The two hypotheses were focused on the relationships
between communication behaviors and downstream behavioral
outcomes. Controlling for all other variables, information seek-
ing was positively related to both policy support (b* = .26, p
< .001) and behavioral intention (b* = .30, p < .001), supporting
H1. Similarly, systematic processing was also positively asso-
ciated with both policy support (b* = .33, p < .001) and beha-
vioral intention (b* = .23, p < .001), supporting H2. Among the
control variables, ideology was consistently related to policy
support in the negative direction. Those who were more con-
servative were less likely to support government policy on
PFAS contamination. In addition, female participants and
those with higher household income expressed a stronger inten-
tion to engage in preventive behaviors. The information seeking
model accounted for 39% of the variance in policy support and
40% of the variance in behavioral intention. The systematic
processing model accounted for 41% of the variance in policy
support and 38% of the variance in behavioral intention
Discussion
This study applies the central part of the RISP model to exam-
ine the social cognitive variables that influence individuals’
information seeking and systematic processing of information
related to PFAS contamination, support for policies, and inten-
tion to adopt risk-mitigation behaviors. Results indicate that
risk judgment and trust in science were positively associated
with information insufficiency, which was further associated
with information seeking and systematic processing.
Information seeking and systematic processing were positively
related to policy support and behavioral intention. We also
found that affective response and informational subjective
norms were directly associated with information seeking and
systematic processing.
Predictors of Information Insufficiency
Risk judgment was positively related to information insuffi-
ciency. That is, those who thought they were more susceptible
to the negative impact of PFAS contamination desired more
information about PFAS. This finding supports the central
argument of the RISP model, which has also been confirmed
in prior studies (Liao, Zhou, & Zhao, 2018; Yan et al., 2019). It
further highlights the importance of increasing accuracy moti-
vation through risk judgment. Specifically, by relaying informa-
tion about the probability and severity of PFAS contamination
on human health, members of the public may be motivated to
achieve greater information sufficiency.
Table 3. Standardized regression coefficients predicting sufficiency threshold, information seeking, and systematic processing
Sufficiency Threshold Information Seeking Systematic Processing
Block 1: Individual Characteristics
Age .13** .05 .03
Female .03 −.07 .01
White .02 .00 .00
Education −.07 .01 .02
Income .06 .03 .04
Ideology −.06 −.05 .06
Issue Awareness −.02 .08* .04
Relevant Hazard Experience .00 −.19*** −.08*
R
2
.06 .09 .04
Block 2: Perceived Hazard Characteristics
Risk Judgment .13* .18*** .15**
Trust in Government −.01 −.20*** −.05
Trust in Science .13** .24*** .31***
Personal Efficacy .04 −.01 .05
∆R
2
.00 .19 .24
Block 3: Affective Response .00 .17*** .19***
∆R
2
.00 .03 .03
Block 4: Informational Subjective Norms .09 .10* .13**
∆R
2
.00 .00 .02
Block 5: Information Insufficiency
Current Knowledge .06 −.08 .01
Sufficiency Threshold .17*** .19***
∆R
2
.00 .03 .03
Adjusted R
2
.07 .32 .34
ANOVA F(15, 522) = 3.64 F(16, 521) = 16.89 F(16, 521) = 18.30
Note. *p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001.
RISP Model and Behavioral Outcomes 211
Furthermore, trust in science was associated with informa-
tion insufficiency, whereas trust in government was not. That is,
people who believed that the scientific community could pro-
vide useful information about PFAS-related risks were more
interested in learning more about this topic. However, whether
or not individuals trusted the government to protect them from
PFAS-related risks did not influence their information insuffi-
ciency. The novelty of this topic may account for this discre-
pancy. Specifically, as most respondents had limited experience
and awareness of PFAS, they were more likely to rely on trust
in science to decide whether more information was necessary,
rather than trust in government. This finding accords with
a previous study showing that trust in scientists was positively
related to COVID-19 knowledge, but trust in government was
not (Moon, Atkinson, Kahlor, Yun, & Son, 2022). Future
research should further examine different types of intuitional
trust in contributing to information insufficiency and subse-
quent communication behaviors (Ahn, Kim, Kahlor, Atkinson,
& Noh, 2021; Liu & Yang, 2021).
Additionally, personal efficacy was not a significant pre-
dictor of information insufficiency. That is, whether or not
individuals sensed they were capable of protecting themselves
from PFAS contamination did not affect their judgment of
whether they needed additional information. This unexpected
result may also be explained by respondents’ unfamiliarity
with PFAS, which might have made it difficult for them to
gauge their ability to deal with the potential risks. Taken
together, although the RISP model conceptualizes perceived
hazard characteristics as a multi-dimensional construct
(Griffin, Dunwoody, & Neuwirth, 1999; Griffin, Dunwoody,
& Yang, 2013), few studies have evaluated these sub-
dimensions and the findings are mixed (Ahn & Noh, 2020;
Griffin et al., 2008; Ter Huurne & Gutteling, 2009). Further
research should continue to evaluate how risk judgment, per-
sonal efficacy, and institutional trust contribute to information
insufficiency.
Information Seeking and Systematic Processing
Supporting the RISP model, information insufficiency was
positively related to information seeking and systematic proces-
sing. Because people were generally not familiar with the
Table 4. Standardized regression coefficients predicting policy support and behavioral intention
Policy Support Behavioral Intention
Block 1: Individual Characteristics
Age .05 .05 .02 .03
Female .05 .03 .11** .09**
White .00 .00 .03 .03
Education −.06 −.07 −.02 −.03
Income .03 .02 .07* .07*
Ideology −.13*** −.16*** .02 −.02
Issue Awareness .06 .06 .05 .07
Relevant Hazard Experience .00 −.02 .00 −.04
R
2
.13 .13 .07 .07
Block 2: Perceived Hazard Characteristics
Risk Judgment .10* .10* .26*** .28***
Trust in Government −.16*** −.19*** −.07 −.12**
Trust in Science .21*** .17*** .05 .04
Personal Efficacy −.02 −.04 .13** .11**
∆R
2
.18 .18 .24 .24
Block 3: Affective Response .16*** .15*** .06 .07
∆R
2
.03 .03 .02 .02
Block 4: Informational Subjective Norms −.04 −.06 .18*** .17***
∆R
2
.00 .00 .02 .02
Block 5: Information Insufficiency
Current Knowledge .02 .00 .01 −.01
Sufficiency Threshold .11** .09* .04 .05
∆R
2
.02 .02 .01 .01
Block 6: Communication Behaviors
Information Seeking .26*** .30***
Systematic Processing .33*** .23***
∆R
2
.05 .07 .07 .04
Adjusted R
2
.39 .41 .40 .38
ANOVA F(17, 520) = 21.10 F(17, 520) = 23.20 F(17, 520) = 22.18 F(17, 520) = 20.02
Note. *p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001.
212 X. Dong and J. Z. Yang
emerging risks posed by PFAS contamination, their perceived
deficit in knowledge motivated them to engage in effortful
information seeking and processing. Interestingly, rather than
by elevating information insufficiency, affective response and
informational subjective norms were directly associated with
information seeking and systematic processing. These results
are consistent with past research showing that negative emo-
tions may bypass information insufficiency to stimulate infor-
mation seeking directly (Pokrywczynski, Griffin, & Calhoun,
2019; Yang & Huang, 2019). Similarly, informational subjec-
tive norms has been found as a direct motivator of systematic
processing (Hubner & Hovick, 2020; Yang, Dong, & Liu,
2022). This finding may be explained by the multiple motiva-
tions of information processing proposed by the HSM (Chen,
Duckworth, & Chaiken, 1999). In particular, in addition to
accuracy motivation, informational subjective norms highlight
people’s need to maintain a desirable social image or to defend
their existing beliefs. Here, even when people do not desire
greater information sufficiency, they may be motivated to seek
relevant information and process this information systemati-
cally if these behaviors can help them manage negative emo-
tions elicited by PFAS contamination or maintain a desirable
social standing. In this research context, it appears that cogni-
tive (i.e., information insufficiency), affective (negative emo-
tions), and normative factors (i.e., informational subjective
norms) can motivate information seeking and systematic pro-
cessing synergistically.
From Communication Behaviors to Behavioral Outcomes
One important highlight of our findings is that both information
seeking and systematic processing were positively related to
support for regulations on PFAS and intention to adopt risk-
mitigation behaviors. That is, those who would pursue and
scrutinize information about PFAS comprehensively were
more supportive of the government’s policies and expressed
more willingness to take preventive behaviors. The results
were consistent with previous RISP-based studies investigating
the influence of information seeking on behavioral intention (Li
& Zheng, 2022; Zhou, Roberto, & Lu, 2023) and policy support
(Huang & Yang, 2020), as well as the impact of systematic
processing on these two behavioral outcomes (Yang, Rickard,
Harrison, & Seo, 2014; Yang, Seo, Rickard, & Harrison, 2015).
Revisiting this literature, our findings echoed the argument
made by Griffin, Dunwoody, and Neuwirth (1999) for extend-
ing the RISP model’s utility to behavioral formation.
In addition, this study also revealed some interesting rela-
tionships between individual characteristics and behavioral out-
comes. Specifically, conservatives were less likely to support
government regulation on PFAS contamination. This finding
echoes with existing research showing that conservatives are
generally less in favor of environmental policies (Gromet,
Kunreuther, & Larrick, 2013; Jagers, Harring, & Matti, 2018).
Moreover, females and those with higher household income
indicated a stronger intention to adopt risk-mitigation beha-
viors, which has also been evidenced in previous research
(Bish & Michie, 2010; Cavaliere, De Marchi, & Banterle,
2018). A possible explanation may be that females’ nature of
being caring and cooperative would motivate them to be more
concerned with environmental issues (Li, Wang, & Saechang,
2022), while those with higher household income were more
likely to bear the incremental costs associated with risk mitiga-
tion behaviors. Together, these results highlight the importance
of evaluating the contribution of individual characteristics on
key RISP constructs (Griffin, Dunwoody, & Neuwirth, 1999).
Limitations and Future Research
In discussing these results, it is important to acknowledge
limitations. First, as the responses were collected from
a convenience sample recruited through CloudResearch,
which overrepresents White, liberals, and individuals with
higher education (Buhrmester, Kwang, & Gosling, 2011;
Chandler & Shapiro, 2016), our findings have limited general-
izability. Furthermore, as a cross-sectional study, the results do
not allow us to make any casual inference. Further studies
should employ experimental design to assess the directional
effect of communication behaviors on behavioral outcomes
(Guan, Jennings, Villanueva, & Jackson, 2022). Additionally,
our study only examined policy support and intention to engage
in risk mitigation behaviors. It is worthwhile for future research
to observe actual risk mitigation behaviors. A longitudinal
study focusing on the evolvement of behavioral intention to
actual behaviors is also recommended (Zhou, Roberto, & Lu,
2023). Relatedly, personal efficacy was measured with only one
item, which might have limited the explanatory power of this
variable. In addition, this study does not look into perceived
information gathering capacity (PIGC) and relevant channel
belief (RCB), which are moderators included in the RISP
model. Future research should evaluate these moderation
effects. Also, as all survey studies, the results may be subject
to demand effect (Orne, 1962) and social desirability concerns
(Fisher, 1993). Specifically, recruited respondents may report
more “trust in science” or “information seeking” given their
willingness to participate in a social scientific study.
Other limitations are perhaps more intrinsic to the RISP
model itself. First, the assessment of information insufficiency
through current knowledge and sufficiency threshold may be
subject to error due to the Dunning-Kruger effect (Dunning,
2011). Specifically, individuals who have high knowledge
may underestimate their existing knowledge, whereas those
who have low knowledge may overestimate their existing
knowledge. Therefore, future research should consider mea-
suring objective knowledge in addition to subjective knowl-
edge to better gauge the impact of information insufficiency
on downstream behaviors. Second, the RISP model is
a complex framework that has been criticized for its lack of
parsimony (Braun & Niederdeppe, 2012). This complexity
determines that not all the hypothesized relationships would
be supported in each empirical study. Thus, it is crucial to
consider contextual determinants of communication behaviors
in each study. Some of the constructs in the RISP model are
also covered in other risk communication theories such as
Sandman’s outrage model (Sandman, 1989). Results from
this study reflect this broader risk communication literature
RISP Model and Behavioral Outcomes 213
in that unique attributes such as perceived control and fairness
of exposure may influence people’s overall risk perception and
subsequent behavioral outcomes. Lastly, although beyond the
scope of this research, future studies should attempt to identify
the sources that people use to seek information about PFAS
contamination. As suggested by Oksas et al. (2022), the dearth
of freely available and reliable information on chemical con-
tamination may impede individuals from learning about
important emerging environmental health risks, especially in
light of the proliferation of misinformation and disinformation
on social media in recent years (Wang, McKee, Torbica, &
Stuckler, 2019).
Theoretical and Practical Implications
Notwithstanding these limitations, our findings contribute to the
RISP literature and inspire health communication practice. From
a theoretical perspective, this study shows that the RISP model
provide important pathways to shape attitudinal and behavioral
outcomes. As a valuable expansion from the RISP to the TPB, this
study inspires future research to explore how to promote policy
support and risk mitigation behaviors through communication
behaviors. In addition, this study examines how a number of
perceived hazard characteristics contribute to information insuffi-
ciency, which has received limited attention from RISP scholars.
Third, this study tests the explanatory power of the RISP model in
a novel context PFAS contamination. This study adds to the
literature of applying the RISP model to examine communication
behaviors related to toxic chemicals (Hwang & Jeong, 2016; Ter
Huurne, Griffin, & Gutteling, 2009).
Practically, this study implies that stimulating people’s active
information seeking and systematic processing can be effective
ways to boost public support for PFAS regulation and control. To
facilitate these communication behaviors, it may be particularly
useful to arouse public interest in relevant information by under-
scoring the severe health problems linked to PFAS exposure. This
information also needs to be disseminated through trusted scien-
tific sources. It echoes previous research on official health com-
munications about PFAS (Ducatman, LaPier, Fuoco, & DeWitt,
2022), which indicates that ambiguous expressions (e.g., “some
studies” and “may affect”) may leave residents of PFAS-
contaminated communities confused, thereby discouraging them
from taking preventative behaviors. Other communication strate-
gies, such as emotional appeals and a social norms approach, may
also be useful. For instance, health communication messaging can
portray getting information about PFAS contamination as
a socially popular and desirable behavior.
Conclusion
This study sought to examine the social cognitive variables
associated with information seeking and systematic processing
and the relationship between these communication behaviors
and downstream behavioral outcomes such as policy support
and intention to engage in risk mitigation action. Our results
contribute to the health communication literature by showing
that information insufficiency, motivated by risk judgment and
trust in science, along with affective response and informational
subjective norms, can motivate active information seeking and
systematic processing. These communication behaviors are
positively related to policy support and risk mitigation beha-
vioral intention. These results suggest that to foster policy
support and promote mitigation behaviors related to PFAS
contamination, health communication messaging may incorpo-
rate emotional appeal or use the social norms approach to first
motivate citizens to engage in active information seeking and
systematic processing of relevant information. Information that
highlights the harmful impact of PFAS on human health from
trusted scientific sources may also be particularly effective in
increasing ordinary citizens’ desire for more information about
this emerging risk.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Funding
The work was supported by the small grant program for grad-
uate student research offered by the Department of
Communication, University at Buffalo.
ORCID
Xinxia Dong http://orcid.org/0000-0001-9748-9938
Janet Z. Yang http://orcid.org/0000-0002-5989-5254
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RISP Model and Behavioral Outcomes 217
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... Our survey revealed that while 55% of the population may have heard of PFAS, just 23% felt they understood PFAS as an environmental contaminant, meaning most of the population did not know about its uses, risks, or extent as a chemical present in consumer products. Similarly, Dong and Yang [53] found that respondents felt they had just a quarter of the sufficient knowledge needed to make informed decisions about the risks of PFAS to their personal health. Insufficient knowledge is a clear detriment for the adoption of behaviors that reduce personal risk [55]. ...
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Applying the risk information seeking and processing (RISP) model, this study investigates the sociopsychological factors associated with systematic processing. Results reveal interesting moderating effects for relevant channel beliefs and perceived information gathering capacity. These findings suggest that science communication surrounding the COVID-19 pandemic needs to attend to the target audience’s beliefs about specific information channels, as well as their ability to process relevant information. However, the unsupported hypotheses also call for scholarly attention on the applicability of the RISP model to non-Western cultural contexts.
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This study tested the utility of risk information seeking and processing (RISP) model in understanding college students’ information seeking about COVID-19 vaccines and their vaccination behavior. Participants ( N = 158) completed a survey measuring the RISP constructs at Time 1 and their COVID-19 vaccination behavior at Time 2. The RISP model explained 71.1% of the variance in COVID-19 vaccine information seeking. Risk information seeking and attitude toward the COVID-19 vaccine positively influenced college students’ intentions to get the vaccine, which positively predicted their vaccination behavior. Overall, these variables explained 33.4% of the variance in COVID-19 vaccine intention, and 37.2% of the variance in COVID-19 vaccination behavior.
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This study examines the emotional mechanisms of how public trust in the governments’ actions to address the COVID-19 pandemic shapes individuals’ risk information-seeking and avoidance. To make cross-cultural comparisons, we conducted a multi-country survey early in the pandemic in South Korea, the United States (US) and Singapore. The results suggest that trust was negatively related to fear, anger, sadness and anxiety, and positively related to hope. These emotions were significant mediators of the effect of trust on information seeking and avoidance, except for anger on avoidance. Importantly, the indirect effects of trust in government varied by country. Fear was a stronger mediator between trust and information seeking in South Korea than in the US. In contrast, sadness and anger played more prominent mediating roles in Singapore than in South Korea. This study offers theoretical insights into better understanding the roles of discrete emotions in forming information behaviors. The findings of this study also inform communication strategies that seek to navigate trust in managing pandemics that impact multiple nations.