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Evidence suggests that religion is an important driver of peoples’ attitudes toward nature, but the link between religion and carnivore conservation is poorly understood. We examined peoples’ attitudes in Buddhist (n = 83) and Muslim communities (n = 111) toward snow leopards (Panthera uncia) and wolves (Canis lupus) in Ladakh, India. We found that the effect of religion on attitudes was statistically nonsignificant, and was tempered by gender, education, and awareness of wildlife laws. Even though religion by itself was not an indication of an individual’s attitude toward large carnivores, the extent to which he/she practiced it (i.e., religiosity) had a positive correlation with pro-carnivore attitudes in the case of Buddhist but not Muslim communities. Our findings indicate that it may be useful to integrate locally relevant religious philosophies into conservation practice. However, the emphasis of conservation messaging should vary, stressing environmental stewardship in the case of Islam, and human–wildlife interdependence in the case of Buddhism.
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Human Dimensions of Wildlife
An International Journal
ISSN: 1087-1209 (Print) 1533-158X (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/uhdw20
The Relationship Between Religion and Attitudes
Toward Large Carnivores in Northern India?
Saloni Bhatia, Stephen Mark Redpath, Kulbhushansingh Suryawanshi &
Charudutt Mishra
To cite this article: Saloni Bhatia, Stephen Mark Redpath, Kulbhushansingh Suryawanshi
& Charudutt Mishra (2016): The Relationship Between Religion and Attitudes
Toward Large Carnivores in Northern India?, Human Dimensions of Wildlife, DOI:
10.1080/10871209.2016.1220034
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10871209.2016.1220034
Published online: 23 Aug 2016.
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The Relationship Between Religion and Attitudes Toward
Large Carnivores in Northern India?
Saloni Bhatia
a,b,c
, Stephen Mark Redpath
d
, Kulbhushansingh Suryawanshi
a,b
,
and Charudutt Mishra
a,b
a
Nature Conservation Foundation, Mysore, India;
b
Snow Leopard Trust, Seattle, Washington, USA;
c
Manipal
University, Manipal, India;
d
Institute of Biological and Environmental Sciences, University of Aberdeen,
Aberdeen, United Kingdom
ABSTRACT
Evidence suggests that religion is an important driver of peoples
attitudes toward nature, but the link between religion and carnivore
conservation is poorly understood. We examined peoplesattitudes
in Buddhist (n= 83) and Muslim communities (n= 111) toward snow
leopards (Panthera uncia) and wolves (Canis lupus) in Ladakh, India.
We found that the eect of religion on attitudes was statistically
nonsignicant, and was tempered by gender, education, and aware-
ness of wildlife laws. Even though religion by itself was not an
indication of an individuals attitude toward large carnivores, the
extent to which he/she practiced it (i.e., religiosity) had a positive
correlation with pro-carnivore attitudes in the case of Buddhist but
not Muslim communities. Our ndings indicate that it may be useful
to integrate locally relevant religious philosophies into conservation
practice. However, the emphasis of conservation messaging should
vary, stressing environmental stewardship in the case of Islam, and
humanwildlife interdependence in the case of Buddhism.
KEYWORDS
Buddhism; humanwildlife
conict; Islam; religion;
Trans-Himalaya
Introduction
Wildlife conservation and human welfare can often be at odds with each other. On the one
hand, wildlife impacts in the form of loss of life, crops, and livestock cause economic and
emotional hardship. On the other hand, populations of the species that are responsible for
negative impacts are declining rapidly as a result of retaliatory killing, hunting, and
indirect human actions such as habitat alteration (Madden, 2008; Madden & McQuinn,
2014; Woodroe, Thirgood, & Rabinowitz, 2005). A global review of the status of large
carnivores reported that of the 31 species belonging to ve families, 61% had been
categorized by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) as threatened
(critically endangered, endangered, or vulnerable) (Ripple et al., 2014).
Traditionally, any interaction that has negative repercussions on wild animals or
people is termed humanwildlife conict (HWC) (Madden, 2004). Recent studies,
however, have debated that the term humanwildlife conict incorrectly attributes
conict to wildlife when in reality the friction occurs between stakeholders with
diering interests and goals (Peterson, Birckhead, Leong, Peterson, & Peterson, 2010;
CONTACT Saloni Bhatia saloni@ncf-india.org Nature Conservation Foundation, 3076/5, IV Cross, Gokulam Park,
Mysore 570002, India.
HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF WILDLIFE
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10871209.2016.1220034
© 2016 Crown Copyright
Redpath, Bhatia, & Young, 2015). Research has addressed the ecological and human
dimensions of living with predators to devise solutions that can minimize impacts on
humans as well as carnivores (Dickman, 2010; Inskip & Zimmermann, 2009). Studies
examining the factors that inuence attitudes toward damage-causing wildlife suggest
that people from a Judeo-Christian background, women, parents, older and less edu-
cated individuals, and those who perceived greater risk from carnivores tended to hold
more negative attitudes toward carnivores (Bagchi & Mishra, 2006;Hazzah,Mulder,&
Frank, 2009; Røskaft, Händel, Bjerke, & Kaltenborn, 2007; Suryawanshi, Bhatnagar,
Redpath, & Mishra, 2013).
Religion is considered to be an important driver of peoplesattitudes toward large
carnivores but its relationship with human behavior may be mediated by factors such as
social norms, laws, political situations at the level of the community, socioeconomics, fear, and
perceptions of risk (Goldman, De Pinho, & Perry, 2010;Luke,2012). Religious superstition led
to state-sponsored extermination of the Zanzibar leopard (Panthera pardus adersi)thatwas
perceived to be associated with witchcraft and sorcery (Walsh & Goldman, 2015). Hazzah
et al. (2009) note that the Maasai who attended the Roman Catholic Church in Kenya were
more tolerant toward carnivores possibly owing to the pro-environmental sermons. Similarly,
Li et al. (2013) showed how Buddhist monasteries played an important part in aiding snow
leopard (Panthera uncia) conservation in the Tibetan Plateau. Religion can thus have a
positive or negative inuence on peoplesbehavior toward wildlife.
The snow leopard is an endangered carnivore found in the mountains of Central and South
Asia. It preys on livestock, causing serious economic losses to people (Mishra, 1997; Namgail,
Fox, & Bhatnagar, 2007). Retaliatory killing has been identied as a key threat to the snow
leopard population (Mishra et al., 2003; Mishra, Bagchi, Namgail, & Bhatnagar, 2010). Li and
Lu (2014) estimated that 11 snow leopards (1.2% of the estimated population) were killed
annually between 2000 and 2013 in the 360,000 km
2
area of Sanjiangyuan, China.
The wolf (Canis lupus) is also responsible for livestock depredation and often is not
tolerated by the aected people (Suryawanshi et al., 2013). Mishra (1997) described how a
Buddhist community in Spiti Valley, India, for example, identied wolf dens, captured the
litter, and displayed the wolf pups in the village before killing them (Mishra, 1997). In and
around the Great Gobi B Strictly Protected Area in Mongolia, 184 wolves were killed in a
period of two and half years (from July 2002 to February 2005), and products (frozen
carcasses, skins, heads) from an estimated 2,000 wolves were traded in border markets
during the same period (Kaczensky, Enkhsaikhan, Ganbaatar, & Walzer, 2008).
Local perceptions of snow leopards and wolves vary, as does their behavior toward them
(Suryawanshi, Bhatia, Bhatnagar, Redpath, & Mishra, 2014).Whiletheseanimalsareoften
persecuted, many communities also exhibit tolerance despite the economic and psychological
hardships (Mishra et al., 2003). The relative tolerance of communities toward the snow leopard
in Spiti and Ladakh regions in India has been attributed partly to Buddhism and perceptions of
nonviolence and compassion toward all sentient beings (Bagchi & Mishra, 2006;Mishra,1997).
However, a formal assessment of how religion inuences attitudes toward snow leopards and
wolves, the two predominant carnivores of Asian mountains, has not been undertaken. Similarly,
the relationship between religion and other socioeconomic variables in inuencing attitudes
toward predators has not received adequate attention.
This article explored the relationship between religion and the attitudes of local people toward
the snow leopard and the wolf in the Indian Trans-Himalaya. We examined attitudes in villages
2S. BHATIA ET AL.
that followed either Islam or Buddhism, two widely practiced faiths across the global distribu-
tional range of the snow leopard.
Human relationship with animals with reference to religion
Islam propagates the idea of an all-powerful creator (Allah) who has made human beings the
trustees of the earth. Humans are called upon to have mercy on nonhumans, and are required
to tend Allahs creations, rather than engage in irresponsible exploitation (Kemmerer, 2011). A
devout Muslim is expected to tread the path of virtue. Allah scrutinizes an individualsactions
and he/she is accordingly directed to Heaven or Hell on the day of reckoning.
Buddhism, on the other hand, postulates a theory of dependent origination in which all beings
(including humans) function only in relation to others around them and therefore, there is no
independent existence (Yamamoto & Kuwahara, 2006). The goal of Buddhism is to attain
enlightenment by ending suering and ignorance that arise in the realms of existence.
Empathy, compassion and nonviolence toward all beings (not just humans) are important
moral virtues that attract good karma, which can help attain enlightenment and liberation
from the material world.
We expected the inuences of the two religions on attitudes toward snow leopards and wolves
to vary. Therefore, we also interacted with religious and academic scholars to understand their
interpretation of the two faiths in relation to nature and wildlife. We considered conservation
options based on a better understanding of the nuances of the two faiths, the socioeconomic
inuences, and the cultures in which they are situated.
Methods
Study area
Ladakh is located in the State of Jammu and Kashmir in India. Historically, Ladakh used
to be an important trade link between Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh and Tibet, resulting in
a conuence of cultures (Rizvi, 1990). Agriculture and livestock rearing have been the
primary occupations of Ladakhis.
Located on the border with China and Pakistan, Ladakh has a strong military presence,
which has provided a market for local agriculture produce, employment opportunities,
facilitated construction of roads, and improved connectivity (Bray, 2007). Ladakh was opened
to tourists in 1974, which resulted in the rapid construction of tourist infrastructure (hotels,
restaurants, homestays, transportation). Tourism and the army have brought about many
socioeconomic and cultural changes in the region (Dollfus, 2012). Due to the presence of
alternate livelihoods, several villages have recently outsourced herding to migratory herders.
Religion
People of Ladakh mainly practice Islam or Tibetan Buddhism (Gupta, 2012;Rizvi, 1990).
The predominant Islamic sect that Ladakhi Muslims adhere to is the Twelver Shii sect,
which believes in the spiritual and political authority of 12 divinely ordained leaders
(known as Imams), the last of whom is believed to be in occultation (Gupta, 2014). The
majority of Tibetan Buddhist followers belong to the Mahayana school. According to
HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF WILDLIFE 3
Mahayana traditions, individuals who attain enlightenment (bodhisattvas) can choose to
be reborn into the realms of existence to alleviate the suering of other sentient beings,
and help them to attain liberation (nirvana) (Kemmerer, 2011).
Ladakh was split into two districts in 1979Leh, inhabited predominantly by Buddhists, and
Kargil, inhabited predominantly by Muslims. Our study sites were located in Western Ladakh in
two administrative blocksShakar-Chiktan (Kargil district) comprising 11 revenue villages, and
Khalsi (Leh district) comprising 17 revenue villages (Figure 1). The two blocks were chosen based
on their similarity in dependence on livestock, their proximity to each other, and topography
(contiguous valleys). Villages in Khalsi block included Takmachik, Domkhar, Skurbuchan,
Lehdo, and Achinathang. Villages in Shakar-Chiktan block included hamlets in Chiktan,
Haknis, and Khangral. Villages that had mixed populations of Buddhist and Muslims were
not included because these individuals reected a combination of the two religions as well as
ancient animistic practices (Bray, 2007).
Understanding religions
Initially, 20 semi-structured interviews were conducted with academic and religious
scholars. Interviews focused on understanding the worldview proered by the two faiths,
their treatment of wild animals/nature, as well as complexities of both the faiths with
Figure 1. Villages in Western Ladakh where the relationship between religion and peoplesattitudes
toward snow leopards and wolves was examined. Domkhar, Takmachik, Lehdo, Skurbuchan, and
Achinathang are Buddhist villages, whereas Haknis, Chiktan, and Khangral are Muslim villages.
4S. BHATIA ET AL.
respect to the idea of sin, the tension between religious philosophy and practice, and
socioeconomic, political and historical inuences on Ladakhi culture. The scholars were
based in Ladakh and possessed an understanding of the respective religions, as well as the
historic and cultural changes experienced by the region. They were chosen based on
recommendations by knowledgeable individuals and organizations.
Understanding attitudes
A pilot survey of 50 interviewees was conducted outside our main study site in Panamic
block, in the Nubra valley. Questions that were considered vague, or dicult to understand
during the pilot were dropped in the nal version. The revised questionnaire was adminis-
tered to 194 randomly chosen individuals in every third household in the village. The rst
available adult (above 18 years) in the house was approached for the interview, but an
attempt was made to get a roughly equal representation of both genders (44% females, and
56% males). The questions were translated into the intervieweespreferred language
(Ladakhi or Urdu) but their responses were recorded by the interviewer in English.
In all, individuals from 15% (n= 83) of the households in the three villages in Shakar-
Chiktan block and 23% (n= 111) of the households in the ve villages in Khalsi block
were interviewed. Twenty people in the surveyed villages of Shakar-Chiktan did not wish
to be interviewed. In a fourth village (Samrah) in Shakar-Chiktan, 40 people declined to be
interviewed, and the data from this village were excluded.
We approached individuals, explaining the purpose of the research, and seeking oral
consent to conduct the interview. We eased them into a conversation by showing them
pictures of the snow leopard and the wolf, and enquiring about their encounters with the
carnivores to ensure there was no confusion regarding the identication of the two
predators. We then asked questions regarding their attitudes towards the predators, rst
the snow leopard and then wolf or vice versa. Some questions (e.g., Do you think this
animal benets the people of Ladakh?) were also followed up with a request to elaborate
on the reasons. We also asked questions to understand peoples willingness to support
carnivore conservation and their reasons (or lack thereof) for the support.
Responses to the six attitude questions were coded as 1 (negative) or +1 (positive).
The overall attitude score thus ranged from 6 (most positive) to 6 (most negative). The
qualitative questions that required interviewees to elaborate on their response were
analyzed separately (i.e., not included in the attitude score).
We collected information on explanatory variables that have been reported to inuence
attitudes toward wildlife (Hazzah et al., 2009; Kleiven, Bjerke, & Kaltenborn, 2004; Kellert,
1996; Kellert et al., 1996, Suryawanshi et al., 2013;2014). These were age, gender,
education, primary occupation, current livestock holding, number of livestock lost to
predators, awareness of wildlife protection laws, and religion. We also used a simplied
index of religiosity to assess each individuals level of religious activity (Huber & Huber,
2012; Krauss, Hamzah, & Idris, 2007). There were four questions pertaining to whether
and how often an individual prayed, visited religious centers, attended and followed
religious sermons. Each question was scored a 1 if they followed the religious practice; a
1 if they did not follow and zero if they were indierent. The scores in the self-reported
religiosity index were summed across these four questions and could range from 4
(nonreligious) to 4 (highly religious).
HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF WILDLIFE 5
Data analysis
R version 3.2.0 (April 16, 2015) and package lme4 were used to analyze the data. Paired
t-test and analysis of variance (ANOVA) were used to test for the dierence in attitudes
toward snow leopard and wolves, and attitudes of Buddhists and Muslims toward the two
carnivores, respectively. Chi-square tests were used to assess the dierence in peoples
willingness to support snow leopard and wolf conservation in the landscape.
Since there were a number of explanatory variables, we used a mixed model. The model
included age, sex, education, livestock holding, livestock loss, and awareness of wildlife
protection laws as xed eects variables, and village as random eect variable on attitudes
(Bolker, 2008). Fixed eects are explanatory variables whose levels are pre-determined
(e.g., covariates of interest). Random eects are variables whose eect are interesting (e.g.,
individuals in a village, village in a region). We wanted to assess the eect of religion
without confounding the inuence of these variables. The residuals of this model were
therefore regressed on religion to understand how much of the variation in local attitudes
toward carnivores was explained by religion after accounting for the variation explained
by the other variables. The residuals were similarly regressed on religiosity.
Results
Interpretations of the two religious doctrines in Ladakh
Our interviews with religious and academic scholars yielded highlighted dierences and
similarities between Islam and Buddhism in relation to nature and wildlife. Several legends
describing the philosophy of the two faiths were also narrated to us. A simplied sketch of
the two faiths with respect to animals is presented below, with an acknowledgment that
outline does not capture the full complexity or nuances involved.
Islamic philosophy: Stewardship and ethical treatment
Our interviews with Muslim scholars highlighted the importance of trusteeship and ethical
treatment of animals. The idea of responsible stewardship in Islam was explained to us
with references to the Holy Quran. Even though humans have special privileges, the
Quran does not permit indiscriminate use of animals. Muhammed insisted on the welfare
of animals used by humans and therefore, ethical treatment of animals was the duty of a
practicing Muslim. There are laws and rules (known as shariah) regarding their ethical
treatment. Violence against another being is a sin against all of humanity, and against
Allah. Allah would assess an individuals actions on the day of judgement and appropriate
punishments and rewards will be meted out.
Buddhist philosophy: Interdependence and compassion
Our interviews of Buddhist scholars in Ladakh indicated the importance of interdepen-
dence of life, as well as compassion in the way their religion viewed wildlife. The Buddhist
doctrine of dependent origination was explained with the following story: There was once
a tiger that thought that he was the protector of the jungle because he kept people at bay.
At the same time, the jungle in which the tiger lived developed a sense of pride because it
was home to many wild animals. In reality, however, neither the tiger nor the jungle could
6S. BHATIA ET AL.
exist on its own, without the presence of the other. The interviewee thus concluded that
there was no place for pride or ego in this world.
An interviewee similarly explained the importance of compassion, stating that
Buddhism believes in the cycle of rebirth. It proposes that every being could have been
related to us in the previous birth (as mother, father, brother, sister, son, or daughter), and
thus deserves to be treated kindly and respectfully.
The idea of sin, and dealing with carnivore-caused losses
We asked if and when killing of wildlife amounted to sin.Eleven out of the 20
interviewees agreed that the idea of sin was dependent on the context and the motive.
They explained that it was wrong to kill any animal without a reason. If it caused damage
then eorts should be made to chase it away, and if it continued to be troublesome then
one would have no option but to kill it. Another interviewee reasoned that it was
acceptable to kill darinda(pests) like the snow leopard or wolf, which caused livestock
damage, threatened peopleslivelihoods, and spread fear. Only one Buddhist scholar
maintained that killing in any form, self-defense or otherwise, was sinful.
Retaliatory killing of wolves was evident with the presence of wolf traps close to villages
and pastures. We were informed that the traps were necessary to deal with livestock losses in
a resource-poor landscape. Many of the traps, however, had long been abandoned and
replaced by houses or elds due to decreased dependence on livestock. One of the inter-
viewees described that apart from religious sentiments, killing wildlife was a complicated
issue because there were many aspects to consider such as legal implications, the ease of
killing, availability of weapons, level of education, and awareness of the lawall of which
inuenced an individuals intention or desire to kill. In the end, though, recreational killing
was more sinfulthan killing for subsistence (including livelihood preservation).
An interviewee explained that even though recreational hunts technically amounted to
sin,Ladakhis (both Buddhists and Muslims) often used to accompany British authorities
on hunting expeditions during the colonial period. This was because hunting activity in
the State of Kashmir (of which Ladakh in now a part) provided colonial authorities with
the means to civilize unruly subjectsusing the begar (forced labor) system.
A quantitative examination of attitudes toward snow leopards and wolves, and the
inuence of religion
Our quantitative surveys across Ladakhi villages showed that people generally exhibited
signicantly less negative attitudes toward snow leopards (M=.66, SE = .15) than wolves
(M=1.44, SE = .16) (t(193) = 5.43, p< .001).
When other factors were not considered in the analysis, the inuence of religion on
attitudes was signicant for snow leopards (F(1, 192) = 4.49, p<.05)butnotforwolves
(F(1, 192) = 1.66, p= .20). The followers of Islam showed held less negative attitudes
toward snow leopards (M= -.28, SE = .21) as compared to the followers of Buddhism
(M=.95, SE = .22). However, after accounting for the variance explained by other
explanatory variables (residuals of model with all other covariates), the impact of
religion became nonsignicant for both species (R
2
= .002, p= .21).
HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF WILDLIFE 7
In Buddhist villages, peoplesattitudes toward snow leopards (R
2
= .03, p< .05, M= .69,
Figure 2) and wolves (R
2
= .02, p< .05, M= .51, Figure 2) were positively associated with
their level of religiosity. In the case of wolves, gender (M=1.15, SE = .48, Table 1) and
years of education (M= .17, SE = .06) also had a signicant eect, with men and less
educated people having more negative attitudes.
In Muslim villages, religiosity was not associated with attitudes towards wolves (R
2
=.01,
p= .93) or snow leopards (R
2
=.01, p= .98) (Figure 2). Gender had a signicant inuence on
attitudes toward snow leopards, with women having more negative attitudes than men
(M= 1.10, SE = .51). Awareness of wildlife laws also had a signicant eect (M=1.97,
SE = 1), with individuals who were inadequately aware of wildlife laws having more negatives
attitudes than the rest.
Examining the reasons behind the responses
Attitudes toward snow leopards and wolves varied, but we did not detect dierences in responses
to the question, Would you support carnivore conservation?(χ
2
(2, n= 194) = 3.53, p=.17).Of
Figure 2. Relationship between peoplesreligiosity and their attitudes toward snow leopards and
wolves in Ladakh, Indian Trans-Himalaya. The gure represents the relationship between the
residuals of the mixed-eects model and religiosity (that is, the level of religious activity). In the
Buddhist villages in Khalsi block, there was signicant correlation between religiosity and attitudes
toward snow leopards (M= .69, p<.05),andwolves(M=.51,p< .05). No signicant correlation
was observed between religiosity and attitudes toward snow leopards and wolves in the Muslim
villages in Shakar-Chiktan block.
8S. BHATIA ET AL.
the 62% of interviewees who explained their response, only 10% oered moral/religious rationale
to support conservation (e.g., It is a virtue to protect animals,”“It is important to save the
species). Twenty-eight percent reported that they would support conservation on the condition
that people benetted in some way, and that the government contributed to it. Sixteen percent
reported that they would support conservation for aesthetic reasons (characterized by responses
such as, The animal is the natural ornament/pride of Ladakh,”“It is good to see these animals).
The rest provided legal (10%) (e.g., Because they are protected by the law,”“For the govern-
ment), ecological, and other arguments (6%). The predominant reasons to not support con-
servation were economic loss (15%), and perceived incapability of the interviewee to
contribute (15%).
Similarly, on enquiring why they thought that the carnivores benetted or did not benet
people, 9% did not provide reasons. Those who thought that the animals did not benetpeople
(93%) attributed it to economic losses. The reasons provided in favor of the carnivores (7%) were,
They control wild prey population and indirectly benet people,”“Its good to see them,”“Snow
leopard fur fetches money.
Discussion
Our interviews with religious and academic scholars revealed that the idea of mercy or compas-
sion toward animals was common to both the faiths but the position of human beings and their
roles and responsibilities with respect to wildlife were interpreted dierently. In the case of
Buddhism, the emphasis was on a nondualistic worldview where animals and all sentient beings
function only in relation to each other, and do not have an independent identity. Conservation
messages connecting compassion, empathy, nonviolence and the karmic cycle might be better
appreciated in areas inhabited by the Buddhists.
In the case of Islam, the onus of protecting the weaker classes (including animals) was on
human beings. It was a moral obligation for a Muslim to mete out humane treatment to them to
nd a place in Heaven. Messages that highlight the moral and ethical aspects of conservation
(e.g., role of human beings as stewards of the natural world, respect for and mercy toward Allahs
creations) may be better appreciated in areas inhabited by the Muslims.
Table 1. Parameter values of the mixed eects model. In the Buddhist villages, men and less educated
individuals had more negative attitudes toward wolves. In the Muslim villages, men and individuals
who were aware of wildlife laws had less negative attitudes toward snow leopards.
Buddhist (n= 111) Muslim (n= 83)
Snow leopard Wolf Snow leopard Wolf
Variables Estimate SE Estimate SE Estimate SE Estimate SE
Age .00 .02 .00 .02 .00 .02 .02 .02
Sex (Male) .24 .50 1.15 .48 1.10 .51 .56 .65
Years of education .11 .07 .17 .06 .03 .06 .06 .08
Large-bodied livestock holding .04 .09 .10 .10 .09 .20 .30 .25
Small bodied livestock holding .02 .03 .00 .02 .06 .04 .03 .05
Large-bodied livestock lost (in numbers) .22 .30 .88 .53 NA NA .30 2.44
Small bodied livestock lost (in numbers) .01 .04 .04 .07 .02 .13 .19 .21
Awareness of wildlife laws (not aware) NA NA NA NA 1.97 1.00 .59 1.23
Awareness of wildlife laws
(unsure)
1.51 1.75 1.93 1.66 .23 .64 .62 .79
Note. Values highlighted in bold represent factors that had statistically signicant inuence on attitudes toward carnivores.
HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF WILDLIFE 9
Attitudes and behaviors toward the natural world are believed to be inuenced by
religion (Jenkins & Chapple, 2011). In this article, however, religion had a complex,
relatively weak relationship with attitudes toward carnivores, and the eect was tempered
by the animal in question, as well as the demographic and economic factors such as
gender, level of education, and awareness of wildlife protection laws. Less than 10% of the
194 interviewees provided moral or religious argument to protect the carnivores. Even
though the inuence of religion was weak, the extent of religiosity was a signicant factor
in inuencing attitudes of Buddhists (but not Muslims). This implies that the more
religious Buddhist respondents had more positive attitudes toward both the carnivores
but this was not the case with the Muslim respondents. Conservation strategies and
messages focusing on multiple dimensions of humancarnivore relationships (e.g., reli-
gious) may thus be necessary to appeal to dierent sections of the society. Self-reported
measures of religiosity, however, have their limitations as peoplesperceptions of them-
selves may be dierent from their actual behavior (Luke, 2012). Future research should
seek to improve on the basic measurement indices for religiosity that we have used.
The inuence of socioeconomic factors
The results of the quantitative analysis also highlighted the importance of incorporating
multiple variables to understand the extent of inuence of the variable of interest (in our
case, religion). Gender, education, and awareness of wildlife law had an inuence on
attitudes of local people toward the two carnivores. If socioeconomic variables had not
been considered in the analysis then one would have wrongly presumed religion to have a
larger role than it actually did.
Globally, studies assessing factors that inuence attitudes toward carnivores have reported
that, in general, women tend to have more negative attitudes than men (Kleiven et al., 2004;
Prokop & Fančovičová, 2010;Suryawanshietal.,2014). This pattern also appeared for snow
leopards in our sampled Muslim population. Prokop and Fančovičová (2010) have suggested
that the negative attitudes of women might be a result of greater perceived risk or fear. Other
studies have suggested that negative attitudes of women may arise because they seldom interact
with conservation agencies and are less engaged in conservation issues as compared to men
(Gillingham&Lee,1999). Women also face the responsibility of running the household and end
up prioritizing the welfare of their family members at the cost of their own well-being, perhaps
leading to a greater resentment toward carnivores (Ogra, 2008).
Our results, however, were not uniform as men had more negative attitudes than women
toward wolves in the Buddhist villages. This contradicts our own earlier ndings from Spiti valley
wherewehadreportedthatmenhadsignicantly more positive attitudes than women toward
both snow leopards and wolves (Suryawanshi et al., 2014). Women exhibit an ethic of care and
compassion toward Gods creations, and accept losses to predators with a more fatalistic attitude
(Inayat, 2002). Positive attitudes of women in our study site could perhaps be attributed to such a
worldview. The nding could also partly be explained by the fact that in the Buddhist villages,
men took turns to herd the village livestock to the pastures, where chances of wolf-related
depredation were high. However, in the Muslim villages that we sampled, grazing had largely
been outsourced to migratory herders, who were responsible for gathering livestock from
multiple villages, remaining in-charge of theircareandupkeepallthroughthesummermonths.
As a result, few men from the Muslim villages ventured into the pastures for grazing livestock,
10 S. BHATIA ET AL.
and presumably had fewer rst-hand experiences of livestock depredation, and thus more
positive attitudes.
The level of formal education was a signicant factor in inuencing attitudes toward wolves in
Buddhist villages. Several studies have documented that more educated individuals had more
positive attitudes toward carnivores (Kellert, 1985;Røskaftetal.,2007;Suryawanshietal.,2014).
Educated individuals may be more aware of conservation issues and laws, and may thus be able
to better accept the presence of carnivores (Kleiven et al., 2004). Education may also provide
access to alternate livelihood opportunities, and reduce the direct dependence of people on
nature.
Similarly, lack of knowledge about wildlife laws turned out to be a signicant factor in
inuencing attitudes toward snow leopards in the Muslim villages. This is an important
threat with the potential to directly impact carnivore killing. It may thus be vital for
conservation practitioners to simultaneously build conservation awareness, and facilitate
mechanisms that oer alternate sources of income to local people as a means of diversify-
ing risk, and improving attitudes toward carnivores in Ladakh.
Overall, people expressed more positive attitudes toward snow leopards than wolves in
our study area, which is not surprising as dislike for wolves is common across the globe
(Dressel, Sandström, & Ericsson, 2015; Kansky, Kidd, & Knight, 2014). This is likely to be
a result of the economic impacts of wolves, their ecology and behavior, and an inherent
cultural bias that vilies them (Kellert et al., 1996; Kleiven et al., 2004).
Globally, 70100% of people residing in Biodiversity Hotspot regions are aliated to main-
stream faiths (Bhagwat, Ormsby, & Rutte, 2011). It has been argued that religion can provide a
moral and spiritual framework that may be suited to the needs of nature conservation (Bhagwat,
Dudley, & Harrop, 2011). Our results suggest that given the relatively weak relationship between
religion and attitudes of people toward carnivores, a religious argument alone may not be
sucient to create greater acceptance for carnivores, but it may provide practitioners an
additional tool with which to engage with the communities living with large carnivores.
Finally, religion is embedded in the larger culture, and social values may be derived not just
from religion but also adaptations to the natural environment, biology, and the sociopolitical
landscape (Schwartz, 1996).Forexample,theintervieweesspokeaboutthebegar system, which
was essentially a coercive form of governance devised by the colonial administration to maintain
order in uncivilizedmountainous regions such as Ladakh. The locals were forced to provide
services (as trackers, and porters) to the British sportsmen in search of game (Hussain, 2012),
with little consideration for their religious beliefs. Future work could similarly explore the drivers
that contribute to the formation of social values and their interaction with religion.
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HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF WILDLIFE 13
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Protected areas are important for wildlife conservation but they are also used by many local communities for livelihood activities. This often leads to conflicts and erodes the tolerance of local people for wildlife, particularly towards carnivores that prey on livestock. To enhance conservation success and improve the social carrying capacity of carnivores, it is essential to understand the factors influencing such conflicts and the attitudes of people interacting with carnivores. We used structured questionnaire surveys to assess the extent of livestock mortality and community responses to common leopards Panthera pardus in Kishtwar National Park, a relatively understudied protected area in the Greater Himalayan region of India. The mountainous Park and its surroundings have historically served as a haven for the local agro-pastoralists and transhumant pastoralists, resulting in complex human–wildlife interactions across the larger landscape. Our results showed that leopards were responsible for high livestock depredation (71 incidents in 2 years), and households with larger livestock holdings experienced a higher predation rate compared to those with smaller livestock holdings. An ordinal logistic regression model revealed that respondents’ age and period of activity in the Park significantly influenced their opinions regarding leopards. Large losses suffered by otherwise low-income households resulted in more negative attitudes towards these predators. Our study indicates that financial compensation for livestock losses is a key factor in improving human–leopard coexistence. A comprehensive, cross-sector collaborative approach would help to improve conflict resolution and promote favourable attitudes towards these predators.
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Despite increasing public attention to animal suffering, little seems to have changed: Human beings continue to exploit billions of animals in factory farms, medical laboratories, and elsewhere. In this wide-ranging and perceptive study, Lisa Kemmerer shows how spiritual writings and teachings in seven major religious traditions can help people to consider their ethical obligations toward other creatures.
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Natural selection affects emotional and behavioural patterns, such as anti-predator adaptations, that enhance human survival. Fear is a basic emotion that activates behavioural responses upon encountering a predator, being consistently higher in females than in males. In this study, we investigated associations between fear of a large carnivore predator and perceived physical condition in a sample of Slovakian participants (n = 943). When testing evolutionary hypotheses explaining gender differences in fear of predators, we found partial support for the "physical condition" hypothesis, because females either reported lower perceived body condition than males and their perceived body condition showed significant correlation with fear of brown bear, Ursus arctos. The negative association between fear and perceived body condition was stronger in males suggesting that fear evolved as a response to higher predation pressures on males in our evolutionary past, indirectly supporting the "prédation pressure" hypothesis. Males and participants with higher fear of bears wanted to exterminate bears by shooting more than others, suggesting that future management strategies should be oriented on elimination of fear of predators, as primary predictor of extremely negative attitudes toward bears.
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The world’s religions have made a contribution to environmental conservation and sustainable development through faith-based non-governmental organizations. Partnerships between secular conservation and development organizations and faith-based groups, however, are not always easy. Such partnerships face various challenges, including differences in worldviews, conflict between identities, and the attitudes and behavior of religious groups that may not be favorable to conservation and development. Despite a possible overlap of values, these incompatibilities can often cause tensions between secular organizations and religious groups. A number of examples, however, suggest that faith-based groups are starting to address these incompatibilities. We suggest that partnerships with faith groups might be valuable because these groups can enhance public support for conservation and development. While secular organizations need to work with faith groups on the basis of shared ethical or moral values, identifying effective ways to strengthen the linkages between secular organizations and faith groups is also necessary.
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Today, Ladakh, a region of Jammu and Kashmir, the northernmost state of India, is home to only 1,200 nomadic pastoralists, representing less than one per cent of the Leh District population. Three distinct communities – Kharnak, Rupshu (or Samad) and Korzok – live near each other, but own their own territory. Changes have always occurred, but over recent decades, they have been particularly dramatic and fast moving. Our aim in this paper is to briefly outline the history of nomadic pastoralism in Ladakh, and then to examine in more depth the transformation processes which have taken place over the last fifty or sixty years, taking the nomadic community of Kharnak as a case-study.
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The Zanzibar leopard (Panthera pardus adersi Pocock, Felidae) is an island endemic which has been hunted to the point of extinction. In this paper, based on research begun in 1995, we outline the political and economic circumstances which led to the progressive demonization of this large carnivore and concerted efforts to exterminate it. Cultural constructions of the leopard's significance and value have varied between different groups of political actors as well as changed over time. Metaphorical extensions of the ecologists' 'keystone species' concept cannot capture complex histories of this kind, and we argue for a more nuanced understanding of cultural salience in this and similar cases.
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Conflicts between people over wildlife are widespread and damaging to both the wildlife and people involved. Such issues are often termed human–wildlife conflicts. We argue that this term is misleading and may exacerbate the problems and hinder resolution. A review of 100 recent articles on human–wildlife conflicts reveals that 97 were between conservation and other human activities, particularly those associated with livelihoods. We suggest that we should distinguish between human–wildlife impacts and human–human conflicts and be explicit about the different interests involved in conflict. Those representing conservation interests should not only seek technical solutions to deal with the impacts but also consider their role and objectives, and focus on strategies likely to deliver long-term solutions for the benefit of biodiversity and the people involved.
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Shi‘i scholars from India have been a sizeable presence in seminaries in Iran and Iraq, both historically and today. Yet there is a dearth of scholarship on Shi‘i linkages between India and West Asia, with the exception of historical work on the patronage of shrine cities in Iraq by centres of Shi‘ism in India. Departing from this geographical and historical focus, this paper lends insight into contemporary religious networks between India and West Asia, using the example of the Twelver Shi‘a in Kargil, a region located on India's ‘border’ with Pakistan in the province of Kashmir. Kargili scholars travelled overland via Afghanistan or by sea from Bombay to Basra to study in seminaries in Iraq and Iran from the nineteenth century onwards. Increasing fluency in Urdu in post-colonial India enabled them to connect with Shi‘i institutions in other parts of India, which mediate religious, cultural, and financial flows from a transnational Shi‘ite realm. These networks of religious learning are not only conduits for the transmission of textual, doctrinal knowledge, but also for politico-religious ideologies that are selectively harnessed, and often exaggerated, to effect significant social and political changes in micro-locales. While local conflicts are over-determined by the evocation of transnational links, they also reflect, even if only through rhetorical and partial reproduction, doctrinal and politico-religious schisms among Shi‘i leaders in West Asia. This is illustrated by an ethnographic account of the activities undertaken and contestations provoked by the Imam Khomeini Memorial Trust in Kargil, a modernist reform movement that has selectively appropriated Khomeini's revolutionary ideologies to instigate social change and shape local politics and religious practice in Kargil.
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The ranges of wolves (Canis lupus) and bears (Ursus arctos) across Europe have expanded recently, and it is important to assess public attitudes toward this expansion because responses toward these species vary widely. General attitudes toward an object are good predictors of broad behavioral patterns; thus, attitudes toward wolves and bears can be used as indicators to assess the social foundation for future conservation efforts. However, most attitude surveys toward bears and wolves are limited in scope, both temporally and spatially, and provide only a snapshot of attitudes. To extend the results of individual surveys over a much larger temporal and geographical range so as to identify transnational patterns and changes in attitudes toward bears and wolves over time, we conducted a meta-analysis. Our analysis included 105 quantitative surveys conducted in 24 countries from 1976 to 2012. Across Europe, people's attitudes were more positive toward bears than wolves. Attitudes toward bears became more positive over time, but attitudes toward wolves seemed to become less favorable the longer people coexisted with them. Younger and more educated people had more positive attitudes toward wolves and bears than people who had experienced damage from these species, and farmers and hunters had less positive attitudes toward wolves than the general public. For bears attitudes among social groups did not differ. To inform conservation of large carnivores, we recommend that standardized longitudinal surveys be established to monitor changes in attitudes over time relative to carnivore population development. Our results emphasize the need for interdisciplinary research in this field and more advanced explanatory models capable of capturing individual and societal responses to changes in large carnivore policy and management.
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Cambridge Core - Ecology and Conservation - People and Wildlife, Conflict or Co-existence? - edited by Rosie Woodroffe