Perceived organizational barriers to women's career advancement in Lebanon

Abstract

Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to address the research gap on Lebanese female managers and to examine female managers' perceptions of their organizations in relation to women's career progression.

Design/methodology/approach
The research was quantitative in nature. A survey questionnaire was used to collect data from 450 female managers. Measures included personal and demographic characteristics, organizational culture, organizational practices, organizational networks, mentoring and role modeling, tokenism, and the usage of wasta .

Findings
Descriptive statistics and analysis of variance were used to explain the results. The results reveal that female managers perceive their career progression to be affected by organizational culture, practices, and networks, while mentoring and tokenism were shown to be less critical. In addition, the women in this sample perceived wasta to be a powerful determinant.

Practical implications
The findings contribute to a wider appreciation of the implicit barriers to women's career development and retention, will help organizations engage with the diversity agenda in this region and provide a better understanding of how these companies and their members can make progress, will help inform managerial interventions to make managers better able to make the most of the issues faced, and will help organizations make a much more concerted effort to manage junior female managers through helping them accelerate in their progression and development.

Originality/value
The paper contributes to the limited literature on women in management in Lebanon as well as the Middle Eastern region in general.

Full text

Perceived organizational barriers
to women’s career advancement
in Lebanon
Hayfaa Tlaiss
University of New Brunswick, New Brunswick, Canada and
Institute for Financial Analyst, Beirut, Lebanon, and
Saleema Kauser
Manchester Business School, Manchester, UK
Abstract
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to address the research gap on Lebanese female managers
and to examine female managers’ perceptions of their organizations in relation to women’s career
progression.
Design/methodology/approach – The research was quantitative in nature. A survey
questionnaire was used to collect data from 450 female managers. Measures included personal and
demographic characteristics, organizational culture, organizational practices, organizational networks,
mentoring and role modeling, tokenism, and the usage of wasta.
Findings – Descriptive statistics and analysis of variance were used to explain the results.
The results reveal that female managers perceive their career progression to be affected by
organizational culture, practices, and networks, while mentoring and tokenism were shown to be less
critical. In addition, the women in this sample perceived wasta to be a powerful determinant.
Practical implications – The findings contribute to a wider appreciation of the implicit barriers to
women’s career development and retention, will help organizations engage with the diversity agenda
in this region and provide a better understanding of how these companies and their members can
make progress, will help inform managerial interventions to make managers better able to make the
most of the issues faced, and will help organizations make a much more concerted effort to manage
junior female managers through helping them accelerate in their progression and development.
Originality/value – The paper contributes to the limited literature on women in management in
Lebanon as well as the Middle Eastern region in general.
Keywords Lebanon, Women, Organizations, Career development, Managers, Influence
Paper type Research paper
Introduction
The presence and status of female managers have improved dramatically over the last
half century. However, the research to date indicates quite clearly that women in
management positions in a variety of professions continue to face a number of barriers
within organizations that affect career progression. A number of studies have identified
a multitude of structural and cultural barriers working within organizations that have
led to the underrepresentation of women at the senior level and have been well
documented (Fagenson, 1994; Powell and Graves, 2003). Studies have attributed
these organizational barriers to constraining societal and cultural practices (Benson and
Yukongdi, 2006; Wright and Crockett-Tellei, 1994; Wilson, 2003), discriminatory
gender-specific factors (Parker and Fagenson, 1994; Powell et al., 2002; Riger and
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at
www.emeraldinsight.com/1754-2413.htm
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25,6
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Received January 2010
Revised February 2010
Accepted May 2010
Gender in Management: An
International Journal
Vol. 25 No. 6, 2010
pp. 462-496
qEmerald Group Publishing Limited
1754-2413
DOI 10.1108/17542411011069882

Galligan, 1980), the anti-female nature of organizations (Burke and McKeen, 1994; Cortis
and Cassar, 2005; Eagly and Carli, 2007; Morrison et al., 1987; Weir, 2003), and
institutional discrimination such as limited access to networking processes, lack of
mentoring, and limited training and development opportunities (Adebowale, 1994;
Cordano et al., 2002; Lahtinen and Wilson, 1994). Thus, concerns about organizational
barriers in management development remain challenging and deserving of additional
research. However, many of these findings are based on conceptual ideas theorized from
within a western context and dominated by research executed in North American and
Western European contexts (Aycan, 2004; Metcalfe, 2008; Omar and Davidson, 2001;
Powell, 2000) and empirically tested within a European and American geographic focus
(Whiteoak et al., 2006), with relatively limited understanding of the status of women
in management in the Arab world (Metcalfe, 2006, 2007, 2008; Moghadam, 2004;
Omair, 2008). Although some studies have attempted to inspect the status of women in
management in a number of countries, including Egypt (Kattara, 2005), the United Arab
Emirates (UAE), the Gulf states (Abdallah, 1996; Metcalfe, 2006; Salloum, 2003), and
Lebanon (Jamali et al., 2005, 2006), nonetheless, these studies have dealt with random
isolated issues and small sample sizes and provided little concrete assessment of the
broader picture of women in management in this region. Furthermore, the majority of
attempts present themselves in the form of country-specific statistics reported by
(The) World Bank (2003) and the United Nations (1995), with few recent attempts
conducted on a smaller scale ( Jamali et al., 2005)? Given this situation, there is a
particularly urgent need to carry out a systematic and empirical investigation into how
well female managers believe they are performing at work. If female managers in the
Middle Eastern region are to be significantly represented and have decision-making
power within middle and senior management in the future, an understanding of
organizational barriers impeding the career progression of women becomes critical.
How do women perceive organizational barriers to their career progression?
Within this context, the current study addresses the key issues facing Lebanese
female managers regarding their views concerning barriers within these managers’
organizations that the women perceive to be significant in their career development
opportunities. Lebanon, as one of the few Middle Eastern countries that accommodate
strong religious and cultural norms as well as modern values, presents an interesting
study of female managers. The study will attempt to answer the following research
questions: what organizational barriers are faced by Lebanese women in their career
progression? What are the differences in perceptions among female managers at
different management levels regarding these barriers?
The topic of this research study is of primary importance given that we know little
about the extent to which women’s economic and social rights in the workplace are being
addressed. The current reality is that organizations in Lebanon as well as other Arab
countries lack training and development opportunities, lack performance appraisals,
have poorer salaries, and are heavily structured against women getting promoted
(Al-Lamki, 1999). In this region, including Lebanon, women have just started to rise to
lower- and mid-level management positions with very few, if not none, reaching senior
positions. Thus, our understanding of all the dynamics involved in these women’s career
progression within the workplace is still limited. To supplement the scant research
available on the topic stemming from a Middle Eastern locale, the paper examines the
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perceptions of a sample of Lebanese women managers regarding the organizational
barriers they face in their career progression.
The study will contribute to the scarce knowledge that currently exists on the
position of female managers in the Middle Eastern region and will attempt to unveil the
many socio-cultural and organizational barriers that limit women’s advancement in this
region. What makes this study even more interesting is the focus on the perspective of
female managers at all levels within the organization, which will assist in trying to
understand the experiences of female managers who have to report to male bosses in a
culture that upholds the superiority of men over women. The paper begins, however, by
identifying the constraints, based on the literature, facing female managers in general
and Middle Eastern female managers specifically. The paper then briefly highlights the
status of the female labor force in Lebanon. The research methodology is then presented
and the findings outlined and discussed. Relevant recommendations and
change-management insights are delineated in light of the findings.
Women in Lebanon
Women currently constitute 40 percent of the world’s workforce (International Labour
Organization (ILO), 2002) and have been entering the ranks of management in several
industries such as education and health services in increasing numbers for the last two
decades (Omar and Davidson, 2001). However, in comparison to men, women have not
risen to top organizational levels (O’Neil and Bilimoria, 2005; Powell and Graves, 2003).
Thus, the literature points out that the dominance of men over women at work is a
universal fact. However, the form this domination takes can vary across countries given
the difference in social, cultural, political, and economic infrastructures. In the Arab
world, the increased participation of women in the workforce across several Arab states,
including the UAE (Salloum, 2003), Oman (Al-Lamki, 1999; Neal et al., 2005), and
Lebanon ( Jamali et al., 2006), has led to only mild progression in women’s careers
(Omar and Davidson, 2001). Despite the significant advancements that have taken place
in recent years across this region, including the eradication of gender discrimination and
the empowering of women in different facets of social life (Middle East and North Africa
(MENA), 2007) that has led to increased education for women ((The) World Bank, 2003;
Weir, 2003), women in the Arab world continue to face constraints to access employment
opportunities (Sidani, 2005), and obstacles to progress to management positions and
suffer from prejudice in salaries (MENA, 2007). This gender discrimination, encouraged
by the widespread pluralistic male cultures, is reflected in wages as men earn more than
their female counterparts in the majority of the Arab region (Arab Human Development
Report (AHDR), 2005). According to a gender overview report prepared by the United
Nations (2007) covering the MENA women’s share of the total workforce increased by
19 percent in the MENA region between 1990 and 2004 compared to 3 percent globally
(Neal et al., 2005). Despite this increase, women’s participation in the labor force in this
region remains the lowest in the world (,33 percent across the region) as opposed to the
world average of 56 percent (AHDR, 2005).
The status of Lebanese female managers, consistent with their Arab counterparts, is
analogous, and female managers confront similar difficulties faced by Arab female
managers in their career progression. Described as the most westernized Arab nation
in terms of the amount of freedom and autonomy that women enjoy, Lebanon is
perceived as the artifact of the interaction of the Western world and the Middle East.
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Lebanese culture amalgamates European, Christian, and Arab non-fundamentalist
Muslim values (Neal et al., 2005). Therefore, one could argue that the role of women in
Lebanon has been impacted by this European-Middle Eastern interaction (Neal et al.,
2005). Lebanon has been described as the pioneer in the Arab region for enjoying
relaxed codes regarding women’s participation in economic and political activities
(Sidani, 2005) and in allowing women to pursue jobs and responsibilities outside
traditionally allocated roles (Sidani, 2002). Unlike women in other countries in the
region, Lebanese women are perceived as modern, are liberated from the veil, interact
freely with men (Neal et al., 2005), are allowed to vote, work, receive an education, and
participate in all forms of public life (Barakat, 1977). However, despite these
modernization attempts, social, political, and economic equality between men and
women has remained below desired levels (AHDR, 2005; MENA, 2007). Lebanese
women continue to cluster at lower and supervisory management levels, with only
8.5 percent of women in high administrative positions (Labaki, 1997). Women comprise
,5 percent of top management positions (Eid, 2002) and earn less than their male
counterparts (Association of Lebanese Banks, 2000). About 62.2 percent of the
employed women work in the service sector including health, education, and social
services sectors in comparison to 16.1 percent in the industrial sector (MENA, 2007).
This rate of employment, however, does not match women’s advancement to
managerial positions since women constitute only 2 percent of senior management
positions and 13 percent of mid-level management positions in the Lebanese banking
industry, for example (Association of Lebanese Banks, 2000). While equally educated
women and men enter the labor workforce in relatively similar numbers, this parity
significantly deteriorates along the career path as decision-making positions remain
the preserve of men (Association of Lebanese Banks, 2000). This inequality has been
attributed mainly to the patriarchal nature of Lebanese society, which traditionally
considers breadwinning a man’s role (AHDR, 2005). This patriarchal view and gender
stereotyping may also be the reason why men in Lebanon, as in the majority of
the Arab region, are more likely to be employed compared to women (AHDR, 2005;
MENA, 2007). Therefore, the perception of Lebanese women (compared to women in
neighboring countries) as relatively liberal (Neal et al., 2005) should be attributed to
specific economic and socio-demographic reasons that are specific only to Lebanon
(Sidani, 2002) rather than the modernity of the society.
According to the Association of Lebanese Banks (2000), female managers who are
more educated than their male counterparts are paid less for doing the same job.
Women’s estimated earnings in 2002 were USD 2,552 compared to USD 8,226 for males
(Human Development Report (HDR), 2004). Earning less than men and occupying
,5 percent of the senior management positions, female managers cluster at the lower
and supervisory management levels (Eid, 2002) while men dominate the
decision-making positions ( Jamali et al., 2006). Reports in trade journals (Association
of Lebanese Banks, 2000; Eid, 2002; (The) World Bank, 2005) have indicated that a
barrier exists in the field of banking. These reports highlight the achievements of a few
exceptional women who have reached the top but also discuss broader issues,
concerning the problems faced by women in the banking industry who tend to be
clustered in the human resources (HR), credit, and secretarial departments, with the
majority of women concentrated in entry-level positions ( Jamali et al., 2007). This does
not come as a surprise considering most management positions continue to be occupied
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by men and serves as an explanation why women continue to be underrepresented
within the management hierarchy. Thus, the paucity of data on female managers in the
Arab Middle East, especially Lebanon, and the growth in women’s professional
development in the region highlight the urgency for research here.
Literature and research propositions
Although the lack of women in management due to discrimination has been the major
focus of a considerable number of studies and scholars for more than three decades
(Adler and Izraeli, 1994; Broadbridge and Hearn, 2008; Cleveland et al., 2000; Davidson
and Burke, 2000; Powell and Graves, 2003), the preceding discussion has shown the
absence of a clear picture of the situation regarding the status of Lebanese female
managers in their workplace. Furthermore, the available contributions have made little
impact in explaining Lebanese women’s perception of the organizational factors that
foster women’s underrepresentation in management in the Middle Eastern Arab world,
especially in Lebanon. Therefore, this empirical investigation integrated six questions
and tested them. The questions addressed main organizational themes, including
organizational culture, organizational and HR practices, organizational networks and
interpersonal relations, mentoring and role modeling, tokenism and minority presence in
management, and the usage of wasta. Each question was tested using relevant phrases
derived from a review of the literature and previously administered scales, including
Bergman and Halleberg’s (2002) women workplace culture questionnaire (WWQ) and
Spector’s (1988) locus of control scale.
Organizational culture
P1. The culture of the organization is more likely to be perceived as a barrier to
the career advancement of Lebanese female managers.
To understand the barriers faced by female managers, the concept of organizational
culture is important. A large body of research suggests that patterns of behavior,
attitudes, values, and norms act as either key facilitators or barriers to work-life policies
(Bate, 1994; Browne, 1997; Kanter, 1977; Kilmann, 1984; Kotter and Heskett, 1992; Peters
and Waterman, 1982; Whipp et al., 1989). Organizational culture has been studied
extensively in the European, American, and Asian literature, and studies have shown
that gender inequities in the workplace are the root cause of the discriminatory
treatment against women that limits their upward mobility (Adler and Izraeli, 1994;
Davidson and Burke, 2004; ILO, 2004; Schein, 2007). Hence, having women as managers
“violates the social norm of men’s higher status and superiority” (Powell, 1999, p. 334).
The majority of studies, notwithstanding the pro-female-manager cultures described in
a few empirical studies in Asia and the Middle East (Aycan, 2004; Duehr and Buono,
2006; Nath, 2000; Ng and Chakrabarty, 2006), describe and highlight the persistent
stereotypical view of female managers as more communal with more feminine ways of
managing compared to men, who are described as more competitive and business
oriented. Against these prevailing views, women are perceived to be inadequate as
managers (Eagly and Karau, 2002; Jackson, 2001; Kottke and Agars, 2005; Powell et al.,
2002). Such barriers still persist in today’s modern world and are unchallenged despite
women’s higher educational attainment levels (Schein, 2001; Wood, 2008).
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The situation is similar in Middle Eastern countries. Research conducted in this
region has shown that the corporate culture and environment strongly favor men
over women and strongly impede women’s career advancement (Al-Lamki, 1999;
Jamali et al., 2005). According to Wilkinson (1996), in a study among UAE, Oman, and
Bahraini women managers’ overt discrimination resulting from negative attitudes and
cultural taboos are significant barriers to career advancement. This suggests gender
inequities are strongly entrenched in the organizational culture of Lebanese firms and
negatively affect the career advancement of female managers through a continuing
belief that management is a male domain (Wood, 2008). In line with these studies,
P1 suggests that the culture of an organization is more likely to work against the
advancement of female managers.
Organizational practices
P2. Organizational practices are more likely to be perceived as barriers to the
career advancement of Lebanese female managers.
Organizational practices include managerial selection and recruitment, promotion
procedures, performance evaluation, and training and development. While several
studies have reported the efforts of leading organizations in supporting women’s
advancement (Alimo-Metcalfe, 1994; Singh et al., 2006), many continue to reveal that
nothing has really changed (Eagly and Carli, 2007). Negative attitudes toward and
sex-typed stereotypes of women in the workplace continue to be reflected in
discriminatory organizational practices through discriminatory managerial recruitment
and selection processes, training and development opportunities, performance
evaluation procedures, and promotions (Anker, 1997; Cleveland et al., 2000; Kottke
and Agars, 2005; Schein, 2007; Simpson et al., 2004; Wright and Crockett-Tellei, 1994).
Within the Arab world, few studies have considered the impact of organizational
practices on the career progression of female managers. Hutchings and Weir (2006)
highlighted the selection process in the Arab world as being highly subjective and based
on personal contacts, nepotism, and family name. In another study, Weir (2003) found
evidence of limited access by Arab female managers to on-the-job training and
development and a lack of systematic performance appraisal and career development.
Similarly, Al-Lamki’s (1999) research among Omani women found that male bosses held
traditional attitudes towards working women resulting in discriminatory selection and
promotion practices. Given the lack of extant empirical research, P2 aims to highlight
that organizational practices in Lebanon do not offer female managers equal
opportunities for growth.
Mentoring
P3. The absence of a mentor is more likely to be perceived as a barrier to the
career advancement of Lebanese female managers.
Organizational mentoring has long been described throughout the literature as helpful
for the advancement of managers (Burke and McKeen, 1994; Kram, 1985). Mentors are
considered critical for career advancement as they participate in the career advancement
of prote
´ge
´s through sponsorship, coaching, role modeling, and counseling (Kram, 1985).
Based on studies conducted in the USA, employees with mentors have been found
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to have access to important people and enjoy more career satisfaction (Fagenson, 1989),
are promoted more frequently and have higher incomes (Dreher and Ash, 1990), enjoy
higher career commitment (Bachman and Gregory, 1993), and have reduced turnover
rates (Brett and Stroth, 1994). Mentors are considered important to the success of female
managers because mentors help in the development of the managers’ sense of identity
and professional confidence (Kram, 1985), reduce discrimination (Ragins and Cotton,
1991), help them get access to information that is available to men (Ragins, 1989), give
decision-making power in organizations (Kanter, 1977), and facilitate their managerial
advancement (Ragins, 1999). However, a number of studies have also highlighted the
difficulties that female managers face in getting mentors (Burke and Karambayya, 2004;
Cleveland et al., 2000; Kram, 1985) mainly because of women’s token status and potential
discomfort with cross-gender mentors. Therefore, in general lack of a mentor has
negatively impacted women’s career advancement and success. Thus, much of the
literature on mentoring comes from the west which suggests that mentoring can play a
crucial role in the career development of women managers. Very few studies have
investigated the existence or impact of mentoring on the career advancement of female
managers in the Arab world. In a relatively pioneering empirical study in Oman,
Al-Lamki (1999) reported that the absence of role models and mentoring programs is
a major organizational concern limiting women’s access to top managerial positions.
It would appear that finding a mentor is difficult for women in this region given that
there are not enough women in senior management positions to provide support.
Kattara (2005) reported that given men’s control in the organization they are more likely
to be mentors. This would suggest that women in this part of the world may miss
opportunities for career advancement because they lack female role models. Thus,
mentoring relationships can be considered potentially valuable for women’s career
advancement in this region, as female managers’ work in a male dominated environment
(Al-Lamki, 1999; Jamali et al., 2006; Kattara, 2005). On this basis and given the current
lack of knowledge of mentoring on the career advancement of female managers in the
Arab world in general and in Lebanon specifically, more research is needed whether
mentoring relationships play a crucial role in the career development of Lebanese female
managers. Thus, P3 suggests that the absence of a mentor is more likely to be perceived
as a hindrance to the career advancement of Lebanese women managers.
Tokenism
P4. The token minimal presence of women in management is more likely to be
perceived as a barrier to the career advancement of Lebanese female
managers.
It is a well-known fact that women make up a small percentage of the management
workforce (Cleveland et al., 2000; Ogden et al., 2006; Powell and Graves, 2003; Singh et al.,
2006), and thus regarded as having token status in a male-dominated work environment
(Kanter, 1977; Oakley, 2000). A number of studies have shown the negative
psychological effects of tokenism for women in the workplace (Davidson and Cooper,
1992) and the traumatic behavioral consequences of tokenism for wom en (Cleveland et al.,
2000; Davidson and Cooper, 1992; Ng and Chakrabarty, 2006; Powell and Graves, 2003).
Research on this theme in the Arab world is almost nonexistent. A review of the limited
studies on women in management in this region have highlighted that organizations are
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not even handed in their treatment of male and female managers (Omair, 2007). Despite
the increasing participation of women in the workplace in Middle Eastern countries,
women are failing to achieve the same levels of success as men. Barriers including
limited access to networking processes, lack of mentoring, and limited training and
development opportunities continue to keep women stagnating at lower levels of
management within their organizations (Al-Lamki, 1999; Jamali et al., 2005; Metle, 2001;
Wilkinson, 1996). This means, the increasing number of women in the workforce in not
translating into more women in management positions. One reason for this
under-representation of women in management positions in this region may be
attributed to the token status of women. Thus, as tokens women are isolated and
discriminated against (Kanter, 1977). From this it becomes clear that while Arab women
have made great progress in the workplace, as a minority group their token status in
the workplace continues to be among the many obstacles for managerial progress.
Thus, P4 suggests that the token presence of female managers will be perceived by our
sample of Lebanese female managers as a barrier to their career advancement.
Organizational networks and interpersonal relationships
P5. The absence of interpersonal relationships is more likely to be perceived
as a barrier to the career advancement of Lebanese female managers.
The relationships and networks that exist in business markets have long been studied
and have been important components of organizational business, and management
research in Western and North American literature (Tonge, 2008). The significant
impact of organizational networking and interpersonal relationships on the career
advancement of female managers has been highlighted by several studies, including
those by Cleveland et al. (2000), Davidson and Cooper (1992), Morrison (1992), Singh
et al. (2006), Ragins et al. (1998), and Ogden et al. (2006). Earlier studies have shown
that successful organizational networking positively impacts career outcomes,
including access to information, social and professional advice, and increased job
opportunities; promotions; and career satisfaction (Green, 1982; Luthans et al., 1988;
Kram and Isabella, 1985). More recent studies have further highlighted the negative
consequences of the absence of organizational networks on the career advancement of
female managers, including the lack of professional support, career planning, and
information sharing (Burke and McKeen, 1994; Cleveland et al., 2000; Morrison, 1992);
lack of interpersonal relationships with subordinates, peers, and superiors (Davidson
and Cooper, 1992); and exclusion from informal networks such as important meetings
(Jackson, 2001).
Within a Middle Eastern context organizational networks are increasingly becoming
an important component of managerial behavior and success. Women’s lack of access to
the organizational networks seems to persist ( Jamali et al., 2005; McElwee and
Al-Riyami, 2003). Many women managers have reported difficulties with interpersonal
relationships with their subordinates (Wilkinson, 1996; Jamali et al., 2005) and the fact
that they have been excluded from Informal networks ( Jamali et al., 2005; Kattara, 2005).
This lack of organizational networking suggests that Arab women managers are likely
to be deprived of any professional support, career planning, access to key personnel,
and organizational information among other things. This confirms the significance
of networking and interpersonal relationships for Arab female managers as a way of
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reducing the glass ceiling they face. Given our limited understanding of organizational
networking within Middle Eastern organizations, P5 aims to show that the absence of
interpersonal relationships are more likely to be perceived as a barrier to the career
progress of female managers.
Usage of wasta in the organization
P6. The absence of wasta is more likely to be perceived as a barrier to the career
advancement of Lebanese female managers.
Wasta, or what is commonly known in China as guanxi, seems to have a domino effect
regarding the career advancement of women and men in the Arab world as well as
several Asian countries.
Wasta refers to an act and a person who intercedes, and it seeks to achieve what is
assumed to be otherwise unachievable without the intervention of the intercessory
wasta (Cunningham and Sarayrah, 1993). This type of social connection not only
pervades the business activities of Middle Eastern countries (Hutchings and Weir, 2006)
but also is infused throughout Asian countries, including China (Hutchings and Weir,
2006), Indonesia (Wright and Crockett-Tellei, 1994), and Malaysia (Mansor, 1994).
According to Hutchings and Weir (2006), wasta involves social networks of
interpersonal connections based on family and kinship ties and implies the exercise of
power and influence through social and political-business networks.
Thus, wasta in the Arab world can be defined as influential individuals who can be
politicians, have substantial wealth, or have influential occupational roles in private and
public institutions (Cunningham and Sarayrah, 1993). Wasta therefore can be perceived
to be a combination of the internal and external networks that have been addressed in the
western literature (i.e. while internal networking includes all managers’ relationships
with peers, subordinates, and superiors (Kaplan, 1984), external networking is about
having relationships with people outside the organization, including clients, key
customers, suppliers, government officials, and members of professional trade
associations (Michael and Yukl, 1993).
Although internal networking and organizational interpersonal connections are
considered critical to the career advancement of female managers in the West
(Cleveland et al., 2000; Davidson and Cooper, 1992; Jackson, 2001; Kanter, 1977; Michael
and Yukl, 1993; Morrison, 1992; Singh et al., 2006), wasta seems to have a much
stronger impact on the career advancement of people in the Middle Eastern region.
Decision-makers usually select candidates with the strongest wasta, rendering success
in getting recruited or promoted based mainly on wasta, with only some consideration
for the candidates’ qualifications (Cunningham and Sarayrah, 1993). Studies have
shown that most candidates have to resort to the assistance of wasta to get a job
(Cunningham and Sarayrah, 1993; Metcalfe, 2006; Whiteoak et al., 2006). This suggests
that wasta appears to provide the means for people to obtain a benefit they may not be
entitled to. Candidates who reported gaining career benefits from wasta tended to
socio-economically advantaged and well connected (Cunningham and Sarayrah, 1993).
In a sense, this destroys any form of equality in the workplace by providing undue
advantages to a group of individuals who may not necessarily merit them.
Given the nature of Middle Eastern societies, which are founded based on power
and patriarchy, the dominance of wasta in the Middle East emphasizes the informality of
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work relations and supports strong family connections (Metcalfe, 2006). Ahmed (1998)
defined wasta as vertical connections and informal important relations, but wasta
can also be understood as the recognition that working relations in the Arab world are
facilitated by recognizing how to move within relevant power networks. Wasta is
therefore associated with families’ social status (Tlaiss, 2009). High social status
is usually matched with influential connections, which are assumed to facilitate the
advancement of women’s careers. This would suggest that the success of a woman’s
career, to a degree, is the result of her family’s support and connections.
Whiteoak et al. (2006, p. 81) defined the utility of wasta in the Arab world as
“an individual’s attitude toward using an advantage for self-promotion to which others
do not have access.” It is the process of using help, which might not be available to other
candidates competing for the same job or promotion, to move forward and to fulfill one’s
objectives (Whiteoak et al., 2006). People with wasta, i.e. those who are connected or
related to influential people, contact their network of people and ask them for help
(Tlaiss, 2009). For example, politicians in the Arab world use their influence to facilitate
the recruitment or the promotion of women in managerial positions (Metcalfe, 2006;
Whiteoak et al., 2006). Consequently, training and development opportunities, as well as
promotions and many other aspects of management, end up being based on individual
relations and family networks, not on personal qualifications (Metcalfe, 2006).
Given the considerable role that wasta plays in the decision-making process in the
Arab world, the strong impact of wasta and strong family connections in general on the
business world in the Arab region (AHDR, 2004; Ahmed, 1998; Cunningham and
Sarayrah, 1993, 1994; Hutchings and Weir, 2006; Metcalfe, 2006), and the importance
that people in the Arab Middle East place on the utilization of wasta to succeed
(Whiteoak et al., 2006), and since the absence of wasta disadvantages those who do not
have it and are competing for the same end result (Cunningham and Sarayrah, 1994), in
P6, we suggest that the absence of wasta will be perceived as having a relatively
negative effect on the career advancement of Lebanese female managers.
Method
Procedure
It is well acknowledged that collecting data from the Middle East concerning women
requires a different approach from that used in western counties. Researchers
conducting studies in the Middle East have to contend with a range of methodological
challenges with respect to sample and sampling procedures and the methods applied
(Omair, 2008), including the absence of publicly available data or government sources
on women at work, unreliable postal systems, the reluctance of respondents to
complete surveys, and the difficulty in getting overall access to employees in
organizations, especially female respondents. Thus, obtaining a representative sample
of female managers in this region through conventional sampling was difficult. These
difficulties of access and getting data offer some explanation as to why there are no
datasets currently available. To overcome these methodological problems, our study
employed the use of multiple informants and data sources as the most reliable and
effective means of obtaining reliable and valid data. A critical initial step in our data
collection was building relationships with key personnel in the HR departments within
the organizations where the participants were employed. This experience of building
rapport and trust with respondents was reflected in how the respondents were
Perceived
organizational
barriers
471

contacted and how the information was collected. This mandated a “convenience
sample” rather than a more conventional sampling method (Bernard, 2000; Berg, 2004).
In this way, we were able to establish a degree of trust when initiating contact and to
ensure that the sample collected was as representative as possible. A total of 650
questionnaires were delivered mainly in person by the researcher, prior to scheduling
an appointment over the telephone with the HR department. The questionnaires were
usually delivered to the offices during office hours, and occasionally to the residences
of the participants, at their discretion, after work hours. In addition, a large number of
the participants assisted in the data collection by taking additional copies and
personally distributing them among work colleagues. Based on past research,
we consider this approach to be the most reliable and most commonly used technique
of data collection (Omair, 2008).
Measures
A survey questionnaire formed the basis of this study. The questionnaire included
several scales based on previous academic studies incorporating organization-related
scales (e.g. Bergman and Halleberg’s (2002) WWQ and Spector’s (1988) work locus of
control scale). A variety of single- and multiple-item measures were used.
Personal demographics and occupational profile. These measures included age,
employment status, marital status, number of children, educational level, salary,
managerial level, organizational size, and number of years of related experience, area of
activity of the organization, and area of specialization within the organization.
Organizational factors. Several aspects of the organizations were explored.
Respondents were asked to indicate their level of agreement or disagreement with a
number of statements using a Likert five-point scale (1 ¼strongly disagree; 5 ¼strongly
agree). The scales used in this study were based on scales used in previous studies, and
other scales were based on an extensive review of relevant literature.
Organizational culture was measured with a nine-item scale (
a
¼0.67) from the
WWQ that was developed by Bergman and Halleberg (2002). One item was “negative
perceptions and stereotypes about women’s commitment to work constitute barriers to
women’s advancement.”
Organizational practices were assessed with nine items (
a
¼0.65) from the WWQ
by Bergman and Halleberg (2002). One item was “I think women have fewer
opportunities than men for professional development at work.”
Mentoring (
a
¼0.97) was assessed with two items (e.g. for career advancement,
I believe having a mentor is important) based on an extensive review of the literature.
Tokenism was measured by two items (
a
¼0.67). One item was “I feel isolated at
work,” also based on a review of the literature.
Organizational networks and interpersonal relationships were measured by seven
items (
a
¼0.72) based on an extensive review of the literature. One item was
“colleagues of the opposite gender seem to be uncomfortable working with me because
of my gender.”
Usage of wasta in the organization was measured using a six-item scale (
a
¼0.71)
that was based on an extensive review of the literature and the work locus of control
scale developed by Spector (1988) and used in a Middle Eastern context by
Whiteoak et al. (2006). One item was “When it comes to landing a really good job, who
you know is more important that what you know.”
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25,6
472

The questionnaire was translated into Arabic and French using the back translation
method to ensure the effectiveness of the translation and that the Arabic and French
version matched the English version.
Respondents
A total of 450 (69.2 percent) responses were received. About 39 of these responses were
incomplete, resulting in a usable response rate of 411 (63.2 percent) completed
questionnaires from female managers occupying junior, middle, and senior managerial
positions from a wide range of Lebanese organizations. We estimate this set of
responses was adequate to provide reliable counts of a range of issues that are critical to
perceptions of women as managers and for sophisticated statistical inferences to be
made. Such a large sample size will allow robust analysis of organizational factors that
may impact the career progression of women across different industries within
Lebanon.
Table I details the personal and occupational demographic characteristics of the
sample.
Data analysis methods
To analyze the data, SPSS, a statistical software package, was used. Descriptive
statistics such as frequency counts, means, median, and standard deviation were
determined to present a general description of the sample and to understand the general
orientation of the respondents. Frequency distributions were used to describe the
sample, and cross tabulations were used to identify how different or similar the
perceptions of female managers at different levels were. Factorial analysis of variance
(one-way) was conducted for mean comparisons among the different levels groups to
explore and reveal the factors and issues that inhibit female managers from progressing
at each level. (All tests were conducted at the 95 percent confidence level. Levine’s
equality of variance was used as a guide in selecting the appropriate test values.)
Profile characteristics
A demographic profile of the sample of Lebanese female managers (63.2 percent) is
presented in Table I. A comparison of junior, middle, and senior female managers on a
variety of personal and occupational profile characteristics is presented. In Table I, we
can see considerable variation among the different management levels as well as some
commonalities.
Nearly 50 percent of the managers occupied junior-level positions with ,25 percent
occupying senior-level positions. Managers from the three different levels were similar
in terms of their educational attainment level (52.3 percent had a bachelor’s degree),
age (38.7 percent were between 31 and 40 years and 30.7 percent were between 41 and 50
years of age), their marital status (69.3 percent were married), having more than one
child (54.5 percent), number of years of related work experience (23.9 percent had
between five and ten years of experience), and working in large companies (23.6 percent
worked in companies with more than 100 employees, and 35.5 percent worked in
companies with more than 300 employees). In terms of the salaries earned, differences
were found in the size of the salaries earned.
As Table II shows, taken from a wide cross-section of industry sectors, a higher
percentage of female managers reported working in the services industry vs the
Perceived
organizational
barriers
473

manufacturing industry (84.19 percent vs 15.81 percent); the respondents mainly
worked in banking (25.5 percent) and research and training organizations
(22.1 percent). As for area of specialization, the majority of female managers were
responsible for the training (20 percent) and accounting and finance departments
(15.6 percent).
From the analysis of the qualification levels and occupational groupings for
Lebanese female managers in the sectors featured in this study, it is clear that, with the
Frequency
(n¼411) Percentage
Junior
management
Middle
management
Senior
management
Level of management
Junior 196 47.7
Middle 114 27.7
Senior 101 24.6
Educational attainment
High school 30 7.3 7.7 7 6.9
Bachelor 215 52.3 49 54.4 56.4
Masters 148 36 39.3 34.2 31.7
PhD 18 4.4 4.1 4.4 5
Marital status
Single 126 30.7 31.1 29.8 30.7
Married 285 69.3 68.9 70.2 69.3
Age
,25 8 1.9 1.5 1.5 1.8
25-30 67 16.3 16.3 17.9 12.3
31-40 139 38.7 38.7 39.8 37.7
41-50 126 30.7 30.7 28.1 36.8
.50 51 12.4 12.8 11.4 12.9
Salary ($/month)
,1,000 108 26.3 29.1 21.9 25.7
1,001-1,500 114 27.7 30.6 27.2 22.8
1,501-2,000 65 15.8 14.8 19.3 13.9
2,001-2,500 51 12.4 12.2 14.9 9.9
2,501-3,000 38 9.2 7.1 13.2 8.9
3,001-5,000 20 4.9 4.1 2.6 8.9
.5,000 15 3.6 2 0.9 9.9
Years of related work experience
.1 40 9.7 7.1 9.6 14.9
1-3 62 15.1 18.9 9.6 13.9
3-5 58 14.1 12.2 13.2 18.8
5-10 95 23.1 38.4 32.9 28.8
10-15 73 17.8 14.3 21.1 20.8
15-20 39 9.5 8.7 10.5 9.9
20-30 36 8.8 4.6 2.2 1.9
.30 8 1.9 0.7 1 2
Number of employees in the organization
,50 91 22.1 25 19.3 19.8
51-100 77 18.7 16.8 19.3 21.8
101-300 97 23.6 18.9 27.2 28.7
.300 146 35.5 39.3 34.2 29.7
Table I.
Personal and
demographic
characteristics
of the sample
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25,6
474

exception of the banking sector, women are underrepresented in management at all
levels, irrespective of the fact that women may be proportionately better qualified than
men in the same occupational groupings. Sector segregation by gender can therefore be
regarded as a greater barrier to advancement than lack of qualifications. Women have
largely failed to achieve leading positions in private and public organizations, in spite
of more than 20 years of equal opportunity legislation. For example, ten years ago, it
was estimated that women held approximately 26 percent of all managerial posts
in Britain (Davidson and Cooper, 1992); these figures have not improved much. Adams
and Flynn (2005) reported that within the largest 100 listed companies the number of
women in executive positions is very low. “Out of 600-plus senior executive jobs in
Britain’s boardroom, only ten are filled by women” (,2 percent), and 42 of the
100 Financial Times Limited (FTSE) companies have no women on their boards.
Lebanese female managers generally hold “traditionally female jobs” (Omar and
Davidson, 2001), such as education, banking, and finance, and people-oriented jobs
such as communication and personnel, marketing, and sales.
Although these higher educational levels might have increased the presence of
women in management, higher education, however, did not help their careers in
management progress further as almost half still cluster at the lower management
levels. This provides further evidence of the salience of the glass ceiling in the
Arab world, despite the higher educational levels and the long years of experience that
these women possess. Lebanese female managers are unable to advance into the senior
stratum of management and are thus similar to their Western counterparts, as explained
by several studies (Broadbridge and Hearn, 2008; Catalyst, 2005; Cleveland et al., 2000;
Cohen and Huffman, 2007; Cornelius and Skinner, 2008; Davidson and Burke, 2000;
Morrison and von Glinow, 1990; Oakley, 2000; Powell and Graves, 2003). This suggests
that the level of education is not itself an inhibiting factor in leading women into
management positions.
Moreover, regarding the marital status of Lebanese female managers, although
cross-cultural studies (Davidson and Cooper, 1992) have shown that female managers
were usually less likely to be married, and in some countries such as the USA and the
UK women have chosen not to have children (Granleese, 2004; Greenhaus and
Frequency
(n¼411) Percentage
Junior
management
Middle
management
Senior
management
Area of activity of the company 65 15.82
Industrial and production
services 346 84.18
Within the service sector 91 22.1 28.1 18.4 14.9
Education/training/research 48 11.7 12.8 13.2 16.7
Health care 24 5.8 6.6 5.3 5
Marketing/sales/advertising 105 25.5 24.5 28.1 24.8
Banking 8 1.9 1.5 1.8 3
Insurance/financial
companies 25 6.1 5.1 3.5 10.9
Hospitality/catering 6 1.5 0.5 3.5 1
Travel/transport 5 1.2 0.5 1.8 2
Arts and media others 34 8.3 6.1 7.9 12.9
Table II.
Description of the
organizational profile of
Lebanese female
managers
Perceived
organizational
barriers
475

Parasuraman, 1999; Parasuraman and Greenhaus, 1994), more than half of the total
sample of respondents were married and had children. Hence, these Lebanese
managers were not similar to their counterparts in the UK, where 56 percent of female
managers were childless (Granleese, 2004). This can be best explained as the result of
Lebanon’s societal and cultural traditions. While remaining single (or childless) might
be socially acceptable in some western countries such as Canada, the UK, the USA, and
Europe, being unmarried or childless is not an alternative in other countries (Omar and
Davidson, 2001). In the Middle East and most Asian countries, for example, marriage is
a social necessity, and women are pressured to get married (Kausar, 1995). According
to El-Ghannam (2002), women in the Arab world are constantly encouraged to get
married and to have children. Hence, to avoid being socially deviant and since sexual
relationships outside marriage are not allowed in the Arab world (Omar and Davidson,
2001), it seemed that the majority of the Lebanese female managers did not have much
of a choice except to get married and to have children, given that Lebanese society
highly values children and having a family ( Jawad, 1998). The findings of this study
were expected, given the importance of families in Lebanon, the patriarchal nature of
the society ( Jamali et al., 2005), and the salience of the notion that the family is the pillar
of society (Barakat, 1977, 1993). These findings were also consistent with the findings
reported by Jamali et al. (2005) that almost half of the 62 women who participated in
that study were married and almost 80 percent had more than two children. However,
in this study, the number of children did not impact the job level of the female
managers; no correlation was identified between the respondents’ management level
and the number of children they had. This could be attributed to the availability of
domestic helpers and the help that working women receive from their extended
families, given the importance of the family in the Lebanese social milieu.
Findings
Organizational culture
P1. The culture of the organization is more likely to constitute a barrier to the career
advancement of Lebanese female managers as perceived by the respondents. Several
measures were used to test P1 regarding the culture of the organization (Table III).
In the answers to RS1 and RS2, the results were not significant statistically since the
majority of the female managers across the management levels reported perceiving
women to receive unfair judgment regarding work performance compared to men
(67.4 percent) and of their personal work to have been unfairly judged because of their
gender (68.4 percent). The responses to RS3 and RS4 show that more than 70 percent of
the sample believed that negative perceptions and stereotypes about women’s
professional capabilities (72 percent) and commitment to work (71 percent) constitute
barriers to women’s career advancement. Therefore, the results for RS5 did not reveal
any significant differences across the management levels since 65.2 percent of the
Lebanese female managers perceived their work lives to be characterized by negative
attitudes toward women. The respondents also perceived, in RS6, that men fail to pay
attention to what women say in meetings (68.7 percent), and therefore on the personal
level, for RS7, the women felt that they had to be extra well prepared to talk
professionally to men to make them pay attention (56.7 percent). Finally, for RS8,
the female managers felt that women had to be more accomplished than their male
counterparts (85.7 percent). Looking at RS9, the results reveal significant statistical
GM
25,6
476

Research questions
Strongly
disagree Disagree Undecided Agree
Strongly
agree
Significance
(p-value)
RS1. I think women receive more unfair judgment regarding their work
performance compared to men 14.1 17.5 1.0 46.2 21.2 .0.05
RS2. I think I have been unfairly judged because of my gender 14.1 17.0 0.5 39.9 28.5 .0.05
RS3. Negative perceptions and stereotypes about women’s professional
capabilities constitute barriers to women’s advancement 9.0 13.1 5.8 46.7 25.3 .0.05
RS4. Negative perceptions and stereotypes about women’s commitment to
work constitute barriers to women’s advancement 9.5 17.0 2.4 46.2 24.8 .0.05
RS5. I think working life is characterized by negative attitudes toward
women 11.4 13.4 10.0 43.1 22.1 .0.05
RS6. Men fail to pay attention to what women say at meetings 14.6 15.8 10.9 39.7 19.0 .0.05
RS7. I feel that I have to be extra well prepared to talk professionally to men
to make them pay attention to what I say 8.3 19.2 15.8 45.5 11.2 .0.05
RS8. I think women have to be more accomplished in their work compared
to men in order to be promoted 5.6 5.4 3.4 52.6 33.1 .0.05
RS9. As a woman, I think I must be more accomplished and “pushy” to be
promoted 6.1 8.3 3.2 52.3 30.2 ¼0.037
Notes: Nine items; Cronbach’s
a
value ¼0.67
Table III.
Organizational culture
Perceived
organizational
barriers
477

differences across management layers although 82.5 percent of the respondents believed
that they personally had to be more “pushy” to get promoted. With a significance level of
p,0.05, junior and senior managers professed that as women they needed to be more
accomplished to get promoted in comparison with middle managers.
Organizational practices
P2. Organizational practices are more likely to constitute a barrier to the career
advancement of Lebanese female managers as revealed by the analysis of the female
managers’ perceptions in this study. The results in Table IV provide support for P2 that
organizational practices are likely to be perceived as barriers to the career advancement
of female managers, and are consistent with previous research (Al-Lamki, 1999;
Cleveland et al., 2000; Kottke and Agars, 2005; Schein, 2007). The results for RS10 did not
reveal any significant differences across the management levels and show that the vast
majority of respondents (82.3 percent) stated that they faced discrimination due to their
gender in promotions. Looking at RS11-RS17, we noticed that the results were not
statistically significant since the majority of the respondents perceived that they have
fewer opportunities for professional development compared to men (61.1 percent) and
receive fewer opportunities for professional development than the women wished
(60.8 percent). For RS14-RS16, 66.5 percent of the respondents said that they did not
have anyone to refer to if they have problems at work; therefore, 81.6 percent believed
that men receive more support and trust from the organizational than women, and
83.4 percent would have personally preferred more organizational trust and support.
Looking at RS18, we noticed the findings are statistically significant with 53.4 percent
of the respondents saying that women earn less than men. The junior and middle
managers were more likely than their senior counterparts to perceive the salaries of
female managers to be lower than those of male managers (p,0.05; Table IV).
Mentoring
P3. The proposition that the absence of a mentor is more likely to be perceived as a
barrier to the career advancement of Lebanese female managers was not supported.
The findings show that the female managers did not perceive mentoring relationships
to be critical in improving promotional prospects. According to the responses to RS19,
82.70 percent did not have a mentor, and according to the responses to RS20, another
83.7 percent did not believe that having a mentor is important for career advancement
(Table V). Furthermore, no significant differences were found in the responses of the
managers, highlighting the similarity in their perceptions. Therefore, in general the
Lebanese female managers did not perceive the absence of a mentor as a barrier
hindering the career progression of female managers.
Tokenism
P4. The proposition that the token presence of women in management is more likely to
be perceived as a barrier to the career advancement of Lebanese female managers was
not supported. Although Lebanese female managers are underrepresented in a
male-dominated environment ( Jamali et al., 2005, 2006), in response to RS21 and RS22,
the majority of participants reported that they did not feel isolated (84.7 percent) or
undervalued (69.1 percent) at work, respectively, (Table VI). However, the results of
GM
25,6
478

Research questions Strongly disagree Disagree Undecided Agree Strongly agree
Significance
(p-value)
RS10. I feel that I was discriminated against in promotions because of
my gender 10.0 5.6 2.2 43.1 39.2 .0.05
RS11. Women have fewer opportunities compared to men for getting
recruited at work 1.7 34.5 17.3 25.8 5.4 .0.05
RS12. I think women have fewer opportunities than men for
professional development at work 11.2 17.8 10.0 51.6 9.5 .0.05
RS13. I think I receive fewer opportunities for professional
development than what I wish 13.1 14.8 11.2 47.9 12.9 .0.05
RS14. If I experience difficulty at work, I have somebody or
somewhere to resort to 8.8 57.7 17.0 12.2 4.4 .0.05
RS15. I think men receive more organizational support and trust than
women 3.9 9.5 5.1 45.3 36.3 .0.05
RS16. I would have preferred to receive more support and trust
at work 3.6 9.2 3.6 46.2 37.2 .0.05
RS17. I think I need more support than what I am currently receiving
to manage my double role 6.8 22.4 12.2 49.4 9.2 .0.05
RS18. Men and women at the same management levels receive similar
salaries 13.6 39.9 21.4 18.7 6.3 ¼0.01
Notes: Nine items; Cronbach’s
a
value ¼0.67
Table IV.
Organizational practices
Perceived
organizational
barriers
479

RS21 were significant ( p,0.05) for junior-level managers, who were more likely to
feel isolated compared to mid- and senior-level managers.
Organizational networks and interpersonal relationships
P5. The proposition that interpersonal relationships are more likely to be perceived as
barriers to the career advancement of Lebanese female managers was not supported.
Table VII presents the female managers’ perceptions regarding interpersonal
relationships within the organization. Looking at RS23-RS25, the results show the
majority of the respondents perceived their male colleagues (59.6 percent),
subordinates (78.8 percent), and superiors (90.1 percent) to be comfortable working
with them despite their gender. Significant results were revealed in RS25; senior
(mean ¼1.84) and middle (mean ¼1.82) managers were more likely to highlight this
comfort compared to junior (mean ¼1.61) managers. Consequently, referring to
RS26-RS28, the results indicate that female managers did not prefer working with
colleagues (78.9 percent), subordinates (78.1 percent), and superiors (79.8 percent) of the
same gender. As for RS29, among the different management levels, middle and senior
managers experienced less discrimination because of their gender from men than
junior managers ( p,0.05).
Usage of wasta in organization
P6. The proposition that the absence of wasta is more likely to be perceived as a barrier
to the career advancement of Lebanese female managers was supported. The results in
Table VIII confirm the importance of wasta in recruitment and promotion. Lebanese
female managers overall also scored similarly on the measures of the usage of wasta in
the workplace.
Research questions
Strongly
disagree Disagree Undecided Agree
Strongly
agree
Significance
(p-value)
RS19. I have a mentor (coach) at
work 32.8 49.9 3.9 11.9 1.5 .0.05
RS20. For career advancement,
I believe having a mentor
is important 33.8 48.9 3.9 11.7 1.7 .0.05
Notes: Two items; Cronbach’s
a
value ¼0.97
Table V.
Mentoring
Research questions
Strongly
disagree Disagree Undecided Agree
Strongly
agree
Significance
(p-value)
RS21. I feel isolated at
work 26.5 33.1 4.4 31.4 4.6 ¼0.014
RS22. I feel undervalued at
work 43.1 47.0 5.8 2.7 1.5 .0.05
Notes: Two items; Cronbach’s
a
value ¼0.67
Table VI.
Tokenism
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25,6
480

Research questions
Strongly
disagree Disagree Undecided Agree
Strongly
agree
Significance
(p-value)
RS23. Colleagues of the opposite gender seem to be uncomfortable working
with me because of my gender 26.5 33.1 4.4 31.4 4.6 .0.05
RS24. Superiors of the opposite gender seem to be uncomfortable working
with me because of my gender 43.1 47.0 5.8 2.7 1.5 ¼0.025
RS25. Subordinates of the opposite gender seem to be uncomfortable
working with me because of my gender 35.5 43.3 13.9 6.1 1.2 .0.05
RS26. I prefer to work with colleagues of my own gender 37.5 41.4 17.5 2.4 1.2 .0.05
RS27. I prefer to work with superiors of my own gender 37.5 42.3 15.8 3.4 1.0 .0.05
RS28. I prefer to work with subordinates of my own gender 33.8 44.3 16.8 4.4 0.7 .0.05
RS29. I experience discrimination from the opposite gender because of my
gender 43.8 48.7 2.7 3.4 1.5 ¼0.014
Notes: Seven items; Cronbach’s
a
value ¼0.72
Table VII.
Organizational networks
and interpersonal
relations
Perceived
organizational
barriers
481

Research questions
Strongly
disagree Disagree Undecided Agree
Strongly
agree
Significance
(p-value)
RS30. When it comes to landing a really good job, who you know is more
important that what you know 8.0 8.5 6.3 56.4 20.7 .0.05
RS31. Whom you know is more important for men than for women to get
recruited into managerial positions 13.6 37.0 30.2 15.1 4.1 .0.05
RS32. Whom you know is more important for male managers than for
female managers to get development and training opportunities 16.8 37.5 29.7 13.4 2.7 .0.05
RS33. Whom you know is more important for male managers than for
female managers to get promoted 17.5 50.6 13.9 14.6 3.4 .0.05
RS34. To get recruited, the wasta, or the connections, of the candidate is
more important than the gender 3.4 6.1 9.7 56.7 24.1 .0.05
RS35. To get promoted, the wasta, or the connections, of the candidate is
more important than the gender 5.1 10.5 11.2 51.8 21.4 .0.05
Notes: Six items; Cronbach’s
a
value ¼0.71
Table VIII.
Usage of wasta
in organizations
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25,6
482

Looking at RS30, 77.1 percent reported that “who you know is more important than
what you actually know” in order to land a good job. Referring to RS31-RS33,
a significant majority of the respondents did not believe that “who you know is more
important for men managers than for female managers” to get recruited (50.6 percent),
to get training and development (53.3 percent), and to be promoted (68.3 percent).
In addition, looking at RS34 and RS35,wasta was perceived by the large majority of
the respondents as more important than gender for recruitment (80.8 percent) and
promotions (73.2 percent). Therefore, no significant differences were found based on
the analysis of the results in the responses of the female managers across managerial
levels as the women all agreed on the highly important role that wasta and connections
exert in the career advancement of women in Lebanon.
Discussion and conclusions
This study attempted to explore Lebanese female managers’ perceptions regarding the
organizational barriers that impede women’s career advancement in a locale that has
received little attention. The findings have clearly demonstrated that the respondents
perceive that women’s career progression in Lebanese organizations is hampered by the
organizational structures and practices that govern women. Regardless of the women’s
management level, the majority of respondents confirmed the salience of discriminatory
and gender-centered barriers in the organization. First, Lebanese female managers
attributed negative attitudes, perceptions, and stereotyp es to the cultures of the women’s
organizations and found them to be unsupportive and discriminating toward women.
These findings are consistent with those of Jamali et al. (2006) as well as a substantive
body of literature (Davidson and Burke, 2004; Duehr and Buono, 2006; Salloum, 2003)
that has detailed how the work culture of organizations can impede women’s career
advancement. This type of corporate culture that is discriminatory toward female
managers may be attributed to the prevailing social and cultural values and practices
that tend to have a significant influence on the organizations’ cultures and recruitment
and promotion practices in this region of the world (Metcalfe, 2006; Metle, 2001;
Moghadam, 2004; Mostafa, 2003). This may go some way toward explaining why
women remain significantly underrepresented at senior management levels in Lebanon.
Thus, the thinking behind Lebanese organizations appears to be male oriented, fostering
the managerial advancement of men rather than women, and reflects the rather
patriarchal nature of the organizations and managing bodies. The findings indicate that
female managers from all levels are looking for a more supportive organizational culture
that looks into supporting the most qualified candidates based on their credentials and
performance rather than their gender.
These discriminatory organizational cultures that favor men rein force the patriarchal
Arab culture that women must be ultimately and primarily prepared for a career as a
wife and mother; an extra-domestic career is only a last option (Al-Lamki, 1999). Overall,
the majority of female managers across all levels perceived their organizational cultures
to be discriminatory. Accordingly, to facilitate changes in the organizations’ cultures
and to create healthy work environments where women do not feel that their employers
prefer men, Lebanese organizations need to look into creating a more gender-neutral
work environment and reduce gender stereotypes and discrimination based on gender.
It also not surprising then that those same Lebanese organizations are discriminatory
in their practices in recruitment, professional development, and promotion.
Perceived
organizational
barriers
483

Although attitudes toward women are slowly moving toward moderate liberalism in
the majority of the Arab world in terms of giving women more freedom and allowing
them to assume roles in society and the economy (Bank and Vinnicombe, 1995), Arab
societies are reluctant to discard their belief that women are most suited to the home
environment (El-Ghannam, 2002). Consequently, Lebanese female managers, compared
to their male colleagues, appear to be experiencing a lack of support, trust, and
opportunities for development. These findings emphasize the difficulties that Lebanese
female managers face in advancing to higher levels within the organization and are
highlighted by the cluster of women at the junior and middle management levels. The
majority of the female managers who responded perceived that when it comes to
professional development and promotions women are being measured by the male
model of career development. This inability of women managers to get promoted may
in part be attributed to the cultural nature of these organizations (Omar and Davidson,
2001) and the resulting organizational and HR practices. These findings give greater
empirical support for the importance of having objective HR policies in which
recruitment, training and development, performance appraisals, and promotions are
determined in an objective manner, one that does not discriminate based on gender.
Therefore, Lebanese female managers, similar to their western counterparts, perceive
the organizational culture and practices as hindering women’s career progress. The
discriminatory nature of the organizational culture and practices seems to be a problem
with an international facet as this is perceived as a barrier not only in Western
countries but also Arab countries, namely Lebanon.
Researchers have confirmed that women who have a mentor do better in
management and in their careers, as women with mentors gain reflected power,
feedback, and access to resources and senior managers through the mentors
(Cleveland et al., 2000; Okurame, 2007; Singh and Vinnecombe, 2003; Warren and
Headlam-Wells, 2002). Despite the positive impact that mentoring has been claimed to
have on the career advancement of female managers in terms of creating a favorable
organizational environment, enhancing employee satisfaction (Judge et al., 1994),
providing career development functions and self-confidence (Ragins and Cotton, 1991),
and improving promotional prospects (Dreher and Ash, 1990), the perceptions reported
in this study by Lebanese female managers did not support the idea of the importance of
a mentor for their career development. This reaction to the importance of mentoring
suggests that mentoring as a concept appears to be nonexistent in the Lebanese
workplace. Therefore, the majority of female managers do not perceive the absence of a
mentor as hindering their career progression and do not attribute their success to having
a mentor simply because most never had one. This virtual absence of the mentoring
concept within the Lebanese workplace brings into question the significant role that
mentoring may have on the career advancement of female managers in this region.
The findings of this study, though radical, cannot be considered completely surprising
as several studies have shown that the positive consequences of mentoring cannot be
generalized (Burke and McKeen, 1997; Kirchmeyer, 2002). It may be that mentoring can
play a central role in the career advancement of women in this region but not realized
because women are deprived of having mentors. In general mentors are high ranking
senior organizational members who are willing to provide upward mobility support to
individuals in their career progression. In the case of the women managers in this study
there are very few women managers in senior or top management positions. This could
GM
25,6
484

explain the strong absence of female mentors. Al-Lamki’s (1999) findings in Oman
highlighted that the minimal existence of senior women managers and their inability to
reach senior positions was partially but strongly attributed to the absence of mentors.
In addition, very few studies have investigated the existence or importance of mentors
to women’s career success, and more work is needed in the Middle Eastern Arab region
in order to understand this concept before reaching conclusions.
Consequently, being a minority in the workplace does not appear to pose a problem of
social isolation for Lebanese female managers. The differences in perception among
senior, junior, and middle managers ( p,0.05) were in some way expected given the
nominal presence of female managers at senior levels. These findings are therefore in
line with those of Jamali et al. (2006) whose study found that Lebanese female managers
reported their minimal presence to be a motivating factor for their career success and
progression. This evidence suggests that social isolation does not deprive women of
being able to develop informal relationships and contacts or integrating with their work
colleagues. Thus, having a token status is not viewed as an organizational problem that
prevents women from assimilating or something that impedes their performance but
was rather a source of motivation. Though there is no doubt from studies conducted in
western countries that tokenism in a male-dominated environment contributes to the
isolation and exclusion of women from interpersonal relations and networks (Burke and
McKeen, 1994; Cleveland et al., 2000; Powell and Graves, 2003), similar studies in Hong
Kong (Ng, 1999) and Lebanon ( Jamali et al., 2006) have reported that female managers do
not perceive themselves as tokens within their organizations and are less likely to feel
isolated or undervalued at work. Therefore, Lebanese female managers are different
from their western counterparts in two dimensions. First, the majority of respondents
did not feel isolated at work and therefore did not perceive themselves as tokens or
having minimal presence in management. Second, even those Lebanese managers who
reported themselves as tokens did not perceive themselves as undervalued at work and
therefore did not consider their token status as negatively impacting their career
advancement. On the contrary, and as we mentioned earlier, they were more likely to
perceive their minimal presence in management as positive feedback and a source of
motivation to prove themselves. More research is needed on the implications of tokenism
for women and the organizational consequences of tokenism for this region.
Developing healthy interpersonal networks and relationships at work is
consistently reported to be an important component of managerial behavior and
career success (Singh et al., 2006). The findings of this study support the literature in
that women generally have difficulties in building work relationships with others in the
organization (Omar and Davidson, 2001; Ragins et al., 1998; Singh et al., 2006). In the
case of Lebanese female managers, this intricacy lay with the women themselves. This
means that Lebanese female managers have difficulties in establishing friendly
inter-personal relationships with their female colleagues rather than their male
colleagues. Surprisingly, it was intriguing to find that although Lebanon is highly
patriarchal and masculine in nature (Abouchedid, 2007; Barakat, 1993), the majority of
Lebanese women experienced discrimination from women within the organization and
therefore preferred not to work with female colleagues, higher-ranking employees, or
subordinates. Although there is a general lack of research on this topic for the Middle
Eastern region, one study ( Jamali et al., 2005) showed similar findings where women’s
lack of progress was attributed not only to the lack of help received from men within
Perceived
organizational
barriers
485

the organization but also to fellow female managers. From a psychological perspective,
researchers have contended that women can find it rather challenging to deal with
other female managers because women are so accustomed to dealing with male
managers (Nieva and Gutek, 1981) and have thus internalized gender hierarchies that
men are one’s superiors (Wacjman, 1998). Based on the above evidence, it seems
plausible to question whether Lebanese organizations have created conditions that
actually encourage women to develop social relationships given that the evidence
above has shown a lack of female role models at the senior level.
One area in which this study has made a significant impact is our understanding of
wasta and its impact within organizations, particularly for female managers. Regardless
of gender or management position, wasta, as shown by this study, is a significant force
within the workplace in terms of being a powerful catalyst for career advancement.
Wasta is used in Lebanon and the Arab world to enhance the recruitment and promotion
of candidates of both genders for employment and management positions. Hence, the
findings support previous studies (AHDR, 2004; Ahmed, 1998; Callelo, 1989;
Cunningham and Sarrayah, 1993, 1994; Hutchings and Weir, 2006; Metcalfe, 2006;
Whiteoak et al., 2006) that indicated that training and development opportunities, as well
as promotions and many other aspects of management, are based on connections with
influential people, family networks, and therefore wasta. Thus, while having a strong
network of friends and family members in important positions provides assistance in
recruitment, promotion, and training and development opportunities, wasta also
destroys any form of equality by providing undue advantages to a group of individuals
who may not necessarily merit such advantages and denying others because they lack a
network of influential friends. The usage of wasta today promotes the progress of a
group of people who have reached their positions through befriending influential people
and can result in unfairness to those groups who do not have access to wasta. It also
makes us wonder how important the qualifications of people necessary for their success
are in the presence of wasta. These social connections have also been found to pervade
the business activities of Asian countries, including China (Hutchings and Weir, 2006),
Indonesia (Wright and Crockett-Tellei, 1994), and Malaysia (Mansor, 1994), where the
high social status of families is usually matched with influential connections that are
assumed to facilitate the advancement of women’s careers. Thus, these findings
highlight the impact that the availability of wasta is capable of exerting in fostering the
managerial advancement of women in Lebanese organizations. The findings also
highlight the impact of wasta, as a context-specific factor that has perhaps the strongest
impact on the career advancement of women in Lebanon. Therefore, this study again
questions the internationality of the obstacles that female managers face.
In this study, we have presented a new body of evidence that addresses issues of
Lebanese female managers who are underrepresented within the management
hierarchy, are underpaid, lack training and progression, and are less likely than men to
reach senior management positions. In particular, the study has highlighted the
disposition of the Lebanese corporate environment and the barriers it poses to female
managers’ career success. It is clear from the findings that Lebanese organizations do
not appear to be providing much in the way of any kind of support to women. Perhaps
the most discouraging result to emerge from the study is that the mentoring function is
virtually nonexistent in these organizations. Not only was there no evidence of formal
mentoring relationships, but also these organizations are quite unaware of how to
GM
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provide the necessary mentoring. This may be influenced by the fact that wasta is an
important component of Lebanese culture and is reflected strongly in the influence of
family connections that carries over to the workplace. Thus, mentoring does not appear
to be a natural activity in such an environment. Procedures and rules of conduct need
to be established if mentoring is to be effective.
Implications and future research
The findings suggest that the career progression of Lebanese female managers is
hampered by the organizational practices and structures that govern women. The results
of the survey indicated that a significant proportion of the respondents perceived the
culture and practices of their organizations as the main obstacles standing in the way of
the women’s progression. These perceptions over what are seen to be barriers to career
progression remained the same regardless of management level. Given the relatively
limited knowledge concerning the barriers facing women managers in this part of the
world, the study highlights and supports the current reality that organizations across
the Middle Eastern region lack training and development opportunities, lack
performance appraisals, provide lower salaries, and are heavily structured as
obstacles hindering and limiting the promotion of women. One explanation for this is
the salience of stereotypes that considers management a man’s domain. It seems that in
Lebanon, as in other parts of this region, men find it difficult to accept female managers
as equals. Even still, many respondents indicated biases toward other women in their
organizations. It seems that women themselves do not take full advantage of the talents
and skills of other women. However, it suggests that a gender gap within the workplace
does exist in Lebanese organizations. Even still, there are many indicators in the study,
to suggest that the situation is changing with the rising levels of education and
employment for women. Thus, in a global competitive market, it is imperative for
Lebanese organizations to address their structural and cultural practices to take account
of gender discrimination at work. This should include improvements in selection
procedures, investments in training for women managers, efficient use of qualifications
and experience, performance appraisals. These activities should be viewed in terms of
the managers’ performance rather than their gender. The study has also highlighted that
Lebanese women managers do not generally typify women managers in other Arab
countries. Given that Lebanon has always been depicted as more liberal toward women’s
rights, is not it time that this freedom was translated into positive advantages for women
in the workplace by providing pro-female organizational cultures and practices? With
the increasing number of women entering the workforce, compared to other countries in
the region, Lebanese companies cannot afford to ignore the large pool of talented women.
If companies choose to continue with discriminatory practices, then the organizations’
policies and the resulting workplace will continue to operate inefficiently to the
detriment of women who are unable to progress further in their careers. Such
discriminatory practices may also reflect negatively on a company’s general image,
given the efforts that companies within Lebanon are exerting in terms of joining the
trend of globalization through ensuring equality for all employees. Therefore, to
overcome this inequality and to strengthen competitiveness, Lebanese organizations
need to improve their governance structures and decision-making practices in relation to
helping women progress in their careers. Companies might do this in a number of ways
such as raising awareness of the obstacles to progression at work, inspiring a work
Perceived
organizational
barriers
487

culture that values women’s contributions and motivates women to improve their
productivity and performance, creating a gender-free culture and work environment
that supports women’s transitional progression from lower through middle to upper
management, and instilling organizational practices with a fair set of rules and
regulations that at least appear to operate in the interest of female managers across all
levels. This may help prepare international companies to understand the unique
differences that are related to Lebanese women managers.
Finally, notwithstanding the fact that the respondents were similar to their western
counterparts in perceiving organizational cultures and structures as obstacles, the
majority of women in Lebanese organizations are vastly underrepresented across all
levels of management. Lebanese women managers perceive that they face different
social and cultural situations. These women are not in situations that would lead them
to positions of senior management. This was evident from the majority of the
respondent’s perceptions on gender discrimination, relationships between women at
work, lack of networking and access, and wasta as inhibiting their career progression.
In particular, many women reported that relationships and knowing the right person
could assist them in their careers. In addition the majority of women managers unlike
their western counterparts did not perceive themselves as tokens within their
organizations nor did they perceive the absence of mentors and role models as having
any impact in their careers. It may be that woman’s perceptions regarding these issues
which may be culturally engrained. The challenge for Lebanese companies then is to
build the confidence of women employees and to provide mentor programs that include
and promote positive role models for women; provide access to networks that will
allow women to exchange information, provide support, discuss issues and seek advice
on career issues all of which becomes vital for career success.
Overall, the study has revealed that the barriers that women managers face in
different regions of the world although similar differ from one context to another in
terms of social and cultural norms. The fact that women face greater barriers than men
within the workplace is based on cultural and social traditions rather than the
management capabilities of women. As this study has clearly shown, the practice of
wasta is salient in Lebanese organizations and is the outcome of the social milieu of
Arabic culture. Thus, decisions concerning promotion and career advancement are
influenced by the recipient’s wasta relationships. Lebanese organizations may want to
consider enacting transparent policies, where promotions for example are based on
performance. This may result in the influence of wasta being reduced to the degree that
it may facilitate building trust between women managers and their organizations, and
go some way towards eliminating their perception of organizational practices as being
unfair and discriminatory.
Research undertaken so far in the Middle Eastern region has made a valuable
contribution by highlighting that the current organizational reality is heavily
structured against career orientated women. This study has contributed to the scarce
knowledge that currently exists on the position of female managers within the
Lebanese context and gone some way toward unveiling the organizational barriers that
limit women’s advancement in this region. Consequently, this study can be perceived
as the gateway for future studies on barriers that female managers face in general in
the Arab world. These rather pessimistic findings need perhaps to be revisited through
a focus on a much larger sample of women in administrative and managerial positions
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across a wider geographic area of the Middle East before any definitive conclusions
can be drawn.
Furthermore, in thinking about future work, it might also be useful to consider
differences in the representation of both men and women in senior management roles
given their salience and prevalence in the workplace. It would also be of interest to
consider cross-cultural studies within the Arab region to analyze in more detail the
particular similarities and differences between genders to avoid viewing the region as
homogenous.
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About the authors
Hayfaa Tlaiss is an Assistant Professor at the Business School, University of New Brunswick.
She is an outstanding lecturer and researcher and has given lectures on a wide range of topics
including International Management, Finance and Economics to a worldwide audience. Tlaiss
has earned her first degree in Business studies and her Masters in Business Administration from
the Lebanese American University. She holds a PhD from Manchester Business School,
University of Manchester. In addition, Hayfaa Tlaiss is pursuing the Chartered Financial
Analysts designation, in addition to having the Financial Risk Management Certificate. Tlaiss
has also been prolific in the research area of women and management. Tlaiss chaired and
presented at a number of international conferences in 2008 including the Academy of
Management and Academy of International Business. Hayfaa Tlaiss is the corresponding author
and can be contacted at: hayfaatlaiss@hotmail.com
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Saleema Kauser is a Lecturer in the Organization Studies Group at Manchester Business
School. Saleema kauser earned her first degree in Psychology from the University of London. She
holds a Master’s degree in Information Systems and Technology from Cass Business School
(formerly City University Business School); an MBA from Aston Business School and received
her PhD (2000) from the Warwick Business School which was rated as world leading in the last
RAE. After completing her PhD, Saleema kauser was appointed as a research fellow at
Manchester Business School working on a Leverhulme Trust Fund project for two years. This
appointment led to a lectureship in January 2002. Her work focuses on strategic and
organizational management issues. Using organization theory and strategic behavior theory
perspectives her research has focused on developing insights in interpersonal relationships as
well as the behavioral and organizational characteristics of intra and inter-organizational
relationships and the success of these relationships. She is also a member of the Centre for
Equality and Diversity at Work at Manchester Business School where her recent interest are
focusing on women managers in developing and emerging economies.
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