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Mobility-as-a-service transitions in China: Emerging policies, initiatives, platforms and MaaS implementation models

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The concept of Mobility-as-a-Service (MaaS) is gaining increasing attention in both academic and policy discourses concerning the future of transport and mobility. The current understanding of the progress of MaaS is based on the handful of studies that have explored pilot initiatives carried out mainly in Europe and North America. In contrast, this paper extends the literature by exploring the evolution of MaaS in mainland China. It examines how the concept of MaaS emerged in China, identifies and maps on-going MaaS initiatives and platforms across Chinese cities, and investigates the most common approaches and models of MaaS delivery. The analysis reveals that while Chinese government policy has long discussed integrated transport, MaaS and related aspects, including ‘one-stop’ mobility services and ‘Chuixing Ji Fuwu’, which is the Chinese translation of Mobility-as-a-Service, have only appeared in recent times. At present, 41 Chinese cities are hosting ongoing MaaS initiatives and associated platforms. These are concentrated in the developed eastern regions, in cities with high political influence and larger populations. The geography of MaaS strongly reflects the prevailing digital divide in China, implying that deliberate policy choices are needed to avert widening transport and mobility inequalities in the age of MaaS. MaaS platforms currently only provide basic information and modal/service integration and are deployed either as bespoke applications or added to existing social media and navigation applications. Two main models of MaaS delivery were identified: public-controlled model that is predominant and centered primarily on integrating existing state-run public transport services, and partnership model that is emerging in cities such as Beijing to integrate more mobility services beyond conventional public transport. The complex landscape of actors associated with the emerging public–private partnership model presents new challenges for transport governance, especially in balancing an established tradition of strong public sector control over transport on the one hand, and the interests of the fledgling private sector mobility service providers on the other hand.
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Case Studies on Transport Policy 13 (2023) 101054
Available online 29 July 2023
2213-624X/© 2023 World Conference on Transport Research Society. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY license
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Mobility-as-a-service transitions in China: Emerging policies, initiatives,
platforms and MaaS implementation models
Yuyuan Chen
*
, Ransford A. Acheampong
Department of Planning and Environmental Management. University of Manchester, UK
ARTICLE INFO
Keywords:
Mobility-as-a-service
MaaS
Integrated transport
Future mobility
China
ABSTRACT
The concept of Mobility-as-a-Service (MaaS) is gaining increasing attention in both academic and policy dis-
courses concerning the future of transport and mobility. The current understanding of the progress of MaaS is
based on the handful of studies that have explored pilot initiatives carried out mainly in Europe and North
America. In contrast, this paper extends the literature by exploring the evolution of MaaS in mainland China. It
examines how the concept of MaaS emerged in China, identies and maps on-going MaaS initiatives and plat-
forms across Chinese cities, and investigates the most common approaches and models of MaaS delivery. The
analysis reveals that while Chinese government policy has long discussed integrated transport, MaaS and related
aspects, including ‘one-stop mobility services and Chuixing Ji Fuwu, which is the Chinese translation of
Mobility-as-a-Service, have only appeared in recent times. At present, 41 Chinese cities are hosting ongoing MaaS
initiatives and associated platforms. These are concentrated in the developed eastern regions, in cities with high
political inuence and larger populations. The geography of MaaS strongly reects the prevailing digital divide
in China, implying that deliberate policy choices are needed to avert widening transport and mobility in-
equalities in the age of MaaS. MaaS platforms currently only provide basic information and modal/service
integration and are deployed either as bespoke applications or added to existing social media and navigation
applications. Two main models of MaaS delivery were identied: public-controlled model that is predominant and
centered primarily on integrating existing state-run public transport services, and partnership model that is
emerging in cities such as Beijing to integrate more mobility services beyond conventional public transport. The
complex landscape of actors associated with the emerging publicprivate partnership model presents new
challenges for transport governance, especially in balancing an established tradition of strong public sector
control over transport on the one hand, and the interests of the edgling private sector mobility service providers
on the other hand.
1. Introduction
Urban areas all over the world face major challenges concerning
transport and mobility. A crucial concern in this sector regards the
implementation of environmentally sustainable means of transport that
can meet the mobility needs of different groups (Casady, 2020; Giesecke
et al., 2016). The challenges faced by urban transport are inextricably
tied to rapid urbanisation, which dramatically increases the number of
personal vehicles in cities (Gakenheimer, 1999; Halpern, 2014; Han,
2010). In developing countries with high levels of recent urbanisation,
the mismatch between the supply of transport infrastructure and urban
residentschanging mobility demands is steadily increasing (Jarah et al.,
2019; Han et al., 2018; Sietchiping et al., 2012). As people become more
reliant on cars for transport, other issues arise, including air and noise
pollution, road congestion, accidents and related deaths, high energy
consumption, and growing CO
2
emissions (Canitez, 2019; Zavitsas et al.,
2010; Shekhovtsov et al., 2020). Consequently, academic research and
government policy are currently focused on reducing the pollution,
energy consumption, and emissions tied to road transport to improve the
quality of urban life.
One way to resolve these transportation challenges is to construct
highly efcient integrated transport systems, the goals of which include
achieving an all-encompassing level of physical, inter-modal, timetable,
and fare integration to meet the travel demands of all urban residents
(Buchanan and Crow, 1974; Audouin, 2019). Physical integration con-
cerns the integration of infrastructure, including physical routes and
* Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: yuyuan.chen-2@student.manchester.ac.uk (Y. Chen), Ransfordantwi.acheampong@manchester.ac.uk (R.A. Acheampong).
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Case Studies on Transport Policy
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/cstp
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cstp.2023.101054
Received 25 October 2022; Received in revised form 3 June 2023; Accepted 28 July 2023
Case Studies on Transport Policy 13 (2023) 101054
2
facilities such as stations, stops, and transfer centres to minimise the
number of transfers during inter-modal journeys and make the urban
travel experience as seamless as possible (Saliara, 2014). Fare integra-
tion refers to the integration of booking and payment systems, while the
integration of the timetables and scheduled departures of different
transport services is needed for users to be able to use different modes
with ease (Audouin, 2019).
Emerging transport technologies, together with the services they
offer and mobility concepts they construct, are leveraging advances in
Information and Communications Technologies (ICTs) and thus creating
new possibilities for the integration of urban transport. Indeed, the
development of ICTs has enabled the creation of Integrated Mobility
Services (IMS), which are means of modal integration centred around
aggregating different mobility services and making them accessible all at
once via a single interface (Sochor et al., 2015; Mukhtar-Landgren et al.,
2016). IMS have included various services, from shared mobility ser-
vices such as car- and bike-sharing schemes to demand-responsive ser-
vices such as Uber and Didi (Yun et al., 2020), with platforms integrating
the booking and payment of a single travel mode (Mukhtar-Landgren
et al., 2016).
Within the context of IMS, Mobility-as-a-Service (MaaS) has emerged
to strengthen the current level of integration and customisation of
mobility services. MaaS is thus a means to aggregate multiple transport
services in a single channel or platform to facilitate customersaccess to
information about different mobility modes (Heikkil¨
a, 2014; Giesecke
et al., 2016; Cruz and Sarmento, 2020; Hensher et al., 2021). The aim of
these platforms is to provide users with the ability to customise their
travel experience and seamlessly integrate various services (European
MaaS Alliance, 2020; Smith et al., 2018; Holmberg et al., 2016; Ranta-
sila, 2015; Heikkil¨
a, 2014). Whereas integration focuses on harnessing
the complementarities between modes of transport and making them
readily available to users, the customisation offered by MaaS seeks to
address users preferences and enable seamless multi-modal journeys
(Audouin, 2019). MaaS is considered to be a way of introducing a new
regime of inter-modality, which will induce profound socio-technical
changes (Audouin, 2019). This, however, also requires deep changes
in individual behaviour and attitudes, notably to allow on-demand ac-
cess and usage to replace ownership (Lajas and Mac´
ario, 2020). More-
over, MaaS must be supported by new business models that are more
nancially sustainable (Reck, 2021), and new actors for the aggregation
of mobility services into one platform (Smith et al., 2018).
Since its emergence, MaaS has been gradually put into practice
through various pilot initiatives. However, as a relatively new concept,
research on this type of mobility service is still in its infancy. All of the
MaaS pilot initiatives that have been scientically explored so far are
either European (e.g., Finland, Sweden, Germany, Poland, and the UK),
Singapore, or North American (see e.g. Zijlstra et al., 2020; Heikkil¨
a,
2014; Goodall et al., 2017). Most of these studies have centred on
governance issues, including governance approaches, policy in-
struments and implementation models (Smith and Hensher, 2020;
Audouin and Finger, 2018; Hirschhorn et al., 2019; Vonk Noordegraaf
et al., 2021; Mukhtar-Landgren and Smith, 2019; Pangbourne et al.,
2020; Dadashzadeh et al., 2022), the role of public sector actors (Fenton
et al., 2020; Audouin and Finger, 2019; Li, 2019), barriers and enablers
to the development of MaaS (Karlsson et al., 2020), and evolving insti-
tutional congurations (Smith et al., 2018; Surakka et al., 2018). Others,
instead, have focused more practically on the platforms themselves and
the level of integration they provide. For instance, in this type of
research, Sochor et al. (2018) categorised MaaS platforms into two main
groups: platforms that only integrate mobility information (e.g., Qixxit),
and those that integrate information, booking, and payment (e.g., Smile,
Moovel, Whim, and Ubigo). A third research direction has addressed the
business models adopted by MaaS providers (Hensher, 2017; Mulley and
Nelson, 2020; Kamargianni and Matyas, 2017), while a fourth branch
has researched users acceptance and adoption behaviour (Ye et al.,
2020; Schikofsky et al., 2020; Liljamo et al., 2020; Matyas and Kamar-
gianni, 2019; Polydoropoulou et al., 2020).
The current understanding of the development of MaaS initiatives is
limited to these few empirical studies carried out in developed Western
countries. Hence, the evolution of MaaS in other national contexts is
virtually unknown, especially in developing countries in the Global
South. However, MaaS and IMS have recently started to be discussed in
Chinese policies, and some pilot initiatives have either been planned or
have already started in various Chinese cities, including Beijing. As such,
this study aims to provide a broad, initial understanding of Chinas
transition toward MaaS. Specically, the paper addresses four main
interrelated objectives which are: (a) assess the general policy context
concerning transport integration broadly and MaaS specically in
China; (b) identify and map the geographical distribution of MaaS ini-
tiatives and platforms across mainland China (c) analyse the charac-
teristics of on-going MaaS initiatives and platforms, including mobility
service offerings and platform types and levels of integration within
platforms; and (d) examine emerging MaaS implementation models/
approaches. By exploring the current evolution of MaaS in China, this
study provides a rst contribution to the understanding of Chinas
transitional progress, highlights similarities and differences with previ-
ous empirical scholarship on MaaS in other contexts and outlines di-
rections for further research.
Fig. 1. Conceptualizing MaaS and the aspects of integration (Source: Authors, 2022).
Y. Chen and R.A. Acheampong
Case Studies on Transport Policy 13 (2023) 101054
3
This paper is divided into ve sections. Following this introduction,
Section 2 will outline the methodology of this study. Then, Section 3
will present the results of the analysis, followed by a discussion of the
main ndings and their implications in Section 4. Finally, Section 5 will
make some concluding remarks before presenting directions for further
research.
2. Methodology
2.1. Conceptualizing MaaS
In this study, the transition to MaaS is seen as the gradual emergence
of an integrated mobility regime (Audouin, 2019) covering the inte-
gration of platform-enabled mobility services, data, physical infra-
structure, and policy and institutions (Fig. 1). The rst element can be
interpreted as the integration of different mobility services into a single
platform through which users can access information about different
mobility options and book the services they need (Kamargianni and
Goulding, 2018). For the realisation of this purpose of MaaS platforms,
transport service providers should collect data concerning users pref-
erences, available routes, ticket prices and timetables and be willing to
share it with the platform (Kamargianni and Goulding, 2018). As such,
service integration is partly tied to data integration, without which
service providers could not make operational decisions. On a more
practical level, physical integration concerns the effective and efcient
coordination of transport infrastructure and facilities, including parking
spaces and all the available transport networks in a given area (Audouin,
2019; Merkert et al., 2020). Finally, the realisation of efcient MaaS also
requires relevant institutions to be integrated (Merkert et al., 2020).
This, in practice, means that relevant institutional actors should
collaborate for the implementation of coordinated policies and mea-
sures. For example, local governmental authorities may support the
delivery of MaaS by developing a range of complementary cross-sectoral
and cross-tier policies. In addition, institutional integration also con-
cerns organisational integration, such as building collaborative bodies
between MaaS deliverers.
2.2. Systematic scoping review
As mentioned before, this study aims to track the trajectory of the
MaaS transition currently underway in mainland China. In line with this
studys exploratory nature, systematic scoping review, focused mainly
on policies and initiatives, was adopted as its main research approach.
This method entails the employment of a systematic approach to gath-
ering, sorting, reviewing, and analysing relevant information from
multiple sources (Daudt et al., 2013; Weber and Chaiechi, 2022). Fig. 2
shows the three stages of the systematic scoping review, each of which
will be explained in the following sections.
2.2.1. Identication and review of documents
The rst step of the scoping review involved gathering information
about how MaaS emerged in China and how the surrounding policy
context evolved both at the national and local levels. To this end, rele-
vant documentary sources were selected based on the criteria presented
in Table 1 and were then analysed. Although MaaS emerged relatively
recently as an independent concept, the integration of transport has
been a priority for Chinese policies since the early 2000s (Liu and Luk,
2009). Considering this fact, the review focused primarily on policy
Fig. 2. Scoping Review and Analytical Process (Source: Authors, 2022).
Table 1
Document selection criterion and search terms.
Type and Source of
Documents
Published ofcial documents, including press releases and
news bulletins, policy documents, reports, other records
published by governments and companies, and academic
literature.
Relevant terms MaaS; Chuixing Ji Fuwu; integrated and intelligent
mobility service; app-based mobility; integrated transport;
mobility-on-demand; on-demand mobility; door-to-door
mobility; demand-responsive transport/mobility; Metro
and Bus One-Card Scheme; application.
Content coverage Documents should contain information about transport
integration, including data, service and infrastructure
integration, government programmes, strategies and
policy directions. Documents focusing specically on
MaaS initiatives were also considered.
Source: Authors, 2022.
Y. Chen and R.A. Acheampong
Case Studies on Transport Policy 13 (2023) 101054
4
documents published from early 2000, with the intent of uncovering the
broader Chinese political and policy agenda surrounding transport
integration, and, specically, the transition to MaaS. The documents
collected included public-domain online news articles, ofcial press
releases, policy documents, and reports. Table 1 presents the keywords
that were used to search for documents and assess how relevant they
were to the study objectives. To avoid excluding potentially relevant
information, the main keywords used for the search were Chuxing Ji
Fuwu and MaaS, followed by a series of related concepts such as ‘in-
tegrated transport, ‘integrated mobility services, and ‘one-stop
mobility service platform.The web search for these terms resulted in a
collection of 32 government documents and two relevant academic
papers published on MaaS as of the time of conducting this research (see
Appendix 1, Table A1). The documents were assigned alphanumerical
codes ranging from ‘DOC-01
to ‘DOC-34
and systematically reviewed
using thematic analysis.
2.2.2. Inventorizing and mapping MaaS initiatives and platforms across
China
In addition to the document analysis, the second stage of this study
involved the identication of MaaS platforms and initiatives across
mainland China through a dedicated web search (Fig. 2). After identi-
fying relevant pilot initiatives, Sochor et al.s (2018) MaaS integration
typology was used to assess the level of integration of different mobility
services within Chinese MaaS platforms. The original typology divided
MaaS into four levels, each corresponding to a certain degree of data,
service, and policy integration (Fig. 3). Level 1 corresponds to the pro-
vision of basic information about multiple mobility modes. Level 2 refers
to platforms that provide users with a single interface through which
they can book and pay for different mobility services, but only for single
trips. Platforms at Level 3 integration instead provide ticket bundles,
periodic subscription services and service packages (Vitetta, 2022), thus
meeting the travel demands of both households and individuals over
periods of varying length (Sochor et al., 2018). The fourth and last level
of integration concerns societal and incentive integration of all stake-
holders, including both supply and demand ones, and their coordination
for the delivery of MaaS (Sochor et al., 2018). This classication does
not consider infrastructural integration, which was previously identied
as an important component of MaaS (Fig. 1). Nonetheless, this frame-
work remains a useful starting point to support the analysis of the dif-
ferences between the types of MaaS platforms currently in place in
Chinese cities and their capabilities.
2.2.3. Identication of implementation models
In the third research step, this study adopted Smith et al.s (2018)
classication of MaaS development scenarios to characterise the
emerging implementation models that can be found in China. This
Fig. 3. MaaS Integration Level: Types, Criteria, and Examples (Source: Based on Sochor et al.,2018).
Table 2
Implementation Model Identication Criteria.
MaaS
Development
Scenario/Model
Role of Public Sector Actors Role of Private Sector Actors
Market-Driven Mainly responsible with
public transport ticket sales
Mainly play the role of public
transport providers and
generally act as enabler but
driving force
Play the role of integrating
and operating mobility
services
The whole delivery process
is driven by private sector
actors with support of public
sector
Public-Controlled Public sector actors take the
leading role of integrating and
operating mobility services in
addition to their traditional
roles (e.g., selling public
transport tickets)
Public sector actors drive
MaaS developments
Provide mobility services as
what they do before
delivering MaaS platforms
Public-Private Take the role of MaaS
integrator: public sector plays
a mediating and enabling role,
including providing technical,
nancial support to service
providers/operators, and
other activities
Take the role of MaaS
operator: manage MaaS
platform and deliver MaaS
services to end-users
through the MaaS interface
Source: Based on Smith et al., (2018).
Y. Chen and R.A. Acheampong
Case Studies on Transport Policy 13 (2023) 101054
5
framework proposes three MaaS development scenarios, distinguished
based on the role of public and private sector actors in delivering MaaS
(Table 2). The characteristics and interpretation of each development
scenario correspond, in turn, to three different implementation models.
Thus, in this analysis, the original scenarios proposed by Smith et al.
(2018)market-driven, public-controlled, and publicprivate partner-
shipare interpreted, respectively, as market-driven, public-controlled,
and partnership models. This framework allowed for the identication
of the currently existing MaaS operators and integrators in China, based
on which the role of public and private sector actors in the delivery
process was examined.
3. Results
3.1. Policy context
3.1.1. Origins of integrated transport imperatives in China
From the review of various documentary sources, it was revealed
that MaaS was rst mentioned in Chinese national policy in 2018,
initially discussed under the umbrella label ‘one-stopmobility services.
Later, in 2019, the concepts of ‘MaaS, or ‘Chuxing ji Fuwu, started to
emerge in policy documents and reports. Before MaaS started to be
discussed, integrated transport had already been a key point of national
policy since the early 2000 s. The idea of constructing an all-
encompassing integrated transport system was discussed for the rst
time in the 2007 policy Medium and long-term development planning of
comprehensive transportation network. Since then, various other policies
and projects for the integration of transport infrastructure, fare systems
and mobility data have been proposed and delivered.
For the integration of physical infrastructure, the national govern-
ment focused on integrating various means of public transport, con-
cerning primarily bus, rail, and metro lines (see Table 3). In contrast, few
policies addressed the integration of public and private mobility services
(e.g., DOC-17/2021, Table 3). Moreover, national policies and strategies
mainly focus on the integration of transport hubs to facilitate transfers
between different modes of transport but are not as closely concerned
with the overall journey, which would include, for example, connections
between different hubs and access to transport facilities (Chowdhury
and Ceder, 2013). In addition, Chinas national government has openly
addressed the physical integration of various intercity mobility modes,
including rails, roads, and waterways. For instance, such policies discuss
how to integrate urban railways with air transport or national train
stations.
Another interesting nding was that the national government chose
to differentiate the development of transport and thus prioritised regions
as the scale for achieving transport integration goals across China. Under
this system, the government selected some cities that would become
‘National Public Transport Demonstration or ‘Comprehensive Trans-
portation Service Demonstrationcities. These municipalities were thus
given special funds to develop their urban public transport systems and,
more specically, build integrated transport hubs (see DOC-06/2013,
Table 3). In addition to this, the central government selected large ter-
ritories with relatively mature conditions (e.g., transport conditions,
economic conditions) and endogenous demand, such as the Beijing-
Tianjin-Hebei area, the Yangtze River Delta, and the Pearl River Delta,
to take the lead in implementing one-card intercity transportation
schemes.
As for the integration of transport data, the national government
prioritises publicly operated transport services, while the data integra-
tion of private or partnership-operated mobility services is rather
limited in government policy at all levels. Consequently, only a handful
of policies and regulations were found to address mobility data sharing
between the public and private sectors.
In addition to infrastructure and data integration, a range of national
policies was also enacted to favour the integration of the public trans-
port fare system. A key document regulating this area of transport
Table 3
Summary of Policies for Transport Infrastructure Integration in China.
Policy Title Year Code Summary of Content
Medium and long-term
development planning of
integrated transportation
network
2007 DOC-
32
Proposed to build commercial
rail, road and air transport
hubs in connection with urban
rail transit, conventional
public transport, taxis, and
other transport modes to
achieve a comprehensively
integrated transport system
Notice of the General Ofce of
the State Council
Forwarding the Opinions of
the Ministry of Construction
and Other Departments on
Prioritizing the
Development of Urban
Public Transport
2008 DOC-
01
Build comprehensive transport
hubs to facilitate transfers
between different mobility
modes (e.g., urban buses,
railways, and other long-
distance transport modes)
Notice of the Ministry of
Transport on the
announcement of the second
batch of cities to be created
by the demonstration project
of public transport urban
construction
2013 DOC-
06-
Build new integrated transport
hubs in 37 selected cities
13th Five-YearModern
Comprehensive
Transportation System
Development Plan
2017 DOC-
12
Build 150 open and three-
dimensionally integrated
passenger transport hubs
nationwide
Achieve ‘Zerotransfer
distance between different
transportation modes
Urban railways should be
integrated with airline stations
and both large and medium-
size high-speed rail stations
National Comprehensive
Three-dimensional
Transportation Network
Planning Outline
2021 DOC-
15
International airports should
be integrated with more than
two rail transport modes,
including tramways and
underground trains
National train stations should
be integrated with more than
two modes of urban rail
transport
The planning and construction
of rail transit in cities with
international and national
integrated transport hubs
should take building
comprehensive passenger
transport hubs connecting
these cities as a priority.
Build about 20 international
comprehensive transportation
hub cities and 80 national
comprehensive transportation
hub cities.
14th Five-YearModern
Comprehensive Transportation
System Development Plan
2021 DOC-
19
The entrances and exits of the
payment areas for different
transportation modes should
be less than 300 m apart
80% of airports should be
integrated with railways and
metros by 2025
More than 90% of harbours
should be integrated with
railways
Comprehensive transportation
service 14th Five-Year plan
development plan
2021 DOC-
17
Facilitate the passenger
transfer of urban buses and
bicycles within 100 m of all the
main entrances and exits of
railway stations
Source: Compiled by Authors.
Y. Chen and R.A. Acheampong
Case Studies on Transport Policy 13 (2023) 101054
6
integration is the 2012 policy document Guiding Opinions on Prioritizing
the Development of Public Transport in Cities, which emphasised the
importance of working toward the popularisation of smart cards for
intra- and inter-city transport. In 2020, more than 280 prefecture cities
in China had already implemented smart-card schemes. Under these
projects, a single card can be used to pay for bus, metro, ferry and light
rail tickets, as well as taxis and public bike sharing (see DOC-14/2020).
3.1.2. The emergence of MaaS in national and sub-national policies
The rst ofcial policy documents and other government sources
addressing the integration of mobility services in China appeared in
2018 (see Table 5). At the national level, the Chinese government has
conceptualised ‘one-stop mobility services that closely resemble MaaS
in their intents, purposes and service conguration. However, the
existing policies describing these services are rather general and do to
mention any specic MaaS projects or initiatives, nor do they set clear
benchmarks and performance evaluation mechanisms for them.
Furthermore, the few MaaS-related policies reviewed here do not
identify the responsibilities of the various public and private actors in
the process of delivering ‘one-stopmobility services. As summarised in
Table 4
Transport data integration and sharing-related policies in China.
Policy Title Summary of Content
13th Five-YearDevelopment Outline
of Urban Public Transport
Proposed to accelerate the establishment
of a system to share urban public transport
data and resources among ministries,
provinces and cities. Promoted the
construction of ‘one-stopinformation
services covering all modes of transport
that could span across regions.
14th Five-YearDevelopment Plan
for Digital Transportation
Proposed to improve the structure of
comprehensive transport information
platforms at the ministry and the
provincial level and promote
comprehensive transportation as a
concept. Proposed to strengthen the
integration and inter-service exchange of
data and other resources.
Comprehensive transportation service
14th Five-Year plandevelopment
plan
Promoted data sharing between inter-
urban mobility modes, including air and
rail transport.
Outline of Building a Strong
Transportation Country
Promoted the construction of
comprehensive transport big data centres
for the development of intelligent
transport.
14th Five-YearModern
Comprehensive Transportation
System Development Plan
Proposed to strengthen the
institutionalisation of transport data
sharing.
Source: Compiled by Authors.
Table 5
Summary of National Policies Related to MaaS.
City Summary of Content
14th Five-YearDevelopment Plan for
Digital Transportation
Promoted the construction of integrated
travel service platforms and advocated
the concept of MaaS.
14th Five-YearModern
Comprehensive Transportation
System Development Plan
Supported market entities to integrate
resources and provide ‘one-stoptravel
services.
Comprehensive transportation service
14th Five-Year plandevelopment
plan
Promoted the concept of MaaSand the
development of ‘one-stoptravel services
based on smart terminals to actively
achieve integration between air-rail,
public-rail, public-air, public-water,
airwater, and integration of other
mobility modes.
Outline of Building a Strong
Transportation Country
Proposed to develop shared mobility and
realise ‘Mobility as a Service.
Source: Compiled by Authors.
Table 6
Summary of Local Policy Related to MaaS.
Document Title Year of
Publication
Code Summary of main
content for MaaS
Beijing Municipal Trafc
and Travel Data Open
Management Measures
(for Trial Implementation)
2019 DOC-
21
Promotes the exchange
of urban mobility data in
Beijing, specically
listing the type of
mobility data that can be
shared and the
procedures for doing so.
Report of Qingdao
Municipal Transportation
Bureau on the revision and
improvement of the pilot
program for building a
strong transportation
country
2021 DOC-
24
Set a timeline of 3 to 5
years for the realisation
of a MaaS platform in
Qingdao.
Jiangsu Province 14th Five-
YearSmart
Transportation
Development Plan
2021 DOC-
25
Proposed to rely on
Huaian, Suzhou and
other nearby cities to
carry out MaaS
initiatives in 2021.
Changsha Municipal
Transportation Bureaus
decision on accelerating
the construction of a new
smart city demonstration
city
2020 DOC-
26
Proposed to build a MaaS
one-stop travel service
platform for public
transport in Changsha.
Three-year action plan for
trafc optimization and
improvement in the
central urban area of Xian
(20202022)
2021 DOC-
27
Proposed to develop a
public mobility platform
based on MaaS.
Hainan Provinces 14th
Five-Year
Comprehensive
Transportation Plan
2020 DOC-
28
Promoted the
construction of a MaaS
system on a pilot basis
for urban public
transport and tourism.
Dongguan City
Transportation
Development White Paper
2020 DOC-
29
Advocated an efcient,
coordinated and green
future transportation
system and the
exploration of MaaS.
Several policies and
measures of Shanghai to
promote the digital
transformation of cities
2020 DOC-
30
Promoted the
construction of a
Shanghai-based MaaS
system based on the
improvement of data
collection and sharing, as
well as the provision of a
unied payment model.
Shanghai Public Data
Resource Opening 2020
Work Plan
2020 DOC-
31
Proposed to open specic
types of mobility data to
support the development
of smart transportation
planning, among other
elds. Allocated specic
tasks to different public
and private sector actors
to further open the
delivery of integrated
mobility data.
2021 Beijing Municipal
Trafc Comprehensive
Management Action Plan
2021 DOC-
22
Proposed to construct an
integrated MaaS
information platform for
green transportation.
Beijings 14th Five-Year
Plan for Climate Change
and Energy Conservation
2022 DOC-
23
Proposed to mobilise
public enthusiasm to
participate in green and
low-carbon practices
through a carbon credit
mechanism.
Source: Compiled by Authors.
Y. Chen and R.A. Acheampong
Case Studies on Transport Policy 13 (2023) 101054
7
Table 4, the national policies identied only addressed the integration of
long-distance transport services, such as air and rail transport. Thus, it
can be afrmed that MaaS has formally emerged in policy discourses and
was clearly featured in the governments long-term transport and
mobility vision. However, no concrete plans and strategies for achieving
MaaS have yet been proposed at the national level, and those concerning
intra-urban mobility have been especially disregarded.
In contrast with national policies, local governments of various
Chinese cities (e.g., Beijing, Shanghai, Qingdao, Changsha, Xian,
Hainan, and Dongguan) and provinces (e.g., Jiangsu, Hainan) have
enacted more MaaS-related policies (Table 6). However, these local
policies suffer from the same shortcomings as the national ones. This
means that they also fail to provide detailed strategies and action plans
for the delivery of MaaS, outline the different roles and responsibilities
of various public and private actors, and propose specic implementa-
tion evaluation mechanisms. At the same time, the governments of some
cities, such as Beijing and Shanghai, have developed supplementary
cross-sectoral policies to support the delivery of MaaS. Specically,
Beijing and Shanghai have proposed a series of supplementary policies
addressing data management and data sharing between public and
private mobility services for the optimal delivery of MaaS (see DOC-21/
2019, DOC-31/2020). For example, in DOC-21/2019 developed by
Beijing, it is afrmed that both static and dynamic urban public trans-
port data, including urban rail and road transport, can be shared. Static
data can refer to bus information, while dynamic data can include real-
time updates on road congestion levels. Similarly, Shanghai proposed to
provide wider access to transport data such as bus congestion levels and
travel updates, among other types of information (see DOC-31/2020).
Beijing has also initiated an incentive scheme including a carbon
credit initiative to boost residents usage of the recently introduced
Beijing MaaS platform (see DOC-23/2022). Briey, this scheme prom-
ises to reward urban travellers with various discounts, such as free metro
tickets, if they use the Beijing MaaS Platform to navigate via green travel
modes, which include bus, metro, and bikes (Mobility Transition in
China, 2021).
3.2. MaaS pilot initiatives and platforms across mainland China
In addition to the policies analysed above, several MaaS pilot ini-
tiatives across mainland China were also identied and examined. The
Appendix 2, Table A2 contains a matrix detailing the characteristics of
the platforms, indicating the cities where they have been implemented,
their implementation model and integration level, the modal options
they provide, and whether they are public or private. Each of these as-
pects is covered in the following sections.
3.2.1. MaaS cities and characteristics
Across mainland China, 41 cities have developed and implemented a
total of 43 MaaS platforms that integrate different mobility services
(Fig. 4). The rst step of the analysis entailed the review of some of the
characteristics of these cities, including their political situation, popu-
lation size, and geographical location (see Appendix 2, Table A2). This
investigation revealed that cities hosting MaaS initiatives tend to have a
relatively higher political level, larger population, and be located along
the economically prosperous eastern belt of the country. Twelve of the
cities identied are large prefectural cities and municipalities with a
population of over 10 million, while 14 of the cities have a population
between 5 and 10 million residents.
In terms of the citiespolitical level, 24 of them have a higher po-
litical level or a signicant inuence over their surrounding areas. As
shown in more detail in Appendix 2, Table A2, 16 of the cities examined
are even more important than normal prefectural cities, as they are
metropolitan, sub-provincial, capital cities of provinces, making them
important centres for political administration, and central cities of
Chinese provinces. The other eight cities are important for the economy
or transport network of their provinces and the surrounding regions. For
example, Wuhu has the second-highest GDP in the Anhui Province
(Wuhu City Party History Ofce, 2022). Foshan, another of the cities
examined, is a major node in the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater
Bay Area and a key economic and trade centre of the western Pearl River
Delta region (Foshan Municipal Peoples Government Ofce, 2022).
Moreover, among the identied cities, those with a higher political level
are generally more populous than those with less political relevance.
The geography of MaaS cities and platforms in China is depicted in
Fig. 4. Map of MaaS Platform Pilots in China Source: Authors, 2022.
Y. Chen and R.A. Acheampong
Case Studies on Transport Policy 13 (2023) 101054
8
Fig. 4. In Chinas 7th Five-Year Plan(Central Committee of the
Communist Party of China, 1985), which was pursued between 1986
and 1990, mainland China was divided into three belts based on a
combination of economic development and geographical factors. These
are the Eastern Economic Belt, Middle Economic Belt, and Western
Economic Belt (Pan, 2019; Gao, 2008). Fig. 4 shows that most of the
MaaS initiatives and platforms identied (29, with three platforms of
them being in Beijing) were implemented in cities located in the pros-
perous Eastern Economic Belt, while the Middle belt hosts 9 initiatives,
and the West one only presents 5 of them.
The Eastern Economic Belt presents the highest level of development
in terms of transport infrastructure, economic productivity, and tech-
nological innovation. In contrast, the Western Economic Belt is the least
developed, while the middle one ranks between the other two regions
(National Bureau of Statistics, 2022; Hu, 2016). The superior advance-
ment of the Eastern region is reected in its output, which is almost
twice as much as the other regions in terms of Gross Regional Product,
city and urban-district population, and population density, among other
aspects (National Bureau of Statistics, 2022). It is therefore under-
standable that this region would host the largest number of MaaS pro-
jects. On the contrary, the two poorer regions tend to have limited
nancial resources to invest in developing the basic infrastructure for
the implementation of MaaS, such as widespread Wi-Fi access and smart
ticketing systems for public transport (Hu, 2016). Indeed, having the
infrastructure to support the internet of things (IoT) is crucial for the
effective and efcient data transmission that is required for delivering
MaaS (Kamargianni and Goulding, 2018; Cruz and Sarmento, 2020).
Hence, these factors can explain why the number of MaaS platforms and
initiatives decreases as one moves toward the west of China.
3.2.2. MaaS platform deployment types and integration levels
The platforms identied can be divided into three types depending
on their deployment model: ‘bespoke platforms, platforms built on
existing social media applications, and navigation platforms (Fig. 5).
Bespoke MaaS platforms are developed specically for the integration of
mobility services. In China, such applications include Tianfu Tong,
Shengjing Tong, and Handan Transport. Users of these applications
subscribe to the single MaaS platform operator to access the available
mobility offerings through that specic interface. In comparison, some
MaaS platforms are constructed on existing social media or mapping and
navigation platforms. The ones used in cities such as Zhengzhou, Xiamen
and Guangzhou rely on WeChat, a well-established privately-owned
social media platform. In order to access mobility services in these cities,
users must have a WeChat account, which will cause some of the in-
formation associated with the WeChat prole to be shared with the
MaaS platform, such as the account name and phone number. Similarly,
the Beijing MaaS platform was constructed relying on two existing ap-
plications, Amap (Gaode Map) and Baidu Map. The deployment models
are not mutually exclusive. Indeed, another MaaS platform, Yangcheng
Tong, is a bespoken application and built on WeChat as an applet, so
users can access the platform via two ways.
Regarding the level of integration, 24 of the platforms examined,
such as those in Qingdao, Tianjin, and Zhengzhou, provided Level 1
integration, meaning that they only contained information about
different modes of transport. Secondly, 19 other platforms integrated
both general information and the fare systems of different mobility
modes, being thus categorised as Level 2 integration. For example, urban
travellers in Chengdu, Shenyang, and Changsha can use, respectively,
Tianfu Tong, Shengjing Tong, and Xiangxing One-Card Tong to visualise
information about local bus and metro services and purchase tickets for
every journey they make. However, none of these platforms allows users
to purchase transport subscriptions or mobility bundles that integrate
different mobility services, even though passengers can use a single
interface to buy tickets for any of the integrated travel modes. Overall,
all of the platforms examined were considered to have reached either
Levels 1 or 2 of integration, based on the criteria shown in Fig. 3. No
platform has yet achieved Level 3 integration, as they do not offer pe-
riodical subscriptions that can satisfy the travel demands of daily com-
muters or an entire household. The most developed platform in terms of
integration among the ones examined is the service package provided in
2020 for the residents of Guangzhou by a collaboration between Didi
Chuxing and Guangzhou Yangchengtong Co., Ltd. This scheme, called
‘green ticket,entitles users to freely use the local bus and bike sharing
systems during a set period, such as a week or a month (Yangcheng
Evening News, 2020). However, at the time of this study, this service
package had been suspended for reasons that could not be established.
Additional information about the types and levels of integration of the
MaaS platforms examined can be found in Appendix 2, Table A2.
3.2.3. Modal offerings within platforms
Another aspect of the MaaS platforms examined in this study con-
cerned the extent to which they integrated different mobility modes and
the scope of this integration. Two of the platforms examined only inte-
grated transport modes that connect different cities, which normally
include long-distance coach services, railways, and air transport (i.e.,
Panjin Mobility, Huimin Mobility). Interestingly, the Leshan Transport
platform and Weinan on Hand platform provides a Level 2 integration
for inter-city trains and coaches, offering both information and payment
functions, but only integrates general information for urban buses.
Aside from the three aforementioned platforms, the other 39 MaaS
interfaces integrate services and/or information for various urban
mobility options. Among them, 10 only offer services and information
relating to urban public transport, while the other 29 integrate both
public (bus and metro services) and private mobility services (demand-
responsive services). For 22 of these 29 platforms, only one type of
demand-responsive service is addressed, which is normally either a bike-
Fig. 5. MaaS Platform Types Source: Authors, 2022.
Y. Chen and R.A. Acheampong
Case Studies on Transport Policy 13 (2023) 101054
9
sharing or ride-hailing service. Only 7 of the platforms examined include
more than one private demand-responsive mobility service alongside
urban public transport. This nding suggests a rather weak degree of
integration between urban public transport and demand-responsive
mobility services, which, in turn, reveals how public and privately
managed transport services are not well integrated. The Appendix 2,
Table A2 contains more details about the modal offering of each of the
platforms identied.
3.3. MaaS implementation models
Among the three MaaS implementation models presented in Table 2
(Section 2.2.3), only two of them were found to be present in the ini-
tiatives and platforms examined in this study: public-controlled and
partnership models. As shown in Fig. 6, only eight of the 41 MaaS ini-
tiatives identied are being delivered through a partnership approach,
while all others are public-controlled. As there are several MaaS
Fig. 6. Implementation Model of MaaS Platforms and Initiatives in Mainland China (Source: Authors, 2022).
Fig. 7. Landscape of actors and relationships within the Beijing MaaS Platform Initiative.
Fig. 8. Landscape of actors and relationships within the RUUBYPAY initiative.
Y. Chen and R.A. Acheampong
Case Studies on Transport Policy 13 (2023) 101054
10
platforms and initiatives underway across China, not all of which can be
covered in this paper, the Beijing MaaS Platform initiative and RUU-
BYPAY initiative are used as illustrative examples of the partnership and
public-controlled models, respectively. Appendix 2, Table A2 report the
specic service providers of the Chinese platforms examined in this
study.
Fig. 7 and Fig. 8 shows the landscape of key actors and their inter-
relationships within the on-going Beijing MaaS Platform initiative and
Ruubypay initiative, respectively. In the typology of relationships
depicted (Figs. 7 and 8), interaction is characterized as political where it
involves government agencies/department exercising political power
and inuence over other institutions in both the public and private
sectors. Regulatory oversight responsibilities emanate directly from the
mandate and political power of public sector institutions. Technical
support relates to the development and management of the platforms by
both public sector organizations designated for that purpose and private
sector companies that are involved in the development of software ap-
plications. Data and information sharing captures transfer of mobility
service-related information that underpins the MaaS platforms.
In general, the ‘partnershipmodel sees private actors operating the
MaaS platform while public sector actors act as service integrators.
Beijings functional government, mainly the Beijing Municipal Com-
mission of Transport (BMCT) plays the role of MaaS integrator and
provides overall regulatory oversight over subordinate public sector
institutions and private sector actors involved in the implementation
process. BMCT facilitates and oversees the integration of transport data
from various state-owned public transport operators, such as Beijing
Daxing International Airport, the Beijing Public Transport Group, and
the Rail Transit Command Centre. BMCTs subordinate institutions,
including Beijing Transport Institute (BIT) and the Intelligent Transport
Development Centre, do not have power of publishing policies. Instead,
they mainly provide technical input into the policy-making process and
manage the Beijing MaaS Platform (Beijing Transport Institute, 2022a;
2022b). One example is the integration of information and payment of
Wukesong Underground Parking Lot during the Olympic Games (Beijing
Transport Institute, 2022a). This parking service was provided by Bei-
jing MaaS Platform specically for promoting citizen mobility during
the Olympic Games in Beijing in 2022 (China National Radio, 2022).
The Beijing MaaS Platform leverages existing map applications built
by private sector companies. Amap (also known as Gaode Map) and
Baidu Map company are the two major private sector companies directly
involved in the platforms development and management. These com-
panies also help integrate some of the mobility services provided by
other private companies into the platform without direct involvement of
public sector actors. A typical example is the way ride-hailing services,
provided by Technological Network Companies (TNCs) and traditional
taxi services were integrated rst into Amap application and subse-
quently into the Beijing MaaS Platform. Prior to the introduction of the
Beijing MaaS Platform in 2019, Amap had collaborated with various
ride-hailing companies (e.g., Caocao Mobility, Yangguang Mobility) and
integrated them into the Amap application two years earlier in 2017 (Ji,
2019). The same company, working with the Beijing Taxicab and Livery
Association (BTLA), also integrated conventional taxi services into the
Amap application. Thus, what is now the Beijing MaaS platform com-
prises Amap and the initial taxi and ride-hailing services the company
integrated through their map application as well as public transport
services provided by state-owned enterprises.
Unlike the partnership model where there is a complex landscape of
actors and their interaction, under the public controlled model, the
picture is much less complex, as shown in Fig. 8. MaaS platforms under
the public-controlled model are operated by public sector institutions,
such as local government departments or state-owned enterprises. The
public sector institutions also help with the integration of mobility ser-
vices, while private sector only provide a part of the services offered by
the platform, such as selling tickets for services they own and operate.
The Beijing Ruubypay Science and Technology Co., Ltd (refered to
here as Ruubypay Corporation) is delivering RUUBYPAY, an example of
the public-controlled model that has been introduced in Beijing since
2017. In this arrangement, the Beijing Infrastructure Investment Co.Ltd.
(BII) is a state-owned enterprise that operates Beijings rail transit,
mainly metro. Ruubypay Corporation is a subordinate company to BII
and is responsible for operating the RUUBYPAY platform with oversight
from BII. Moreover, Beijings functional government (BMCT), plays
specic roles derived from its political and administrative mandate. For
example, the BMCT, through an administrative order, mandated the
development of a new ticket payment system, which then became a one-
stop shop for users to purchase tickets/payment codes for both bus and
metro services. Prior to this, the Beijing Public Transport Group for bus
and BII for metro services sold tickets separately. This payment system is
part of the RUUBYPAY platform, enabling service integration between
metro and bus through a single payment platform. The operation of
RUUBYPAY is also under the planning and guidance of the Beijing Rail
Transit Command Centre (a subordinate institution to BMCT) (Science
and Co, 2017). Therefore, various public sector actors in Beijing,
including local government, subordinate institutions, and state-owned
enterprises, directly control integration and operation of mobility ser-
vices within RUUBYPAY platform. Thus, within the public-controlled
model, the integration of existing public transport services is the key
focus of MaaS, implying that state-run public transport naturally be-
comes the backbone of MaaS.
4. Discussion: Key ndings and their implications
This paper aimed to explore the current landscape of MaaS initiatives
and platforms in mainland China. More specically, the objectives of
this study were to assess the general policy context concerning transport
integration and MaaS, identify the geographical distribution of current
MaaS initiatives and platforms, and explore emerging MaaS imple-
mentation approaches and their implications. In line with the main
objectives identied earlier in the introduction, the key ndings and
their implications are outlined and discussed as follows:
4.1. A supportive policy context and government commitment to MaaS in
China
By analysing the selected ofcial documents, it was revealed that the
notion of MaaS has clearly emerged in Chinas transport policies, both at
the national and sub-national levels. National policy documents,
alongside other ofcial sources, explicitly state the overall intent to
invest in the delivery of MaaS, demonstrating an overall supportive
attitude from the national government toward this new mobility
concept. Previous research conducted by Smith et al. (2018) in Finland
established the importance of support from national governments in
institutionalising an ecosystem for the effective implementation of
MaaS. Thus, while concrete measures are yet to emerge in China,
marked policy intents and support from the central government are
effectively enabling a range of local government policies and MaaS
initiatives in the countrys richest and largest cities such as Beijing. As
established by other scholars, the nature of the governments in-
terventions determines whether the delivery of MaaS will be enabled or
inhibited (Karlsson et al., 2020; Li, 2019; Fenton et al., 2020). This
signies that more specic institutional and regulatory reforms may
become necessary in the long run, and Chinas government will need to
identify the level of regulatory support and interventions that will pro-
mote and support MaaS.
4.2. The geography of MaaS initiatives and platforms reects prevailing
digital divide in China
Overall, many Chinese cities are currently attempting to implement
their rst MaaS initiatives. However, the majority of them are taking
place in the developed eastern regions, in cities with high political and
Y. Chen and R.A. Acheampong
Case Studies on Transport Policy 13 (2023) 101054
11
administrative inuence and relatively larger populations. The
geographic distribution of these initiatives clearly demonstrates that
cities with enabling conditions are being prioritised in this primary stage
of experimentation. This is understandable, as, for example, a larger
population concentration can suggest greater mobility demand and
more signicant mobility challenges, such as trafc congestion (Ham-
mel, 1996; Zhao and Hu, 2019; Han et al., 2018) –issues that MaaS is
seeking to address in different contexts. Thus, this study revealed that
the local government of Chinas most populous and urbanised cities is
adopting MaaS as a critical part of their strategies to manage their res-
identstravel demands. Furthermore, it must be noted that the Chinese
government prioritises cities with higher political and administrative
power in the allocation of resources for major capital investments (Nian
and Wang, 2016; Li et al., 2016; Wang et al., 2017), which includes the
integration of transport. In general, local governments are expected to
follow the decisions of upper administrative departments, which can
intercept available resources for the development of their cities while
discouraging that of lesser ones (Li et al., 2016). Another inuencing
factor is the presence of a well-developed transport and ICT infrastruc-
ture, as they are vital for the transition to MaaS (Kamargianni and
Goulding, 2018). In China, powerful cities tend to have stronger infra-
structural foundations due to long-term investments in smart infra-
structure systems, as well as knowledge and technology-intensive
industries (Zubach et al., 2020; Huang et al., 2017). Hence, these cities
have crucial enabling conditions for MaaS delivery.
Clearly, the geography of the emerging MaaS landscape in China,
alluded to above, have equity implications. Previous research has
already established existing inequalities in the coverage of and access to
ICTs and new transport infrastructure and services in China. A large
digital divide already exists whereby provinces in the more prosperous
eastern coast of China have more developed ICT infrastructure
compared to the provinces in the middle and western economic regions
(Jia, 2006; Liu et al., 2017; Song et al., 2020; Wang et al., 2021). A
similar pattern whereby new transport infrastructure such as High-
Speed Rail (HSR) investments benet the most economically devel-
oped east regions has also been established (see e.g., Wang et al., 2020;
Communist Party of China News, 2017). The integration of different
mobility servicesa key aspiration of MaaS–can in principle, help re-
gions that are underserved by public transport connect to transit net-
works and thus improve transit accessibility (Hasselwander et al., 2022).
However, since MaaS platforms themselves leverage digital technolo-
gies, including ICT, and access to these platforms from the perspective of
users also depends on access to ICT, it is likely that prevailing digital
divides could have profound impact on access to ICT-mediated mobility
solutions such as MaaS. In China, the unfolding transition so far suggests
that MaaS could entrench existing inequalities of access between re-
gions. Thus, deliberate policy choices, underpinned by equity consid-
erations, are needed to avert a widening of inequalities of access to
transport and opportunities in the age of MaaS.
4.3. MaaS platforms leverage and evolve from existing ICT-enabled
mobility applications
Furthermore, the evidence gathered through this study suggests that
MaaS initiatives in China are leveraging existing solutions, rather than
creating radically new technologies and platforms from the scratch. As
the analysis showed, the Beijing MaaS Platform, for example, is not
entirely new or revolutionary, but one that essentially takes advantage
of initial service aggregation efforts involving Amap application and taxi
and ride-hailing services on the private sector side of the transport in-
dustry and combines with traditional public transport services provided
by state-owned enterprises. We believe this approach is a strategic and
deliberate attempt by city governments to build the critical mass of users
needed to sustain MaaS. In the case of the Beijing MaaS Platform, the
original Amap application had already accumulated many users through
the companys initial mobility service aggregation efforts. Thus, when
the Beijing MaaS Platform was later inserted into Amap, it inherited,
among other things, a large existing user-base, allowing for a seamless
transition to the ‘new MaaS platform. In this regard, the transition to
MaaS in China can be characterized as a continuous evolutionary pro-
cess. In this evolution, existing innovations in digital platform mobility
services are incrementally being aggregated to create opportunities for
operators to evolve new business models and for users to access avail-
able mobility solutions via a single platform. Over time, radically new
ecosystems and complex interactions emerge, as is the case of the Beijing
MaaS Platform initiative, due to the multiple actors that become
involved in the process.
4.4. MaaS platforms currently provide basic information and modal/
service integration
In terms of integration levels, all of the platforms examined are only
integrated as far as Level 2. This means that none of them provides
periodical subscriptions or service packages that can meet broader in-
dividual or household travel needs in the way a full-edged MaaS system
should. Moreover, while service integration is relatively advanced for
public transport services, the integration of data and services between
public and private operators has not been fully realized yet. The
involvement of the private sector in this process would require the
development of new business models and operational arrangements.
This is because in general, private actors may be discouraged from
participating in MaaS due to nearly all public transport in China being
publicly owned and managed. Governments tend to focus on guaran-
teeing specic public welfare imperatives, which are not necessarily
compatible with private companies prot-oriented goals (Tsamboulas
et al., 2013). In China, direct public operation and management of mass
transport ensures welfare benets partly through low, subsidized fares
set by government (Shen and Feng, 2020; Chang-fu and Yuan, 2011).
Thus, the emerging private operators of on-demand mobility services
that need to be integrated with existing public controlled mass transport
services might be unable to independently determine their fares under
MaaS. This, in turn, could hinder the full integration of public transport
services and privately operated demand-responsive mobility services.
These factors may explain why Chinese MaaS initiatives are so far
struggling to deliver the same comprehensive service packages
attempted by European projects, such as Whim in Helsinki, Finland and
West Midlands, UK (Ramboll, 2019; Pangbourne et al., 2020). This
struggle between private and public service providers underscores the
need for MaaS in China to explore new ways to make these services
sustainable and identify nancial models that can benet all MaaS
stakeholders equally. Considering the increasing value of data (Torre-
Bastida et al., 2018), a viable way to benet all stakeholders might
include the establishment of new partnerships and mechanisms for
mobility data integration and sharing.
Moreover, MaaS platforms that only integrate urban public transport
may fail to meet the so-called ‘last-mile mobility demands without
integrating with private ride-hailing services (Kamargianni and Gould-
ing, 2018). Considering that in China these platforms are mainly
developed and managed by public actors, the persistent failure in inte-
grating with services beyond urban public transport may be attributed to
a lack of policy intent from national and sub-national governments. In
the future, as the system evolves, a stronger level of integration between
public transport and private demand-responsive mobility services may
be sought.
4.5. MaaS transition in China is path-dependent, dominated by the
‘public-controlleddelivery model
The foregoing suggests a stronger presence of private sector actors in
Global North contexts in the ongoing transition toward full-edged
MaaS, compared to the dominant public-controlled model observed in
China. One reason is that Chinas urban public transport, including rail
Y. Chen and R.A. Acheampong
Case Studies on Transport Policy 13 (2023) 101054
12
transit (metro and railway), ferry, and most buses, is owned by local or
central governments and operated through state-owned enterprises
(State Council, 2015; Zhang, 2017). Local government decides and xes
the price of urban public transport services (e.g., bus, metro, and taxi) in
China (e.g., Beijing Municipal Commission of Development and Reform,
2019). Once prices are xed, even the state-owned enterprises that
operate public transport services cannot change them. In the context of
the unfolding MaaS transition, it therefore seems natural and relatively
easy for the public sector institutions to use their existing political
powers and competences to bring about the integration of both the
public transport services already under their control, and privately
operated mobility services such as ride-hailing. Thus, one strength of the
public-controlled model is that the public sector can leverage existing
political and regulatory powers to direct and control the transition to
MaaS in line with long-term strategic imperatives. Researchers have
highligted the important role of public transport if MaaS transitions
would contribute to sustainability imperatives (see e.g., Mulley et al.,
2018; Audouin, 2019). With a strong state involvement, the public
controlled model in China ensures that public transport becomes the
backbone of MaaS, creating one of the critical conditions for possible
long-term socio-environmental sustainability benets of a MaaS system
that is built around public transport instead of car-based alternatives.
The transition to MaaS in China is therefore path-dependent,
whereby established transport governance regimes, dominated by pub-
lic sector control, profoundly shape the unfolding transition. Within this
context, we argue that private sector-led, market-driven models of MaaS
that can be found elsewhere in Europe and North America would be
difcult to emerge in China. Instead, a partnership model involving
public and private sector actors, but with a strong policy and regulatory
oversight as well as direct operational control by the former, is more
likely to emerge and become established, such as what we have observed
in the case of the on-going Beijing MaaS initiative. Indeed, in the 35
public controlled MaaS initiatives examined in this study, public sector
actors, such as local government or state-owned enterprises, directly run
MaaS platforms and deliver the related services to end-users. In contrast,
private actors are merely asked to provide the non-public transport
services that are integrated into the MaaS platforms, such as ride-hailing
and bike-sharing. This makes these platforms starkly different from
some European and North American ones. For instance, in Helsinki,
Finland, and Denver, USA, the public sector only serves to create an
environment where MaaS can ourish but does not necessarily run these
schemes itself (Li, 2019; Audouin and Finger, 2018). Similarly, when
delivering MaaS in the West Midlands region of the UK, the public sector
was only involved to moderate the collaboration between different
private transport operators to deliver MaaS without being responsible
for the operation of the platform nor the associated mobility services (Li,
2019; Hirschhorn et al., 2019).
4.6. A ‘privatepublic partnership delivery model and a complex
landscape of actors are emerging in response to MaaS
Regarding the privatepublic partnership model, eight cases were
found thus far in China, although we envisage more private sector actors
may choose to collaborate with the public sector to deliver MaaS in the
future. The Beijing MaaS initiative serves as a good example of how this
model is emerging and the potential benets associated with it. It ap-
pears that the partnership model promotes fast and efcient pathway
towards the realization of MaaS, considering that within a period of one
year, 10 modes of transport and their providers have already been in-
tegrated within the Beijing MaaS platform (Beijing Municipal Commis-
sion of Transport (BMCT), 2020; Chen et al., 2022). This approach
appears to optimize the relative strengths and competences of the public
and private sectors. Specically, with the enormous political power they
wield, as well as being traditionally responsible for the operation of most
public transport services, public sector institutions in China, such as
local governments, can quickly realize data and service aggregation
imperatives required for MaaS. This is in contrast with contexts where
such data and service integration efforts are often characterized by
lengthy negotiations among incumbent public transport operators in the
private sector who tend to have different and conicting values and
motivations that are challenging to reconcile (Audouin and Finger,
2018). An added advantage of the partnership model is that the private
sector companies that are drawn in to realize MaaS have already
developed platforms for ICT-mediated mobility services (e.g., ride-
hailing and bike-sharing). Thus, as has been alluded to earlier, the
partnership model allows for seamless integration of existing applica-
tions and mobility services operated by both the public and private
sectors. This, in turn, can save both time and cost in deploying MaaS
platforms (Smith et al., 2018; Zhou, et al., 2022).
Finally, the complex landscape of actors associated with the part-
nership model is expected to create new challenges and uncertainties for
transport governance in the context of MaaS. This includes balancing
different actorsinterests, establishing new, protable business models
and mitigating investment risks and uncertainties that private sector
partners are likely to face (Wong et al., 2018; Dulskaia and Bellini,
2023). Most importantly, with the lack of coherent policies for mobility
data sharing and the dominance of the government over urban public
transport, private sector actors may long remain unable to integrate with
publicly managed transport data and services. This implies that for
full-edged MaaS schemes to be realized in China through the pub-
licprivate partnership model, new data governance arrangements
would have to negotiated and become established. This would require
balancing several essential tensions. Paramount among these would be
reconciling the established tradition of strong public sector control over
transport services with the interests of the edgling private sector
mobility service providers.
5. Concluding remarks and future research
This study has conducted a broad and detailed exploration of the
current state of MaaS in mainland China by reviewing related policies,
initiatives, platform characteristics and implementation models. The
ndings provide an initial understanding of how the concept of MaaS is
being gradually put into action through pilot initiatives in China. Spe-
cically, the ndings show that despite being a relatively new concept,
MaaS is gradually becoming a key priority of government policy and
action at the national and sub-national levels, and is seen as crucial to
realizing long-established multi-modal transport integration impera-
tives in China. Consequently, MaaS initiatives are receiving policy and
government support across mainland China. That said, the study also
found not all regions across China are equally being prioritized, at least
at the initial stages of MaaS. Instead, the distribution of MaaS initiatives
and platforms appears to prioritize or favour larger population centres
and more economically prosperous and political inuential cities, mir-
roring the prevailing digital divide in China. A third important conclu-
sion from this study is that full-edge MaaS platforms are yet to become
established in China. Instead, the identied MaaS platforms build on and
aggregate existing ICT-enabled mobility applications that provide basic
information and service integration capabilities (i.e. Level 2 integra-
tion). Finally, the analysis has shown that the transition to MaaS in
China is path-dependent, with a long-established tradition of public
sector control over transport profoundly shaping how MaaS initiatives
are conceived and implemented. Nevertheless, new models of priva-
tepublic partnerships are being experimented with, but only in a
handful of on-going MaaS initiatives. This new model, the associated
business models and the complex landscape of actors involved are ex-
pected to present unique opportunities and challenges in a context with
an established tradition of strong public sector control over public
transport.
As this is a preliminary scoping study, it can be extended in multiple
directions. For instance, this study focused primarily on policies and the
platform integration of mobility services, while physical integration was
Y. Chen and R.A. Acheampong
Case Studies on Transport Policy 13 (2023) 101054
13
Table A1
Documents Collected for Review.
Document Title (English) Document Title
(Chinese)
Year of
Publication
Type Code Source Infrastructure Data
Integration
Service
Integration
Fare System
Integration
General
Guidance
Experimental
Project
One-Card
Ticket/
scheme
Notice of the General Ofce of the
State Council Forwarding the
Opinions of the Ministry of
Construction and Other
Departments on Prioritizing the
Development of Urban Public
Transport
国务院办公厅转发建设
部等部门关于优先发展
城市公共交通意见的通
2008 Policy DOC-
01
http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/
2008-03/28/content_5617.htm
x
The State Council on the
implementation of the National
Economy of the Peoples Republic
of China
Outline of the Eleventh Five-Year
Plan for and Social Development
Notication of main goals and
tasks division of work
国务院关于落实中华
人民共和国国民经济和
社会发展第十一个五年
规划纲要主要目标和
任务工作分工的通知
2008 Policy DOC-
02
http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/
2008-03/28/content_1937.htm
x
Circular of the State Council on
Printing and Distributing the
National Main Function Zone
Planning
国务院关于印发全国主
体功能区规划的通知
2010 Policy DOC-
03
http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/
2011-06/08/content_1441.htm
x
Notice on matters related to the
development of the National
Public Transport City Construction
Demonstration Project
关于开展国家公交都市
建设示范工程有关事项
的通知
2011 Policy DOC-
04
https://xxgk.mot.gov.cn/2020/jigou/
ysfws/202006/t20200623_3315626.
html
x
Opinions on giving priority to the
development of urban public
transport
国务院关于城市优先发
展公共交通的指导意见
2012 Policy DOC-
05
http://www.gov.cn/zwgk/2013-01/05/
content_2304962.htm
x
Notice of the Ministry of Transport
on the announcement of the
second batch of cities to be created
by the demonstration project of
public transport urban
construction
交通运输部关于公布公
交都市建设示范工程第
二批创建城市的通知
2013 Policy DOC-
06
https://xxgk.mot.gov.cn/2020/jigou/
ysfws/202006/t20200623_3315069.
html
x
Notice of the Ministry of Transport
on Launching the Construction of
Demonstration Cities for
Comprehensive Transportation
Services
交通运输部关于开展综
合运输服务示范城市建
设的通知
2014 Policy DOC-
07
https://xxgk.mot.gov.cn/2020/jigou/
ysfws/202006/t20200623_3315105.
html
x
Guiding Opinions of the Ministry of
Transport on Promoting the
Healthy Development of the All-in-
One Transportation Card and
Accelerating the Realization of
Interconnection
交通运输部关于促进交
通一卡通健康发展加快
实现互联互通的指导意
2015 Policy DOC-
08
https://xxgk.mot.gov.cn/2020/jigou/
ysfws/202006/t20200623_3315144.
html
x
The Ministry of Transport issued the
Thirteenth Five-Year
Development Plan for
Transportation Science and
Technology
交通运输部关于印发交
通运输科技十三五发展
规划
2016 Policy DOC-
09
https://zjhy.mot.gov.cn/zzhxxgk/jigou/
kjxxc/202007/t20200708_3428167.htm
l
x
13th Five-YearDevelopment
Outline of Urban Public Transport
城市公共交通十三五
展纲要
2016 Policy DOC-
10
http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2016-07/2
5/content_5094575.htm
x x
(continued on next page)
Y. Chen and R.A. Acheampong
Case Studies on Transport Policy 13 (2023) 101054
14
Table A1 (continued )
Document Title (English) Document Title
(Chinese)
Year of
Publication
Type Code Source Infrastructure Data
Integration
Service
Integration
Fare System
Integration
General
Guidance
Experimental
Project
One-Card
Ticket/
scheme
The 13th Five-Year Plan for National
Informatization
十三五国家信息化规划 2016 Policy DOC-
11
http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/2
016-12/27/content_5153411.htm
x
13th Five-YearModern
Comprehensive Transportation
System Development Plan
国务院关于印发十三五
现代综合交通运输体系
发展规划的通知
2017 Policy DOC-
12
http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/2
017-02/28/content_5171345.htm
x
Outline of Building a Strong
Transportation Country
交通强国建设纲要 2019 Policy DOC-
13
http://www.gov.cn/gongbao/content/
2019/content_5437132.htm
x
Transportation card interconnection 交通一卡通互联互通 2020 Report DOC-
14
https://www.mot.gov.cn/zxft2020/ji
aotongykt_nmg/index.html
x
National Comprehensive Three-
dimensional Transportation
Network Planning Outline
国家综合立体交通网规
划纲要
2021 Policy DOC-
15
http://www.gov.cn/gongbao/content/
2021/content_5593440.htm
x x x
New infrastructure construction in
the eld of transportation
Action Plan (20212025)
交通运输领域新型基础
设施建设
行动方案20212025
)
2021 Policy DOC-
16
https://xxgk.mot.gov.cn/2020/jigou/
zhghs/202109/t20210923_3619709.
html
x x
Comprehensive transportation
service 14th Five-Year plan
development plan
综合运输服务十四五
展规划
2021 Policy DOC-
17
https://xxgk.mot.gov.cn/2020/jigou/
ysfws/202111/t20211118_3626733.
html
x x x x
14th Five-YearDevelopment Plan
for Digital Transportation
数字交通十四五发展规
2021 Policy DOC-
18
https://xxgk.mot.gov.cn/2020/jigou/
zhghs/202112/t20211222_3632469.
html
x
14th Five-YearModern
Comprehensive Transportation
System Development Plan
国务院关于印发十四五
现代综合交通
运输体系发展规划的通
2022 Policy DOC-
19
https://www.mot.gov.cn/zhuanti/sh
isiwujtysfzgh/202201/P0202201296
57756692258.pdf
x x
Notice of the Ministry of Transport
on Printing and Distributing the
Administrative Measures for
National Public Transport Urban
Construction Demonstration
Projects
交通运输部关于印发
国家公交都市建设示范
工程管理办法的通知
2022 Policy DOC-
20
https://xxgk.mot.gov.cn/2020/jigou/
ysfws/202204/t20220411_3650428.
html
x
Beijing Municipal Trafc and Travel
Data Open Management Measures
(for Trial Implementation)
北京市交通出行数据开
放管理办法(试行)
2019 Policy DOC-
21
http://www.beijing.gov.cn/zhengce/
zhengcefagui/201911/
t20191105_483739.html
2021 Beijing Municipal Trafc
Comprehensive Management
Action Plan
2021年北京市交通综合
治理行动计划
2021 Policy DOC-
22
http://www.beijing.gov.cn/zhengce/
zhengcefagui/202103/
t20210324_2321573.html
x
Beijings 14th Five-Year Plan for
Climate Change and Energy
Conservation
北京市十四五时期应对
气候变化和节能规划
2022 Policy DOC-
23
http://fgw.beijing.gov.cn/fgwzwgk/zcg
k/ghjhwb/wnjh/202208/t20220824_27
99575.htm
x
Report of Qingdao Municipal
Transportation Bureau on the
revision and improvement of the
pilot program for building a strong
transportation country
青岛市交通运输局关于
交通强国建设试点方案
修改完善情况的报告
2021 Government
Report
DOC-
24
https://m.thepaper.cn/baijiahao
_15268040
x
Jiangsu Province 14th Five-Year
Smart Transportation
Development Plan
江苏省十四五智慧交通
发展规划
2021 Policy DOC-
25
https://www.sohu.com/a/
489636013_649849
x
(continued on next page)
Y. Chen and R.A. Acheampong
Case Studies on Transport Policy 13 (2023) 101054
15
Table A1 (continued )
Document Title (English) Document Title
(Chinese)
Year of
Publication
Type Code Source Infrastructure Data
Integration
Service
Integration
Fare System
Integration
General
Guidance
Experimental
Project
One-Card
Ticket/
scheme
Changsha Municipal Transportation
Bureau quickly conveyed the
decision to study and implement
the spirit of the 12th Provincial
Party Congress on accelerating the
construction of a new smart city
demonstration city
长沙市交通运输局迅速
传达学习贯彻省第十二
次党代会精神关于加快
新型智慧城市示范城市
建设的决定
2020 Policy DOC-
26
https://www.changsha.gov.cn/zfxxgk/
zfwjk/srmzf/202010/P020201030521
976478557.pdf
x
Three-year action plan for trafc
optimization and improvement in
the central urban area of Xian
(20202022)
西安市中心城区交通优
化提升三年行动方案
(2020-2022)
2020 Policy DOC-
27
http://www.7its.com/html/2020/dongt
ai_0505/9077.html
x
Hainan Provinces 14th Five-Year
Comprehensive Transportation
Plan
海南省十四五综合交通
运输规划
2021 Policy DOC-
28
https://www.hainan.gov.cn/ainan/flfg
xzgfxwj/202106/60f895385179412dbf1
c41f065d1a2a9.shtml
x
Dongguan City Transportation
Development White Paper
东莞市交通发展白皮书 2020 Policy DOC-
29
https://www.dg.gov.cn/zwgk/jdhy/zcj
d/szfjqbm/content/post_3011067.html
x
Several policies and measures of
Shanghai to promote the digital
transformation of cities
上海市促进城市数字化
转型的若干政策措施
2021 Policy DOC-
30
https://service.shanghai.gov.cn/XingZh
engWenDangKuJyh/XZGFDetails.aspx?
docid =REPORT_NDOC_007913
x
Shanghai Public Data Resource
Opening 2020 Work Plan
上海市公共数据资源开
2020年度工作计划
2020 Policy DOC-
31
https://www.shanghai.gov.cn/nw12
344/20200813/0001-12344_64749.
html
x
Medium- and long-term development
plan for the integrated
transportation network
综合交通网中长期发展
规划
2007 Policy DOC-
32
https://max.book118.com/html/2017/
0622/117254376.shtm
x x
MaaS in China Research Paper —— 2021 Academic
Literature
DOC-
33
https://dutchmobilityinnovations.com/
leattachment?le =
13PHEABcNnpdmCQcM2GE2g%3D%
3D&v =1&isDownload =true
x
A Novel Development Scheme of
Mobility as a Service: Can It
Provide a Sustainable Environment
for China?
—— 2021 Academic
Literature
DOC-
34
https://www.mdpi.com/20711050/
13/8/4233
x
Source: Authors, 2022.
Y. Chen and R.A. Acheampong
Case Studies on Transport Policy 13 (2023) 101054
16
Table A2
MaaS Platforms in the Mainland China.
City Name Political level and
Geographical
Importance
Population
size (in 10
thousand)
Platform
name
Platform Type Platform
Provider
Integration
levels
modes
Bespoke
Application
Social media
application
(WeChat
Public
Account
Map
Application
private public
Shenyang Capital City of
Liaoning Province,
Sub-Provincial City
907 Shengjing Tong x x 2 Metro, Bus
Dalian Sub-Provincial City 745 Dalian Metro E
Mobility
x x 2 Ride-hailing,
Metro
Handan Normal Prefectual
City
941 Handan
Transport
x x 1 Bicycle Sharing,
Bus
Qingdao Sub-Provincial City 1011 Qingdao
Transport
x x 1 Metro, Bus,
Taxi, Subway,
Airline
Yingkou The second largest
port city in
Northeast China
233 Smart
Yingkou/
Huanyingban
x x 1 Bus, Ride-
Hailing
Panjin Normal Prefectual
City
131 Panjin Mobility x x 2 Ferries,
Subway, Long-
Distance Buses,
Urban Bus
Zhengzhou Capital City of
Henan Province
1262 Zhengzhou
Mobility
Website
x x 1 Bus, Metro,
Inter-City ride-
hailing service
Suzhou One of the important
central cities in the
Yangtze River Delta
1275 Su E Mobility x x 2 Metro, Tram,
Bicycle
Nantong Normal Prefectual
City
773 Travel Freely
in Nantong
(Changxing
Nantong)
x x 1 Bus, Urban
Ride-hailing
service
Huaian Normal Prefectual
City
456 Cheng Ke e Jia x x 2 Bicycle Sharing,
Urban Ride-
Hailing, Bus,
Urban light rail;
Railway
Yangzhou Normal Prefectual
City
456 Easy Travel
Yangzhou
x x 2 Bus, Bicycle
Sharing, Ride-
hailing service
Xiangyang Provincial sub-
center city of Hubei
Province
526 Xiangyang
Mobility
x x 2 Bus, Urban
Ride-hailing
Changsha Capital City of
Hunan Province
1006 Xiangxing One-
card Tong
(Xiangxing
Yika Tong)
x x 2 Bus, Metro
Yueyang An important
regional central city
in the middle
reaches of the
Yangtze River, the
second largest
economy in the
province, a big city
in Hunan Province,
the only
international trade
port city along the
Yangtze River in
Hunan
505 Yueban
Yuehao
x x 1 Bus, Bicycle-
Sharing service
Shaoxing Normal Prefectual
City
529 Shaoxing
Metro
x x 1 Bus, Metro
Quzhou Normal Prefectual
City
228 E-Qu Mobility x x 1 Bus, Bicycle
Sharing service
Taizhou Normal Prefectual
City
663 Taizhou
Mobility
x x 1 Bus, Bicycle
Sharing service
Lishui Normal Prefectual
City
251 Lishui Public
Mobility
x x 1 Bus, Bicycle
Sharing service
Zhoushan Normal Prefectual
City
116 Zhoushan
Transport
x x 1 Bus, Taxi, Inter-
City Bus, Ferry
Harbin Capital City of
Heilongjiang
1001 Harbin
Mobility
x x 1 Bus, Taxi
(continued on next page)
Y. Chen and R.A. Acheampong
Case Studies on Transport Policy 13 (2023) 101054
17
Table A2 (continued )
City Name Political level and
Geographical
Importance
Population
size (in 10
thousand)
Platform
name
Platform Type Platform
Provider
Integration
levels
modes
Bespoke
Application
Social media
application
(WeChat
Public
Account
Map
Application
private public
Province, Sub-
Provincial City
Xiamen Sub-Provincial City 518 Xiamen
Transport
x x 1 Ferry, Airline,
Intercity Bus,
Urban Bus,
Urban metro,
Taxi (under
developing)
Quanzhou One of the three
central cities in
Fujian Province
879 Quancheng
Tong
x x 2 Bus, Bicycle
Sharing Service,
Inter-City Ride-
Hailing Service
Sanming Normal Prefectual
City
249 Sanming
Jiaoyun
x x 2 Bus, Bicycle
Sharing Service
Zhongshan Normal Prefectual
City
443 Zhongshan
Transport
x x 1 Bus, Taxi,
Bicycle Sharing
Service,
Railway,
Airline, Ferry,
Port
Foshan The third city with
an economic
aggregate exceeding
one trillion yuan in
Guangdong Pr
ovince.It is an
important node city
in the Guangdong-
Hong Kong-Macao
Greater Bay Area
and the economic
and trade center of
the west wing of the
Pearl River Delta
region.
952 Foshan
Transport
x x 1 Taxi, Bus
Huizhou Normal Prefectual
City
606 Huimin
Transport
x x 2 Railway, Long-
Distance Coach,
Airline, Airport
Shuttle Bus,
Urban Bus
Taiyuan Capital City of
Shanxi Province
532 Tingjing x x 1 Metro, Bus
Jinzhong Normal Prefectual
City
338 Jinzhong Tong x x 1 Ride-hailing
Service, Bus,
Bicycle Sharing
Service
Lvliang Normal Prefectual
City
339 Lvliang Tong x x 2 Bus, Ride-
hailing
Chengdu Capital City of
Sichuan Province,
Sub-Provincial City
2095 Tianfu Tong x x 2 Bus, Metro
Guangyuan Normal Prefectual
City
231 Guangyuan E
Transport
x x 1 Bus, Ride-
hailing Service
Leshan Normal Prefectual
City
316 Leshan
Transport
x x 1 Long-Distance
Rail, Train,
Inter-city
Coach, Urban
Bus
Weinan Its jurisdictions
include a Provincial
Municipalities with
Independent
Planning Status
under the National
Social and Economic
Development
469 Weinan on
Hand
(Zhangshang
Weinan)
x x 1 Bus, Subway
Hefei Capital City of Anhui
Province
937 Hefei Tong x x 1 Bus, Taxi, High-
Speed Rail,
(continued on next page)
Y. Chen and R.A. Acheampong
Case Studies on Transport Policy 13 (2023) 101054
18
only briey addressed. Further investigations could thus explore infra-
structural integration to better understand the current progress of Chi-
nese citiestransition to MaaS. Moreover, future studies could provide a
deeper comparative understanding of emerging MaaS implementation
models in China with other national and city contexts. For example,
research into how publicprivate partnership models have been devel-
oped in contexts where public control and oversight over transport is
dominant would help evaluate the feasibility of such projects in the
Chinese MaaS environment. In relation to this, a key direction for future
research would be to examine how institutions, governance traditions
and transport business models will evolve in the context of the contin-
uous expansion of MaaS in China and globally. In particular, further
research is needed to understand how transport policy and governance
will evolve to respond to the complex challenges associated with the
emerging partnership models of MaaS delivery in China. Finally, the
ndings of this study points to potential equity implications of MaaS
transition in China due to the disparities in the geographical distribution
of initiatives and platforms that mirror prevailing digital divide in the
country. We see the need for a deeper understanding of patterns of
MaaS-related inequalities between and within regions, how this may
change over time and the underlying policy drivers. At the urban and
city scales, further research is needed to uncover the socio-spatial equity
impacts of MaaS, to uncover how the (dis)benets of MaaS are distrib-
uted across different demographic and socio-economic groups as well as
different locations in urban areas.
6. Declaration
All data and materials use in this study are publicly available online
resources and ofcial policy documents. The authors received no fund-
ing support for this study. We declare no conict of interest.
CRediT authorship contribution statement
Yuyuan Chen: Conceptualization, Methodology, Formal analysis,
Formal analysis, Writing original draft, Writing review & editing.
Ransford A. Acheampong: Conceptualization, Supervision, Formal
analysis, Writing original draft, Writing review & editing.
Declaration of Competing Interest
The authors declare that they have no known competing nancial
interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to inuence
the work reported in this paper.
Table A2 (continued )
City Name Political level and
Geographical
Importance
Population
size (in 10
thousand)
Platform
name
Platform Type Platform
Provider
Integration
levels
modes
Bespoke
Application
Social media
application
(WeChat
Public
Account
Map
Application
private public
Long-Distance
Coach
Wuhu The total GDP ranks
second in Anhui
Province
365 Wuhu Public
Transport
x x 1 Bus, Metro
Chongqing Metropolitan City 3209 Chongqing
Transport
Services
x x 1 Bus, Urban
Light rail,
Railway, Long-
Distance Coach,
Airline
Shenzhen Sub-Provincial City 1763 Maishi
Mobility
x x 2 Bus, Metro,
Bicycle Sharing,
Shuttle Bus
Beijing Metropolitan City,
Capital City of China
2189 Beijing MaaS
Platform
x x 2 Bus, Metro,
Ride-Hailing,
Service, Shared-
bicycle service,
Long-Distance
Coach, Airline,
High-speed rail
Beijing Public
Transport
x x 2 Bus, Metro
Ruubypay x x 2 Bus, Metro,
Bicycle
Tianjin Metropolitan City 1387 Tianjin
Integrated
Transport on
Hand
(Zhangshang
Lulutong
Tianjin)
x x 1 Bus, Metro
Guangzhou Capital City of
Guangzhou Province
1874 Yangcheng
Tong
x x x 2 Bus, Metro,
Urban Ride-
Hailing Service
on Autonomous
Vehicles, Taxi
Shanghai Metropolitan City 2488 Suishen Xing x x 2 Urban Bus,
Metro, Ride-
Hailing
Services, Shared
Bicycle Service,
Taxi
Y. Chen and R.A. Acheampong
Case Studies on Transport Policy 13 (2023) 101054
19
Acknowledgement
The authors would like to thank Prof Cecilia Wong, University of
Manchester for her comments and suggestions on the initial draft of this
paper.
Appendix 1
Appendix 2
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Transit accessibility is one of the key indicators to assess the performance of transport systems, whereby higher scores indicate a better performance in terms of social equity (e.g., more equal access to jobs and other opportunities). To inform policymakers and support decision-making, it is crucial to measure potential accessibility changes for proposed transport investments. Due to the paucity of available data, however, calculating and monitoring accessibility is a difficult task. This holds particularly for the Global South, where informal or semi-formal transport services (paratransit) are often the most dominant transport mode. Anchored in SDG 11 for more ‘Sustainable Cities and Communities’, the UN has thus proposed a simplified, globally applicable indicator for accessibility (SDG 11.2.1) that measures the share of the population with convenient access to public transport. Building on this definition and leveraging on open data sources, we analyze potential accessibility gains under Mobility-as-a-Service (MaaS) in Metro Manila, Philippines. We show that the integration of paratransit (i.e., jeepneys) into the transit network could almost triple accessibility from 23.9 % to 65.0 %. The integration of micro-mobility (i.e., e-scooter and bicycles) as a feeder mode could further boost this share significantly (to 97.9 % and 99.9 %, respectively). We outline and discuss evidence-based policy recommendations to exploit this potential and foster a sustainable development under MaaS. Finally, we conclude with a research agenda for micro-mobility and MaaS in developing countries, a topic which has been widely overlooked in the scientific literature so far.
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Conference Paper
Mobility as a Service (MaaS) is the use of a “digital interface to source and manage the provision of transport related services” which meet peoples mobility requirements. The implementation of a MaaS based transport system is dependent on a city possessing a number of characteristics. Before planning for MaaS it is important for decision makers to understand how close a city is to fulfilling these characteristics. Therefore, the aim of this study is to develop the ‘MaaS Maturity Index’. This measures a cit’s readiness for MaaS implementation based on characteristics across five dimensions: 1. Transport operators data sharing and openness, 2. Citizen familiarity and willingness, 3. Policy, regulation and legislation, 4. ICT infrastructure, and 5. Transport services and infrastructure. The index has been applied to two metropolitan areas in the UK; London and the West Midlands. The results indicate that, as expected, London is slightly more ready for MaaS than the West Midlands, but that both cities have lots of room for improvement.
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Noting the continuing lack of agreement as to how the concept of Mobility as a Service (MaaS) should be defined, this short topical issues paper offers an evaluation of the extent to which MaaS faces a very uncertain future. While MaaS remains a compelling concept, without evidence of MaaS contributing to sustainability goals, the multimodal future may be one of contactless deep linked customer-oriented Apps offering potential customer convenience but with no provision for bundling mobility services. The latter has been shown in the Sydney MaaS trial to be the source of positive societal outcomes such a reduced car use and emissions. A MaaS Champion with a proactive approach, led by government, seems essential for any future positive outcomes.