Framing the sexual rights of older heterosexual women: acknowledging diversity and change

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Chapter 3
Framing the sexual rights of older heterosexual women: Acknowledging
diversity and change
Rache l Thorpe, Bianca File born and Laura Hurd Clarke
Abstract
Older women have largely been excluded from the sexual rights agenda in the context of
ageist and sexist cultural assumptions. In this chapter we explore the importanc e of sexual
rights for older heterosexual women’s experiences of sexuality and embodied old age. We
discuss some ways in which older women’s sexual rights may be shaped and constrained by
structural factors and the influence of gendered ageism and heterosexual norms on sexual
rights as they apply in both the public and private domains. Finally, we consider some
alternative approaches to theorising sexuality that takes into account the diversity of this
population.
Introduction
Societal understandings of, and expectations about, sex in later life reflect and reinforce
deeply entrenched ageist and sexist norms (Calasanti & Slevin 2001; Gott 2005; Higgs 1995).
Sexuality is commonly conceptualised as a natural drive that is associated with reproduction,
heterosexual intercourse and youthful bodies (Gott 2005). As such, cultural assumptions
about what constitutes proper and legitimate sexuality exclude older women who have not
traditionally been considered to be sexual citizens, irrespective of their sexual orientation
(Gill 2007; Petchesky 2000; Richardson 2000b). To date, the concerns of older women have
been excluded from the sexual rights agenda (Plummer 2003; Petchesky 2000; Richardson
2000a) and there is a dearth of research and theorizing about older women’s sexuality. These
omissions perhaps reflect the historical difficulty of conceptualising sexual rights in terms of
positive sexuality rather than simply in terms of protection from rights abuses (Aboderin
2014; Petchesky, 2000). Howeve r, such considerations are overdue, pa rticularly given the
realities of population ageing around the world. Indeed, the World Health Organization has
predicted that by 2050 16% of the global population will be over the age of 65, up from 8%
in 2010 (World Health Organisation 2011). This pattern of global ageing is gendered, with

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women comprising 53% of adults aged 50 years and over and 59% of those aged 70 yea rs
and above (Stevens et al. 2013). Despite this gendered pattern of ageing, older women’s
se xua lit y is conspicuously absent from s oc ial policie s and much of the extant research and
theorizing. Reflec ting this absence , institutiona lised ageism and sexism ope rating within
health care systems, social services, such as aged care, and culture more broadly continue to
limit older women’s ability to enjoy pleasurable and safe sexual experiences.
In this cha pter, we consider which sexual rights are important for heterosexual older women
from diverse backgrounds, and how a sexual rights framework might be beneficial for the
promotion and protection of the sexual expression of diverse older women. Using a fe minist
framework, we discuss the ways in which older women’s sexual rights are shaped and
constrained by structural factors such as age, ethnicity, gender norms, race, sexual orientation
and social class. We examine the influence of gendered ageism and heterosexual norms on
sexual rights as they apply in both the public and private domains, including sexual
expression in the home, alone, with intimate partners and in institutiona l and aged care
settings.
Conce ptualis ing o ld age
Chronologica l age is important when c onsidering sexuality, as with increasing age comes a
greater likelihood that women will be living in institutiona l or age d care rather than in their
own homes, as well as experiencing changes in opportunities for meeting partners, and
alte rations in health, appearance and economic status. Each of these factors has potential
implications for an older woman’s sexual rights. For e xample, due to their longer life spans,
as well as a variety of cultural factors, heterosexual women are more likely than men to be
single in la te r life . As we discuss, this has implications for the social construction of older
women as sexually desirable and desiring, as well as for their subjective sense of themselves
as sexual (Connidis 2006; Hinchliff & Gott 2011).
We are also mindful of the role of generation in shaping the meanings of sexuality as we age
(Plummer 2010; Rowntree 2014). Here, we refer to the influence of cultural changes over
time in providing different opportunities for older wome n’s (hetero)sexual practices,

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experiences of sexuality and of heterosexual relationships, and therefore for their sexual
subjectivities. Such changes within western countries include the separation of sex from
marriage and reproduction, more liberal divorce laws and second-wave feminism (Hawkes
1996; Plummer 2010; Weeks 1985). These changes emerged roughly from the 1960s
onwards, influencing, and being influenced by, various gene rations of women at different
stages of their lives (Plummer 2010). For e xample, the notion of safe sex, emerging from the
HIV/AIDS epidemic is one that women born in the 1940s or earlier would not have been
introduced to until mid-life or beyond. For a lot of women in long-term monogamous
relationships, this concept was seen as irrelevant to the ir sexual practice s and is something
they and their male counterparts have only had to think about when negotiating new intimate
relationships (P lummer 2010). As chapter 9 raises, some do not consider the importance of
safe sex for older adults even in the context of new relationships. These cultural changes are
particularly significant for the sexualities of those who entered into sexual maturity during
the 1960s and 70s – those who negotiated their early sexual relationships in this context and
are currently negotiating sexuality in the context of ageing (Arber et al. 2007; Gott 2005; Loe
2004; Minichiello et al. 2005). Research findings suggest tha t those who came of age prior to
these changes tend to discuss sex primarily within the context of monogamous, heterosexual
marriage ( Gott & H inc hlif f 2003b, 2003c). Thus, there are likely to be starkly differe nt
experiences and attitudes towards sex within and between the different cohorts of women
who currently make up the older popula t ion. More recent research reveals that older women
are increasingly choosing not to marry, preferring to live alone, or to seek flexible
relationships and living arrangements (Connidis 2006; Kirkman et al. 2015; Malta &
Farquharson 2014; Rowntree 2014).
Similarly, the meanings attributed to old age must also be viewed as historically and
culturally-specific social constructions, particularly as a range of factors in addition to
chronological age define later life (Gott 2005; Katz & Marshall 2003). For example,
successful aging (Rowe & Kahn 1997) increasingly equates optimal old age, often referred to
as the ‘third age’ (Gilleard & Higgs 2007, p. 13), with health, ac tivity, and sexuality made
possible through consumption. For women, this consumption centres primarily on their
physical appearance as they are expected to engage in beauty practices and interventions
designed to make them look more youthful and sexually appealing (Calasanti & Slevin 2001;
Hurd Clarke 2010; Slevin 2010). The positioning of sexuality as essential for positive ageing

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and citizenship claims simultaneously narrows the framing of sex as heterosexual intercourse
(Katz & Marshall 2003) while also offering another lens through which to consider old age
and sexual rights (Higgs 1995; Hockey & James 2003; Plummer 2003). Further, the choices
that are available to older people are greatly dete rmined by income, health status and cultural
context, despite ofte n being considered as a matter of personal choice (Arber 2004; Twigg
2007). T his neo-liberal individua lisation of ageing has significant implications for the women
who do not age successfully according to cultural standards and expe cta tions. These women
may engage in self-blame or be socially ostracised even as the role of structural and corporeal
factors that shape our experiences of ageing and the ageing body are obscured or ignored.
Notwithstanding the problems associated with these concepts, re search has demonstrated that
ideas regarding choosing how one ages, and ha ving the freedom to express sexuality in older
age, hold appeal to the current generation of older women (Rowntree 2014; Rowntree &
Zufferey 2015).
The quantified (hete ro)s exual self and se xual function in later life
Sex and sexuality tend to be framed in narrow, heteronormative ways within the bulk of
current research on sex in later life. Existing quantitative research commonly measures the
frequency of sexual activity with another person, with sexual activity usua lly referring to
penetrative heterosexual intercourse (Gott 2005; Lindau & Gavrilova 2010). While the
findings of such research have usefully countered assumptions of an asexual old age , they
have a lso tended to narrowly define sexual activity as partnered sex, and use sexual
frequency and physiologica l functioning as a proxy for sexual success in later life. The sexual
experiences and subjectivities of single women are excluded under such an approach to
sexuality, as are those of women who choose not to engage in sexual activity. Such
quantitative research tells us little about how older women understand and experience their
sexuality and sexua l embodiment. For instance, to what extent are these experiences
pleasurable or desirable for women? In what ways or to what extent does being sexual figure
into an older woman’s sense of identity? How do women negotiate sexual consent and sexual
pleasure in partnered sexual activity?
The use of sexual function and frequency as a starting point for defining sexuality is
underscored by ageism whereby youthful sexuality is used as the idealised standard (Gott

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2005). We see this, for example, in the stereotype of the ‘sexy se nior’ (the see mingly
diametrically opposed counterpart to the ‘asexual’ senior [Gott 2005, p. 7], though both in
fact reinforce the same problematic norms of youthful sexuality as the point of comparison
for sexual success), who is able to overcome or avoid such physiologica l and biologica l
changes as erectile dysfunction or vaginal dryness that often accompany a geing a nd thereby
perform a youthful, he althy sexuality (H inc hlif f & Gott 2008; Ma rsha ll & Katz 2012;
Sandberg 2013). Whe n considere d through the lens of normative sexual function, the
sexuality of older people, particularly when they do not fit the sexy senior ideal, tends to
become classified as less than that of younger people (Bouman & Kleinplatz 2015).
Associated with sexual decline, older bodies are positioned as being less capable of ‘normal’
sexual functioning than young bodies. Moreover, older women are frequently reported as
having less interest in sex as compared to their male counterparts, particularly whe n they do
not have a partner (Gott 2005; Lindau & Gavrilova 2010), and as having less sexual appeal as
they increasingly deviate from normative youthful femininity (Vares 2009); a position that is
reinforced by cultural representations of ageing. These narra tives ha ve important implications
for women’s sense of themselves as sexual, and the wa ys in which the y express or enact the ir
sexua lity in la te r life. We return to this point in the proceeding section.
Se x and he alth
Due to the assumptions that sex and sexuality are ‘na t ura lly’ less important for women as
they age, older women are assumed to not need to receive information about sexuality or
sexually transmitted infections (STIs) as such issues are c onsidered irrelevant, if not
inappropriate (Hinchliff 2015; Hirayama & Walker 2011; Hughes 2013; Ports et al. 2014).
Ageing is generally associated with an increased prevalence of health problems, including
chronic diseases and disabilities (Hurd Clarke & Benne tt 2013; H inc hlif f & Gott 2011;
Villeneuve et al. 2015). Health status has been shown to influence the importance of sex to
older people and the kinds of sex that they desire, with those reporting poor health being less
likely to report an interest in sex (Gott & Hinchliff 2003b; Herbenick et al. 2010; Lindau &
Gavrilova 2010). Having better health and greater interest in sex were also associated with
having a partne r, so that in such research older women were generally reported to be less
sexually active than men simply by virtue of the ir age and gender (Herbenick et al. 2010;
Lindau & Gavrilova 2010). However rese arch findings illustrate that even women with

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poorer health reported engaging in solo or partnered sexual activities, supporting the
suggestion that even when sex may be a low priority, it is not necessarily unimportant to
older women (Gott & Hinchliff 2003b; Herbenick et al. 2010).
Yet health care professionals, including primary care doctors, nurses and psychologists, a re
often reticent to talk to their older clients about sex and sexuality, while older women
themselves lament the lack of ava ilable resourc es on ageing and sexuality (File born e t a l.
2015a; Flaget-Greener et al. 2015; Gott et al. 2004b; Hurd Clarke et al. 2014). A gap has
been identified between the needs of older adults for information about sexuality and sexual
health, and the provision of such resources. The attitudes and beliefs of health care
practitioners regarding the lack of importance of sex to older adults can preve nt them from
raising this topic with patients (Flaget-Greener et al. 2015; Gott & Hinchliff 2003a; Gott et al.
2004a; Gott et al. 2004b; H inc hlif f & Gott 2011). These beliefs can also prevent older people
from raising sex-related topics with health care practitioners (Gott & Hinchliff 2003a). In this
way, older women’s sexua l rights – specifically the right to access “scientifically accurate
and understandable information in relation to sexua lity” are jeopardised (WAS, 1999).
Research reveals that interventions designed to change the attitudes of practitioners towards
older adults’ sexuality as well as sexuality education and training could increase the
likelihood of practitioners raising these topics with older patients, thereby improving the
access of older people to up-to-date and unbiased information on sexual health (Flaget-
Greener et al. 2015). Introducing the concept of sexua l hea lth knowledge and sexuality
education as rights regardless of age, as stated in the WAS declaration (Cha pter two), during
practitioner training could be a useful approach to take (WAS, 1999).
Similar c oncerns have been raised in residential (institutiona l) aged care settings where some
staff have been found to be dismissive or disapproving of the idea that older people might
still be interested, let alone engaged, in sex and intimacy (Bauer et al. 2007; Hockey & James
1993). In two empirical studies, the majority of surve yed providers of residential aged care
reported that they did not have a policy addressing sexuality or provide any written
information for residents regarding intimacy and sexuality (Bauer et al. 2007; Doll 2013).
Research findings show that staff members tend not to discuss the topic of sexuality with
residents unless the resident raises it first, or staff perceive there to be a need for sexual

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expression, which typica lly only occurs in relation to married couples (Bauer e t al. 2007;
Rowntree & Zufferey 2015). This perspective privileges the sexua lity of heterosexual married
couples, ra ther than un-partnered or same-sex attracted women. Care facilities typically
operate in a manner that provides residents with little privacy or control over when someone
enters their room, affording little opportunity for sexual expression (Doll 2013; Heath 2011).
For those residents in a partnered sexual relationship, the ability to share a bed or even a
room is often not provided, again limiting the prospect of a sexual encounter and their right to
privacy. We argue that it is imperative that residential care facilities respect and protect all
older adults’ rights to sexual expression (WAS, 1999).
Certa inly, consumers of institutiona l aged care have discussed the importance of privacy,
autonomy and control, within a discourse of their right to choose to be sexually active
(Rowntree & Zufferey 2015). These differences in understandings of sexuality between staff
and residents highlight a need for policies and guidelines on se xuality and intimacy that take
into account the perspectives, and rights, of older people (Bauer et al. 2007; Rowntree &
Zufferey 2015). In addition to the right to privacy, the concept of sexual expression as a right
could be incorporated into such policies and into staff training, as well as guidelines for
determining the capacity of residents to consent to partnered sexual intimacy (Doll 2013).
This would best be achieved through having older people involved in the deve lopment of
guidelines and policies on sexuality, an approach which supports the WAS declaration’s right
to pa r ticipa t e in public a nd politic a l lif e . Aged care facilities also need to discuss their
policies on sexuality and intimacy with residents upon their admission. Finally, beyond
education and policy development, residential care facilities need to address spa tia l
limitations and guarantee that privacy is offered to residents in appropriate and comfortable
places as well as through the provision of meaningful a nd respectful opportunities.
Affirming olde r women’s se xual rights
How can we rethink sexuality in later life in a way that does not negate older women’s sexual
rights, and that avoids constructing the sexual functioning of older bodies as lesser or wanting
in some respect? To what extent does such a construction reflect the embodied experiences of
older women? Sandberg’s (2013) concept of affirmative ageing provides a useful starting
point here. Instea d of framing elder sexuality in relation to youthful sexuality, Sandberg

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argues that we should instead view the ageing process as the ‘continuous production of
difference’ (p. 19). Such an approach flattens the sexual hierarchy, with youthful sexuality at
its pinnacle, and demands that we view older people’s sexuality on its own terms rather than
in comparison to a youthful sexual norm. Importa ntly, Sandberg advocates for the recognition
and acknowledgement of the specificities of the ageing body. According to this approach, it is
not productive to deny or ignore changes in bodily functions or sensations, but neither is it
helpful to view such bodily shifts as a dec line or as automatically resulting in a less va luable
sexual experience. Ra ther, Sandberg’s concept opens up the possibility for considering
different sexual experiences, which are shaped by gendered (and other structural) norms.
While the sexual expression(s) and desire(s) of older women should not be identified as other
to the norm, nor should they be uncritically accepted as some authentic expre ssion of a true
or essential sexual self.
Instead of neatly fitting the binary categories of the asexual older adult or the sexy senior,
research investigating the meanings of sexuality and of sexual pleasure for older women
illustrates that women’s experiences of sex and sexual desire in later life are varied and
complex (Fileborn et al. 2015a, 2015b; Gott 2005; Hurd Clarke 2006; Vares 2009). O lde r
women have variably reported e xperiencing no sexua l desire yet continuing to engage in
partnered sex, experiencing desire and not having partnered or un-partnered sex, experiencing
decreased desire as they age or, conversely, experiencing increased sexual desire as they age
(often with the onset of a new romantic relationship), and many other fluid permutations of
sexual activity, subjectivity and desire (Fileborn et al. 2015b; Loe 2004). For some women,
sex becomes more pleasurable in later life as they have a stronger understanding of their own
bodies and desires, are less willing to compromise on sexual satisfaction, and feel more able
to negotiate their needs with their partner or to masturbate (Fileborn et al. 2015a, 2015b; Loe
2004). For others, penetrative sexual activity remains an expectation of partnered life, and
one from which they derive little personal sexual satisfaction – though it may be viewed as an
altruistic act or as necessary for maintaining intimacy within a relationship. The cessation of
both partnered and solo sexual activity, and the abse nce of sexual desire, can be a welcome
relief for some women, while others may encounte r this with a sense of sadness or loss
(Fileborn e t al. 2015a, 2015b; Loe 2004). The point here is not to provide an e xhaustive
description of older women’s experiences and desires, nor to construct c ertain experiences or

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desires as being more or less than others, but rather to illustrate the considerable diversity and
fluidity that exists in women’s e xperiences and reasons for engaging in sexual activity or not.
At the same time, research has highlighted the extent to which subjective sexual meanings
and desires are themselves socially and culturally constructed through the intersecting
influences of sexism and ageism (Parker et al. 2000). Within women’s own sexual and
relationship histories, what constitutes sex may have been shaped by gendered, sexist and
ageist norms, in addition to the heterosexual institutions of marriage and motherhood, and
religious mandates that sex is for the purpose of procreation. This holds important
implications for women’s right to be free from all forms of violence and coercion, as older
women’s ability to recognise and label experiences of sex as coerced (for example, within
marriage) may be constrained by these discourses (and Chapter 8 of this volume explores this
issue in further detail). While some older women hold diverse and inclusive definitions of
what counts as sexual activity, for othe rs (or for their pa rtners) pene trative he terosexua l
intercourse is pr ivile ge d as ‘real’ se x, while masturbation is viewed as a lesser form of sexual
expression, reinforcing hierarchical understandings of sex (Fileborn et al. 2015a). These
understandings limit the potential for sexua l pleasure, particularly in the face of physiologica l
changes that may make penetrative intercourse difficult if not impossible , and the scarcity of
available heterosexual partners, while also constructing older women’s sexuality in response
to a more pressing male sexual need and response (Fileborn et al. 2015a). This is not to
suggest that penetrative sex is problematic in and of itself, but rather that the construction of
penetrative sex as ‘real’ sex is narrow and serves to reinforce youthful models of sexuality
rather than affirming the difference of older people’s sexuality. Stereotypes of older
individua ls (and particularly older women) as asexual can also limit and shape the ways in
which sexual desire is expressed or acknowledged, and may lead to a downplaying of sexual
desire or the belief that sex in later life is inappropriate (DeLamater & Koepsel 2015; Gray
2012; Syme 2014; Trudel 2010).
Research has also illustrated the role of these stereotypes in shaping women’s interpretations
of their bodies. Many women express dissatisfaction with the appe aranc e of their older bodies
due to age-related changes, such as weight gain and wrinkles, often citing young bodies as
the point of comparison (Hurd 2000; Hurd Clarke 2010; Montemurro & Gillen 2013; Thorpe

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et al. 2015; Vares 2009). Older women gene rally find it difficult to ignore ageist and sexist
values equating beauty with youth, and to negotiate a se nse of self as both old and desirable
in a context where they are surrounded by these very powe rful images and messages. This is
particularly the case for single women who desire intimacy but do not believe that a new
partner would find them attractive (Hurd Clarke & Griffin 2008; Thorpe e t al. 2015). Such
findings reflect the lack of representations of older women, or of women showing the signs of
age, as ‘active, desiring sexual subjects’ (Gill 2007, p. 152) in contemporary media culture.
Yet research also demonstrates that some women become less conce rned with conforming to
youthful standards as they age (Tunaley et al. 1999). Old age can bring acceptance of bodily
appearance as women construct positive, or contradictory, bodily meanings through drawing
upon their biographies and embodied experiences (Holstein 2015; Krekula 2007; Thorpe et
al. 2015). Such meanings may include disliking their age ing appearance in the mirror while
expressing pride in the dressed body, appreciation of their health a nd physic a l a bilitie s or
satisfaction with the sensual qualities and appearance of their bodies during intimate
encounters (Thorpe e t al. 2015; Twigg, 2013). Importantly, these findings remind us that the
subjective experience of embodied old age is much more complex than women simply
disliking their a ppearance and desiring to look younger, and tha t the notion of a sexual body
includes different bodily qualities including touch, appearance, desire, as w ell as biogra phic al
dimensions. This multifaceted approach to the body can inform older women’s right to claim
sexual citizenship base d upon a broad notion of sexuality, one that does not simply privilege
a youthful appea rance. Moreover, this understanding underscores the importance of including
an analysis of gender in a sexual rights framework.
Conclus ions
In this chapter we have explored the importance of sexual rights for older women’s
experiences of sexua lity and embodied old age. Acknowledging the diverse and often
contradictory meanings that are attached to older women’s sexuality and ageing bodies, we
have argued that it is imperative for health c are profe ssionals and institutions that provide
aged care to acknowledge and foster the sexuality and healthy sexual expression of women in
later life, whatever that means to individuals. The WAS declaration of se xual rights reaffirms
that, “sexual health ca nnot be de fined, understood or made operational without a broad
understanding of sexuality” (WAS, 1999). Adopting an inclusive perspective on s exuality is

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central to ensuring that older heterosexual women are able to enjoy sexual rights equally and
without discrimination. With this in mind, we call for a countering of the ageist and sexist
tendency for old age to be framed in terms of decline and asexuality as well as the e quating of
sexual ideals with youthful norms and assumptions. There is a paramount need to promote
older women’s right to a high level of sexual health and wellbeing, “including the possibility
of plea sura ble, sa tisf ying and safe sexual experiences” (WAS, 1999), should these be desired,
as well as to consider the question of what pleasure is and how it is unde rstood and
constructed by older women. Enabling older women to enjoy their full sexual rights requires
us to deconstruct and open up new possibilities or ways of thinking about sexual pleasure for
all individ ua ls .
In order for a rights-based framework to be actualised, the historical, cultural, contextual and
relational influences on older women’s lives must be take n into account. As such, the
generationally specific understandings of sexuality should be tracked over time as new
cohorts of women enter later life and both internalize and resist the cultural messages about
the nature and role of sexuality in later life. The way in which we think about sexual rights
will continue to change, for insta nce due to the expectations that suc cessful sexuality brings
for ageing women’s sexual practices. Women will likely continue to be restrained in their
sexual desires and expressions in the face of structural barriers and dominant normative
constructions that devalue older women’s lived experiences and construct limited normative
sexual ideals and repre sentations. Considering the ways in which these structure s and norms
may be challenged, disrupted and dismantled may be useful for setting out the claims that
older women may make for positive sexual expression beyond these norms, whether they
take these up or not.
While we have advocated for the usefulness of a sexual rights approach throughout this
chapter, it is important to consider the limitations of our argument. Notably, the bulk of
research that we have considered here using an applied rights-based framework, has been
concerned with the experiences of white, middle-to-upper c lass women from Western
countries. Yet, sexuality is conceptualised differently across different cultural contexts (Dune
et al. 2015). As Parker (2009) highlights, ‘many of the key c ate gories and classifications that
have been used to describe sexual life [in Western contexts]…are in fact far from universal or

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given in all cultural settings’ (p. 256). Members of diffe rent ethnic or cultural groups are
often sexualised in different ways – for instance, women of colour have often been depicted
as ‘hypersexual’ (Mille r 2005; Parker 2009). This is not to suggest, as Tamale (2008) argues,
that we must view sexual rights as being either universal in their application or inappropriate
for different cultures. Rather, ‘cultures are fluid and interactive rather than distinct from each
other. They are in consta nt flux, adapting and reforming’ (Tamale 2008, p. 48). Sexual rights
may have different implications or need to be employed in different ways both within and
across different (sexual) cultures. Indeed, even within We stern cultures, a sexual rights-based
approach will hold varying levels of appropriateness and applicability , and this is liable to
change over time and across contexts. Older women are constituted by diverse cultural,
ethnic, social and other groups, and we cannot assume that a sexual rights framework c an or
should be applied in a uniform way. It is also important to acknowledge that the concept of
rights is itself bound up in a particular politica l ideology – namely male Western liberalism
(Tamale 2008). Se xual rights are thus located within in a particular political view of the
world, and bear particular cultural assumptions and norms. As such, careful consideration of
whose interests this paradigm reflects and which ways of knowing and being in the world it
propagates – and the extent to which these reflect the knowledge, values and experiences of
older women - are needed.
This chapter has underscored the importance of acknowledging the diversity of sexuality and
difference in the meanings of sexuality for older heterosexual women, as well as the kinds of
sexual expression that women have a right to engage with and in which circumstances. We
call for a sexual rights framework that is guided by women’s own experiences and
understandings about the significance of sexua lity to them as they move through the life-
course, including the ways se xuality is negotiated by women of diverse cultures, classes and
ages.

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