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Use of LinkedIn Data and Machine Learning to Analyze
Gender Differences in Construction Career Paths
Paul J. Hickey1; Abdolmajid Erfani2; and Qingbin Cui, A.M.ASCE3
Abstract: Will women and men follow distinctively different paths to achieve executive engineering leadership positions in the US
architecture, engineering, and construction (AEC) industry? Using Engineering News Record’s (ENR’s) 2019 Top 400 list, this research
analyzed LinkedIn profiles for over 2,800 executives to assess career differences between genders. Statistical comparisons of important
features, highlighted by number of companies, titles, education, and network size, revealed a significant impact of gender on individual
career paths. A key finding was that men ascend to leadership with a single firm throughout their career, outpacing women almost fourfold
(37% to 10%). Applying random forest (RF) as an ensemble classifier, researchers successfully predicted profile gender with accuracy of
98.95% for training and 89.53% for testing samples. Collating and categorizing the activities and milestones of individual and collective
executives offer insight regarding successful experiences, skills, and choices to reach leadership roles. This creates a roadmap for current and
future early and midlevel professionals to model their own vocational journey and accelerate progression up the corporate ladder. From an
industry perspective, firms deprive themselves and customers of the proven wide-ranging benefits of diversity. DOI: 10.1061/(ASCE)
ME.1943-5479.0001087.© 2022 American Society of Civil Engineers.
Author keywords: Construction industry; Leadership; Gender; Diversity; LinkedIn; Social media networking.
Introduction
Historical perspective on diversity traditionally focused on legal
and moral perspectives (Grant and Kleiner 1997). Coupled with the
Kennedy administration’s legislative efforts in the early 1960s, the
civil rights movement propelled women’s rights into the forefront
of social consciousness, driving change in educational and profes-
sional outcomes (Jardina and Burns 2016). This paradigm change
allowed women to pursue opportunities previously unavailable,
creating a significant shift in the late 20th-century workforce. The
passing of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was a key milestone in US
society, seeking to end discrimination based on an individual’s
race, color, religion, sex, or national origin (US Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission 2021). Nonetheless, even laws and regu-
lations accompanying this landmark legislation failed to generate fair
balance. As a result, affirmative action programs emerged to bridge
the gap and eliminate the imbalances. With the continuing growth
of women in the workforce and associated greater prominence of
gender diversity, policies must continue to evolve to address the
21st-century workplace (Byrd and Scott 2014). Despite greater pub-
lic visibility and scrutiny, women’s architecture, engineering, and
construction (AEC) representation still lags behind general US pop-
ulation distribution. Even in the engineering field, women gravitate
towards disciplines offering societal impact (Dzombak and Mehta
2017). Targeted efforts to increase participation by women only gen-
erated modest gender diversity improvements in select engineering
subsegments (National Academy of Engineering 2018). Specifically
in the civil and construction engineering field, programs yield only
minimal market penetration where women fill approximately 1 in
10 industry positions and fewer than 1 in 25 executive engineering
leadership billets (Hickey and Cui 2020).
This investigation further quantified hierarchal organizational
imbalance in AEC companies, adding a detailed analysis of career
path components. Although significant research exists on gender
studies, with an accelerating corpus focused on the civil engineer-
ing and construction industry, authors found a lack of data-driven
measurement of career paths, underlying professional decisions,
and comparison between women and men. Today’s early and mid-
level career women lack role models to inspire them for continued
growth, hindering their ability to achieve future leadership posi-
tions (Roebuck and Smith 2013). Further exacerbating the issue,
a recent study found that women supervisors leave their jobs more
often than men (Maurer et al. 2021). In an effort to identify factors
to offset this imbalance, authors extracted profiles of leading indus-
try firms’executive teams to provide roadmaps of successful ac-
tions and behaviors. With over 774 million users from more than
200 countries and territories, LinkedIn consolidates the largest cor-
pus of professional experience. When considering the accuracy of
self-populated career information, authors considered the adverse
professional ramifications resulting from discovered falsehoods
embedded in profiles. Therefore, authors deemed the published
LinkedIn information peer reviewed and accurate. However, reli-
ance on full disclosure or propensity to inflate their accomplish-
ments by all candidates offers study limitations and creates
potential for risk in the data set. As part of the data integrity process,
applied statistical testing found no difference in reporting detail or
completeness between genders. Across the larger workspace, focus
on professional social media ethical practices relating to accuracy,
validity, and documentation continues to grow (Kettunen and
Makela 2019). As detailed in the methodology section, a further
step to maintain accuracy included data cleaning analysis to exclude
1Ph.D. Student, Dept. of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Univ. of
Maryland, College Park, MD 20742. Email: phickey1@umd.edu
2Ph.D. Student, Dept. of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Univ. of
Maryland, College Park, MD 20742. ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002
-4703-1248. Email: erfani@umd.edu
3Professor, Dept. of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Univ. of
Maryland, College Park, MD 20742 (corresponding author). Email: cui@
umd.edu
Note. This manuscript was submitted on October 24, 2021; approved on
May 19, 2022; published online on August 3, 2022. Discussion period open
until January 3, 2023; separate discussions must be submitted for individual
papers. This paper is part of the Journal of Management in Engineering,
© ASCE, ISSN 0742-597X.
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unmaintained profiles containing minimal data. A strategic objec-
tive of this study investigated the potential impact of gender on indi-
vidual career paths using machine learning (ML) techniques and
statistical tests considering important career path features extracted
from LinkedIn data of construction leaders’profiles.
The authors recognize the ongoing evolution regarding gender
identity and its importance in society. For the purposes of this
study, we applied a binary definition of female and male in compil-
ing, analyzing, and reporting gender.
Literature Review and Hypothesis Development
Prior to extracting profile data, the authors drafted an initial set of
research questions and hypotheses considering prior academic the-
ories. After data collection and cleaning, researchers applied social
capital theory and social cognitive career theory (SCCT) to the
resultant LinkedIn data set. Examination includes primary features
of individual career paths such as number of firms and positions,
highest level of education earned, and professional network size.
Koch et al. (2017) found that career-minded individuals who
maintain a singular focus on work achieve executive levels faster
and at higher rates than counterparts who seek a balance between
work and personal lives. Because women traditionally shoulder a
greater responsibility in family responsibilities, they experience a
significant disadvantage due to competing obligations. In fact, US
women head more single-parent households than men and experi-
ence a higher risk of dropping out of the workforce after childbirth
(Aisenbrey and Fasang 2017). As a result of these external influ-
ences, professional women temporarily exited the workforce at
higher rates, 37% (43% for women with children) to 24% for men
(Hewlett and Luce 2005). Although most of these women, 93%,
planned on resuming their vocation, gaps disrupted their career arc.
Even high-profile women left key positions, including CEOs of
Fortune 500 companies, to focus on family, both aging parents
and young children (Hewlett and Luce 2005). Ultimately, these
contributing factors create career drag, inhibiting long-term pro-
gression, especially compared to their male colleagues.
Throughout a person’s career, they continually redefine and
reassess the relationship between work and personal lives. Prior
research documents women’s greater desire for work–life balance
(Koch et al. 2017). That equilibrium underlies women citing family
and unsatisfying jobs as key reasons for leaving the workforce,
whereas men’s predominant motivations included switching ca-
reers, obtaining greater levels of education, or starting a business
(Hewlett and Luce 2005). When viewed from the company per-
spective, gender-diverse leadership teams create cultures offering
policies that create better work–life balance (Baker et al. 2021).
However, despite recent progress and public commitment to
change, most AEC firms fail to achieve fair implementation in prac-
tice (Hasan et al. 2021).
Social Capital Theory
Social capital represents the theory of capturing resources residing
in social relationships and leveraging them into better business out-
comes (Lin 2001). Social networks generate benefits, including
physical and monetary resources, social support, and access to in-
formation (Alaa et al. 2018). Since its inception, researchers have
dedicated significant research to social network theory and devel-
oped divergent concepts to the topic (Brass 2003). In their 2001
study, Seibert, Kraimer, and Liden tested social capital theory, ap-
plying it against networks and relationships, assessing the resultant
impact on career progression. Two theories emerged: weak ties—
connections outside the core group and structural holes—where
direct connections of the individual remain separate from each
other (Seibert et al. 2001). Follow-on studies identified strong ties,
which generate bonding social capital, whereas bridging social
capital emerges from weak ones (Alaa et al. 2018;Neumeyer et al.
2019). These otherwise disparate network combinations from
bridging social capital offered unique information unavailable to
the other members of the direct group, often leading to opportuni-
ties for new jobs. Overall, Seibert’s(Seibert et al. 2001) study found
that both theories positively relate to a person’s accessibility to so-
cial resources and resultant career progression.
All interactions between people require communication, whether
verbal, written, or other methods. Resultant social networks depend
more on the structural links rather than the nodes, for example, re-
lationships vice the individual players (Brass 2003). Over time, pro-
longed interaction between individuals establishes the structure of
relationships and resultant bonding social capital within an organi-
zation (G´orska et al. 2022). In a hierarchal configuration, the basis
for some relationships is anchored in positional hierarchy, whereas
others grow organically. Ultimately, these collective personal behav-
iors, coupled with the overarching structure, impact the overall
network. Add that each new generation of incoming talent chal-
lenges the status quo and entrenched leadership’s ability to maintain
existing traditions. Recent focus on social justice, including gender
equality, promises to create a lasting impact on future direction of
organizations.
Even in the early 1980s, experts recognized the need to access
leadership talent from previously untapped groups, including
women and minorities (Kanter 1981). Conversely, selection of can-
didates like oneself reflects homosocial reproduction and perpetu-
ates the status quo (Kanter 1993). This homophily, preference of
one’s own type, strengthens the bonding social capital within the
core group (Alaa et al. 2018). With men filling most senior positions
(Hickey and Cui 2020), this provides opportunities to exercise
self-similar preference and hire or promote the next generation of
industry leaders (Elliott and Smith 2004). Reversing this trend and
generating improvements in diversity requires organizations to re-
flect upon and change their hiring and promotion practices. Specifi-
cally, building formal and informal workplace networks offers
opportunities for women to strengthen bridging social capital across
functional areas and externally from the firm (G´orska et al. 2022).
As society continues to evolve its perceptions on equity, down-
stream impact to industry follows. Kanter (2021) coined the term
“advanced”leadership to describe evolving change beyond the tra-
ditional hierarchal management to encompass broad cross func-
tional and multisector operations and interactions. Formalization
of these concepts further emphasizes the need for firms to recognize
this seismic change for future success. An opportunity for compa-
nies to positively contribute to forwarding diversity, transitioning
from vague goals and objectives to a specific, clearly defined vision,
increases emphasis on the importance and group focus (Kanter
1981). Expanded understanding of bonding and bridging social
capital offers insight for firms to provide equal opportunities for all
employees (G´orska et al. 2022). This supports findings from this
paper’s authors’prior study on executive suite leadership (Hickey
and Cui 2020). Results found that a public commitment to diversity,
defined as prominent publication of inclusion on a company’s
website, resulted in higher women’s representation.
Although this LinkedIn investigation concentrates on the senior
and executive organizational levels, some prior studies focused
on impact of corporate board diversity. Arguably, each group offers
a different impact on the daily operation of the company, where
boards may only meet a few times per year. However, Kanter’s
(1993) homosocial reproduction theory positions a diverse board
to disrupt perpetuating hiring and promoting similar individuals,
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specifically white men. Despite proven benefits of diversity
(Sunindijo and Kamardeen 2017), a study of board diversity and
firm reputation found that the impact of women on boards created
positive impacts on service industries and negative ones for pro-
ducing sectors, including construction (Brammer et al. 2009).
Brammer’s results aligned with the proximity linkage between the
company and end users. Therefore, AEC’s insulation from the gen-
eral public contributes to its slower pace of inclusion compared
to other industries. Another study found gender diversity on boards
had a positive relationship to greater organizational innovation
(Miller and Del Carmen Triana 2009). However, a consideration
of possible lower impact of women on boards resides in the fact that
women hold fewer chairperson or committee lead positions (Miller
and Del Carmen Triana 2009). Other research identified corporate
social responsibility (CSR), a measurement of self-regulating busi-
ness model for social accountability, increases with inclusion of
women on boards (Zhang et al. 2013).
Number of Career Firms
Researchers considered the impact of internal and external influen-
ces on women’s and men’s respective career arcs. Even with the
significant increase in female entry into the workforce, turnover
for women exceeds that of men (Yousaf et al. 2014). Across all
industries, women experience higher instances of separation, in-
cluding both voluntary and involuntary (Frederiksen 2008). This
study assesses whether this trend would apply to the AEC industry
and women reaching equivalent organizational levels with fewer
career changes. Evaluating career mobility provides insight whether
individuals achieve greater success, as defined in this study by
reaching leadership positions, either by remaining with a single
organization or switching to multiple companies. Inherently un-
equal, organizations exhibit increasingly strong social capital with
higher levels of leadership (Alaa et al. 2018). Limited accessibility
to these assets creates disadvantages for women in their progression
to the executive suite. Tight organizational bonding social capital
promotes the status quo and hinders minority groups from progress-
ing, so they must engage in bridging activities to reach their full
potential in leadership (G´orska et al. 2022).
Short term promotions and pay increases often drive decisions
to join a new firm, but will long-term career progression benefit
as well? Contrary to perceptions that company changes lead to
accelerated growth, most companies continue to select internal
candidates who already possess significant networks and a deep
understanding of the company philosophy (Koch et al. 2017). This
concentrated focus on bonding social capital, whether conscious or
not, favors homophily and selection of those mirroring the current
leadership team. As an extension, Koch et al. (2017) and Hamori
and Kakarika (2009) found that CEOs with more frequent job
changes and less time served at their current company took longer
to reach the top position, with the insider track presenting the more
frequent pattern to reach executive leadership, remaining with one
company for much of their career.
H1: Male-dominated executive teams’bonding social capital
perpetuate the status quo, limiting opportunities for women, caus-
ing them to change firms more often during their career progression
to leadership.
Professional Network Size
The authors considered the impact of accumulating industry con-
nections, both internally and externally to their companies, on
women’s and men’s respective career arcs. Women generate greater
links and associated contacts (Roebuck and Smith 2013). This
study assessed whether this benefits their growth within the indus-
try. Professionally, networking embodies the specific pursuit of ac-
cumulating relationships to benefit one’s career. Although it is
traditionally associated with job seeking, effective implementation
requires continuous application of this practice throughout a career
(Eason and Krause 2001). Creating a diverse group of professional
advocates offers a support group to seek advice, gain insight, and
access opportunities. Proven to expedite career progression and in-
crease earnings, job performance, and career satisfaction, network-
ing offers an important tool for anyone in the workforce (Davis
et al. 2020). The explosion of social networking shows the potential
benefits of electronic media, highlighted by sites such as LinkedIn,
in vocational progression (Buettner 2017). However, prior to the
introduction of social networking services (SNSs), gaining these
benefits typically required in-person meetings to develop a foun-
dation of trust. In the digital age, electronic invitations link secon-
dary and tertiary connections with no direct contact. This lack of
intimate knowledge of the person undermines the quality of refer-
ence, although Davis’s(Davis et al. 2020) examination of LinkedIn
usage found that online networking clearly generated career bene-
fits and supported use of career-oriented social networking markets
(CSNMs) as a prominent factor in career self-management success.
Two types of interconnections emerge in social capital theory,
bonding, where strong ties form within closer organizations, and
bridging, which uses weak ties to reach beyond the group (Alaa
et al. 2018;Neumeyer et al. 2019). Forms of bridging capital in-
clude nonoffice connections highlighted by school, alumni, and
professional organizations. Leveraging these channels provides ac-
cess to unique information. In the male-dominated AEC industry,
homophily persists, reinforcing leadership’s bonding social capital
and subsequent hiring of the next generation (Alaa et al. 2018).
Faced with altering the status quo, as women enter management,
they tend to expand their focus to incorporate bridging social
capital, recognizing the added benefits of larger networks in their
continued growth (G´orska et al. 2022).
Conversely, individuals without effective support systems lack
beneficial connections, delaying progression into leadership posi-
tions (Roebuck and Smith 2013). Early and midcareer workers pur-
suing career growth should strive to amass quality contacts to
recognize the benefits. Notably, two studies found that CSNMs
of 150 and 157 connections, respectively, offer the optimal size
to locate new jobs, whereas larger groups produce lower success
rates (Buettner 2017). Recruiters often view excessively large net-
works as noisy information, suggesting weak connections through-
out the group (Buettner 2017). This contrasts the perspective that
larger networks enhance women’s skills, including compliance,
civic virtue, and organizational development (Roebuck and Smith
2013), and that weak ties contribute to optimizing social capital
(Seibert et al. 2001). Most effective implementation of SNS net-
works lies not in the sheer size and volume of connections but
the understanding of how those individuals can positively impact
their career (Davis et al. 2020). Ultimately, balancing a larger group
with one’s ability to genuinely connect dictates the value of a
network.
References with knowledge of a candidate’s past professional
experience often generate prospects for career growth, whether
within the current company or a move to an external opening.
The expansion of the Internet over the last 25 years and associated
emergence of social media facilitated exponential connections with
local and remote colleagues. Launched in 2003, LinkedIn entered
the professional networking space and grew into an industry leader.
Considering women create larger formal and informal career net-
works than men (Roebuck and Smith 2013), would results reflect a
disparity in size?
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H2: Faced with the disadvantage created by bonding social
capital homophily in the male-dominated AEC field, women seek
unique knowledge obtained by assembling larger external bridging
social capital networks.
Social Cognitive Career Theory
Social cognitive career theory creates a framework to study career
development through the lens of educational and professional pur-
suits (Lent et al. 1994;Lent and Brown 2019). Its five interconnected
models, interest development, decision-making, performance in
education and vocational domains, satisfaction and well-being in
educational and vocational contexts, and career self-management,
offer a comprehensive analysis of career choice motivations and out-
comes (Lent and Brown 2019). Even before entering the workforce,
SCCT self-efficacy drives students to select academic fields aligned
with their personal interests, leading to early career choices (Fouad
and Santana 2017). During midcareer, when considering additional
formal education or professional training, workers balance these in-
ternal interests with external professional influences. Ultimately,
SCCT creates a structure linking three interrelated aspects of career
development: career interests, academic and professional choices,
and their performance in these pursuits (Lent and Brown 2019).
Its principles provide a path to understand the factors creating
continued women’s underrepresentation (Blaique and Pinnington
2021).
Twenty-first-century careers embody mobile, nonlinear paths,
changing directions in response to both personal and professional
influences, including temporarily opting out for family and other
interruptions (Knowles and Mainiero 2021). SCCT provides a con-
textual reference on how self-efficacy beliefs, outcome expecta-
tions, and personal goals affect educational and career decisions
(Burga et al. 2020). Selection of career choices aligns with one’s
interests and is based in part on self-confidence (Lent et al. 1994).
Further, SCCT offers perspective to evaluate one’s career progres-
sion and analyze prior choices and subsequent outcomes (Fouad
and Santana 2017). Among the variable factors, Lent’s theory as-
sessed the impact of gender and culture on career advancement
(Lent and Brown 2019). SCCT’s framework shows that perceived
sexism builds a barrier for women and impacts their decisions
throughout a career (Fouad and Santana 2017). As a result, women
felt the need to repeatedly prove themselves capable to work along-
side their male counterparts and exert the extra effort to prepare
themselves for the same work (Clayton 2022). This self-perpetuating
cycle drives women out of the workforce or to other firms as they
believe advancement opportunities are unavailable (Knowles and
Mainiero 2021). Findings from this LinkedIn study confirm this
external pressure generates higher turnover frequency for women
and alters their career trajectory. Even those who temporarily opted
out of the workforce often decide to find new firms rather then return
to their former employer due to preexisting discriminatory practices
(Knowles and Mainiero 2021).
Primary aspects of SCCT include self-efficacy, social supports,
and goal setting, which shape one’s educational and professional
journey throughout their decades-long career (Lent and Brown
2019). Prior SCCT studies connected perceived entry barriers
and the resultant lack of participation by segments of the popula-
tion, recommending an industry response of altering recruitment
and retention strategies to increase diverse representation (Clayton
2022). Firms’reinforcement that employees and managers possess
the correct skills and abilities, coupled with the belief that their ed-
ucation and experience align with industry goals, increases the
quality of work and likelihood of retention (Burga et al. 2020).
Further, SCCT suggests that success in past projects reinforces
self-efficacy beliefs and generates better future performance (Burga
et al. 2020).
Number of Career Positions
Women and men experience different paths climbing the corporate
ladder (Lyness and Thompson 2000). Guy (2020) discussed the
“broken rung”impeding progression into entry-level management
positions, delaying women’s long-term progression into executive
billets. Assessing the current industry leadership teams’LinkedIn
profiles, would women require more total jobs to reach higher rungs
on the ladder? Whether remaining with a single company or work-
ing for multiple firms, how many rungs exist on the climb up the
corporate ladder? Would women face additional long-term chal-
lenges from smaller, incremental steps compared to male counter-
parts benefiting from fewer, larger career leaps? Regardless of
number of firms, collected data identifies each reported title. When
a candidate switched companies and retained the same title [e.g., vice
president (VP) to VP], these constitute two positions.
Women engineers build knowledge and skill through experience
and professional development in preparation for career advance-
ment (Marinelli et al. 2021). Blaique and Pinnington (2021) pro-
posed implementing the career self-management model (CSMM),
an extension of SCCT, to help women develop adaptive behaviors
to respond to negative career events. These adverse occurrences, in-
cluding lower promotion potential, sexist culture, and hostile work
environment, deteriorate the greater drive women possess at the be-
ginning of their careers than men, discouraging them and draining
their motivation (Knowles and Mainiero 2021). Human resources
departments creating a CSMM incorporating the needs of both
women and men helps them commit to their occupations and retain
their positions despite negative events (Blaique and Pinnington
2021). Regardless, women experience higher representation in non-
engineering occupations compared to their percentage of overall
engineering graduates (National Academy of Engineering 2018),
suggesting they either leave or never enter engineering at higher
rates compared to men.
H3: Adverse career occurrences disproportionally impact
women, slowing career progression and creating a greater number
of positions, including company changes, required to reach
leadership.
Highest Level of Education
This study considered impact of accumulated education, specifically
graduate studies, on women’s and men’s respective career arcs.
A key cornerstone of SCCT, education selection significantly im-
pacts a career arc (Lent and Brown 2019). Would women achieve
the same level of organizational success with comparable education?
Since the mid-1980s, women have entered the workforce at the same
rate as men but remain significantly underrepresented in leadership,
even for graduates of leading institutions (Ely et al. 2011). By the
early 2000s, women’s college graduation rates exceeded those of
men (Jardina and Burns 2016;Sandberg 2013), and women remain
well represented at lower and middle management positions but not
in the executive suite (Roebuck and Smith 2013). Despite more for-
mal education, one study found that women received significantly
lower levels of craft-specific training (Perrenoud et al. 2020), a po-
tential contributor to slower advancement.
Despite gains over the last few decades, selection of college
majors often aligns with self-perceived femininity or masculinity
(Beutel et al. 2018). Traditional roles reinforced by society contrib-
ute to precareer “leaky pipe”drain by syphoning off quality talent
even before reaching the workforce. Despite these hindrances,
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women earned 21.9% of US civil engineering degrees conferred
between 1995 and 2018 (Department of Education 1999;Yoder
2019).
Although this study concentrated on engineering, career pro-
gression often shifts between functional disciplines, especially as
management positions require auxiliary soft skills beyond hard
technical engineering knowledge. As such, earning an undergradu-
ate engineering degree may not directly lead to an engineering career
or represent only the start of a career. In Marinelli et al.’s(2021)
study of engineers’progression into management and leadership,
women felt the need to reestablish their engineering competence and
credentials throughout their careers. This repeated search for self-
efficacy follows the SCCT model. Additional advanced degrees, es-
pecially for executives, include business management, finance, and
administration. One prior study found that only 36% of engineering
baccalaureates and 42% of engineering master’s degrees worked in
engineering positions. Contributing to this divergence, over 25% of
professionals with undergraduate engineering accreditation reported
managing people and teams as their primary responsibility (National
Academy of Engineering 2018). SCCT’s foundational focus on per-
sistence in educational domain progresses throughout a career (Lent
and Brown 2019). Alternatively, nonengineering undergraduates
working in the AEC industry could pursue graduate engineering de-
grees to align with their career trajectory in the industry.
In today’s workforce, across most US industries, graduation
from a traditional 4-year college or university typically serves as
a prerequisite, especially for management positions. This study
quantifies earned education, focusing on the highest level achieved.
Although not mandatory, graduate degrees further differentiate can-
didates and aid their ascension into executive leadership. Compar-
ing women and men, would the level of education be comparable
for similar positions, or would women need to accumulate addi-
tional schooling to maintain pace?
H4: Women continually reevaluate their preparedness and
performance in educational domains, attaining additional advanced
degrees to achieve similar organizational hierarchal status as men.
Research Methodology and Data
Data Collection and Cleaning
With women holding 10.9% of the total positions (US Bureau of
Labor Statistics 2020), AEC remains a malecentric field. An exten-
sion from prior research, this analysis focused on individual and
collective career histories of 2,857 industry leaders extracted from
LinkedIn profiles. Reviewing leading firms’websites listed on the
2019 Engineering News Record (ENR) Top 400 list, our research
team assembled the list of leadership teams publicly reported by
individual companies. Firms’classification of their respective se-
nior and executive managers impacted the available sample.
With the explosion of technology and relatively recent introduc-
tion of SNS, available online data significantly increased. The ap-
plication of web scraping automatically extracts large quantities of
information from web-based sources (Patel 2020). This method
quickly creates structured data sets from unstructured content for
further analysis. After assembling leadership teams from websites,
often listed under “Leadership”or “Meet Our Team,”researchers
located the matching LinkedIn profiles. Initial validation data points
included names, position titles, and, if available, photos. Consider-
ing some industry firms, especially family-owned companies, pos-
sess multigenerational teams, reviews applied extra care to ensure
accuracy.
Permission to access all collected information required only
a basic LinkedIn account with no special connections or links. This
approach maintained equal access of data rights for all profiles.
Applied to unique URLs, Python script coded using the available
packages Urllib and BeautifulSoup performed web scraping, cap-
turing information including companies, titles, years of experience,
education, and network size. Web scraping facilitates repeatable
high-speed data extraction, ease of code adjustment, and structur-
ing for analysis. This flexibility enabled multiple rounds of review,
code adjustments, and data cleaning (Diouf et al. 2019).
Three rounds of data validation and cleaning maximized the
accuracy of the final data set. During the initial cycle, we tested
a smaller sample where two researchers independently manually
validated 20% of records. Combining results of identified discrep-
ancies, code adjustments improved the quality of the data pull. As
an additional check on the compiled data set, the authors assessed
whether differences existed between women and men in the level of
reporting for individual profiles. Would one gender provide fewer
details in their career history (e.g., omit early career positions, de-
gree earned, or years served)? Before conducting further analysis,
the team evaluated the data integrity, specifically analyzing each
educational listing as split into three individual components, school,
degree, and graduation year, to compare listed level of detail. No
statistical differences existed between women and men; therefore,
researchers determined consistent levels of accuracy existed, which
increased the confidence level about the data set.
Statistical Test and Analysis—Machine Learning Model
Development
ML refers to a set of algorithmic structures designed to provide
computer systems with the ability to learn and improve their per-
formance via the discovery of patterns in data. Applying ML algo-
rithms to engineering problems develops predictive models based
on a set of training features. The accuracy of such predictions gen-
erally depends on the amount and quality of input data, as well as
the algorithm’s ability to extract the patterns (Ray 2019). Generally,
practitioners consider ML models such as supervised, unsupervised,
and reinforcement learning techniques. Supervised ML involves user
specification of algorithm targets. Thus, algorithms focus on model-
ing the relationship between a set of input variables (e.g., career path
features) and the specified target (e.g., gender). Flexibility of ML
models in comparison to statistical models, which typically include
rigid requirements and the clear explanation of model’s accuracy us-
ing testing data set for validation, justify applying ML models in this
study. Therefore, the authors applied supervised learning classifiers,
cases with categorical targets, to investigate the impact of gender on
individual career paths as a whole picture.
Models easily learn patterns to classify gender when significant
different relationships exist in the career paths of female and male
construction leaders. Although many ML techniques exist in re-
search and each technique involves its own unique attributes, a
group of top-used ML classifiers apply in the construction studies
(Seyrfar et al. 2021). In this study, the researchers employed ran-
dom forest (RF) to investigate the relation of career path features
and target class of gender. A flexible, straightforward, and easy-to-
use ensemble ML algorithm, RF yields highly accurate results deal-
ing with various input data types. Merging multiple base decision
trees, RF produces a single optimal predictive model (Zhang and
Ma 2012). Further, parallelization contributes to reducing over-
fitting, overcoming bias issues, and enhancing classification per-
formance (Jiang et al. 2020). These features, in addition to the
capability to rank feature importance, offer a useful algorithm to
implement in this study.
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In terms of application, ML classifiers demonstrate significant
contributions in a recent variety of related engineering and con-
struction issues. Jafari et al. (2020) developed a ML model to
classify potential employees under wage inequality in engineering
organizations. Awada et al. (2021) trained a RF classifier to pre-
dict acceptance or rejection of contractor-submitted inspection re-
quests. Khalef and El-adaway (2021) developed a ML classifier to
categorize substantial and nonsubstantial changes in construction
projects. Moreover, researchers applied ML classifiers to extract
textual information from social media posts (Li et al. 2021). This
study of LinkedIn profiles employed ML classifiers to categorize
female and male construction career paths.
Model development included data preprocessing, algorithm test-
ing, model validation, and feature importance extraction. Among
multiple cross-validation techniques, stratified random sampling
evaluated the performance of classifiers using the number of true
positive (TP), true negative (TN), false positive (FP), and false neg-
ative (FN) results based on predicted and actual classes. Then mod-
els calculated performance metrics: precision, recall, and F1 score
(Liberty et al. 2016).
Results and Discussion
The compiled data set segregates each individual reported company
to quantify movement throughout the individual’s career. Python
software packages Urllib and BeautifulSoup extracted LinkedIn
profiles and segmented individual candidates’listed company his-
tory. Coding cleaned the data set, identified and removed unmain-
tained profiles (e.g., a president with only one position listed for the
last 40 years), and counted the number of unique firms throughout
individual careers. Accumulated totals, sorted by gender and engi-
neering or nonengineering, formed the resultant data set for analy-
sis. This basic methodology applies to all research questions.
This study focused on executive and senior level leaders includ-
ing presidents, C-suite officers, executive vice presidents, VPs,
general managers, and directors. Further, analysis segregated engi-
neering and nonengineering billets to align with technical focus
of the field. The sample (Table 1) comprised 2,857 total profiles
(422 women and 2,435 men). Of the executives identified across
the ENR Top 400 firms, women filled 14.8% of the total positions,
including 5.2% of engineering and 33.2% of nonengineering
roles. Consistent with the prior study in this research series, dispro-
portional levels of finance, legal, and business development roles
necessitated this separation (Hickey and Cui 2020). Although these
values lag compared to the overall women’s percentage of the US,
these figures exceed women’s overall industry total of 10.9%
(US Bureau of Labor Statistics 2020).
Even though women earn a sufficient proportion of formal civil
engineering degrees (Department of Education 1999;Yoder 2019)
and form an industry-focused candidate pool, the number of females
holding engineering positions decreases with increasing organiza-
tional levels. Assessing progress of this study compared to the pre-
ceding 2019 research of this multiphase study (Hickey and Cui
2020), executive market penetration regressed from 3.9% to 3.8%.
The climb to the top remains daunting despite progress in other
areas, with continually fewer filled billets with each organizational
hierarchal step from director (8.8%) to VP (5.5%) and ultimately
executive suite (3.8%).
Predictive Machine Learning Analysis
Data preprocessing forms a critical step in developing ML models.
Many ML algorithms cannot operate on categorical data directly,
requiring all input variables in numeric format. Categorical varia-
bles with no such ordinal relationship apply one hot encoding to
transfer data into the appropriate format for further analysis (Seger
2018). Table 2presents the list of career path attributes extracted
from LinkedIn for each professional. In the first step, using the avail-
able Python packages such as Matplotlib and Seaborn, the authors
plotted the relation of career path features. Effective data visualiza-
tion transforms a complicated data set into an understandable for-
mat. Fig. 1includes multiple joint plots that describe the behavior of
career path features comparing gender classes. All available data
points generated each component of Fig. 1. Some profiles omit ed-
ucational background; therefore, the sample size in Fig. 1(e) differs
from other figures. According to Fig. 1(a), women’s distribution of
number career positions and companies differs from men leaders.
Fig. 1(b) suggests women need to change more companies to
achieve their current role. Fig. 1(c) demonstrates that females re-
ported a larger professional network overall. Fig. 1(d) illustrates
the importance of company size on leaders’career paths, specifically
showing that females generally work in larger companies. It explains
that large company leaders possess significantly more experience.
Finally, Fig. 1(e) shows that women leaders achieve higher educa-
tion degrees compared to their male peers. Data visualization
explained a general picture of potential differences. In the following
steps, we dig into how to consider multiple career path features in the
ML model and provide detailed quantitative analysis for each career
path feature.
Deploying a Python program using the Sklearn library, the re-
searchers built a pipeline to apply a ML classification algorithm.
ML algorithms tend to be biased towards classes with greater in-
stances, and imbalanced classes risk generating unsatisfactory clas-
sifiers. Therefore, the authors followed an undersampling approach
Table 2. Career path attributes
Variable Data type Description
Number of career firms Numerical Number of unique companies
Number of career positions Numerical Number of unique career positions
Highest level of education Categorical Highest achieved degree (e.g., Ph.D., MS, MBA, JD, BS)
Professional network size Numerical Number of followers
Years to current position Numerical Duration to achieve the current position
Company revenue size Categorical Under $250M, $250M–$500M, $500M–$1B, Over $1B
Position type Categorical Executive suite, vice president, director
Role type Categorical Engineering, nonengineering
Table 1. Study population composition
Class Engineering Nonengineering Total
Female 97 (5.2%) 325 (33.2%) 422 (14.8%)
Male 1,780 (94.8%) 655 (66.8%) 2,435 (85.2%)
Total 1,877 980 2,857
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to balance classes distribution, including 10 repeated random
selection of male profiles, placing them beside all female profiles
and reporting average results (Haixiang et al. 2017). Following
multiple iterations, the balanced data set divided into 70% train-
ing and 30% testing samples. Building the RF model requires
important features established such as the number of trees
(n_estimators), maximum number of levels in each tree (max_
depth), maximum number of features considered for splitting at
each node (max_features), and method for resampling with or
without replacement (bootstrap). The process of calculating the
best values for the model’s parameters is called hyperparameter
tuning (Probst et al. 2019). Using the Sklearn library hyper-
parameter grid search, the authors optimized the RF model’s
parameters. The resultant optimized RF model reported high per-
formance with 98.95% training and 89.53% testing accuracy, in-
cluding a balanced performance for both classes, which offers a
positive indicator of the potential impact of gender on construc-
tion leaders’career paths. Table 3summarizes the RF model per-
formance indicators. Among the important RF model parameters,
selected values include n_estimators = 100, max_depth = 12,
max_features = Auto, and bootstrap = True.
Using the Sklearn library feature importance attribute, career
path elements were sorted based on their significance to explaining
the target gender class. Fig. 2outlines attribute importance in the
RF model, calculated by averaging the decrease in impurity over
trees (Han et al. 2016). In summary, model results reveal signifi-
cantly different patterns in the career paths of female construction
leaders compared to their male counterparts. In other words, view-
ing elements of leaders’career arcs, women follow a different path
to arrive at the top of the corporate ladder. Important features
Fig. 1. Data set career path feature visualization: (a) number of career companies; (b) years to current job; (c) network size; (d) company size; and
(e) highest level of education earned.
Table 3. Random forest detailed performance
Class Precision Recall F1 score Number of tests
Female 0.89 0.89 0.89 115
Male 0.90 0.90 0.90 125
Average 0.90 0.90 0.90 240 Fig. 2. Feature importance sorting.
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classifying construction leaders’career paths, highlighted by com-
pany revenue size and role type, reinforce key variables found in
the prior study by the authors, including higher representation of
women in larger firms and nonengineering roles (Hickey and Cui
2020). Other important items sorted as number of career firms, pro-
fessional network size, and number of career positions. The follow-
ing sections detail statistical comparisons of important career path
components to evaluate the study’s proposed hypotheses.
Statistical Comparison of Career Path Features
Number of Career Firms
Comparing careers of women and men finds that women switch
firms 56% more frequently, 4.2 to 2.7 companies, during their ca-
reers (P<0.001). A key finding centers around leaders remaining
with a single firm throughout their careers. Prior research found that
internal candidates ascend faster than external ones (Koch et al.
2017). That study, however, reports that faster promotion for internal
candidates applies more to men than women. These strong ties,
bonding social capital (Neumeyer et al. 2019), serve to continue the
male-dominated hierarchal structures. As shown in Fig. 3, almost 4
in 10 men remain with one company (37%), whereas that figure
drops to 10% for women. Extrapolating to early and midcareer pro-
fessionals, internal vertical progression benefits men, whereas their
female counterparts should consider moving to another company.
Social capital theory studies found that colleagues’similarities, in-
cluding sex, age, and ethnic and racial backgrounds, contributed
to strengthening network linkages, whereas greater differences cre-
ated a higher likelihood of organizational turnover (Brass 2003).
Low numbers of women in executive billets contributes to differen-
ces and greater frequency of turnover for women overall.
H1 (True): Male-dominated executive teams’bonding social
capital perpetuate the status quo. Study results demonstrate 56%
higher turnover for women than men during their career progression,
4.2 to 2.7 companies. Fifty-eight percent of men and only 27% of
women achieve leadership positions with only one or two firms.
Professional Network Size
Women demonstrate superior communication skills, develop better
connections with stakeholders (Devnew et al. 2018), and cultivate
larger formal and informal career networks than men (Roebuck
and Smith 2013). A gender-based study of engineers and their
continued pursuit of knowledge found that women perceive the
highest accessibility of information from other women, whereas
men seeking knowledge from women are the lowest (Poleacovschi
et al. 2021). Analyzing the size of assembled networks, results sup-
port women’s ability to create more connections. Women generate
14% larger groups (1,200 to 1,049) than men (P¼0.011) (Fig. 4).
In social capital theory, larger networks create a greater volume of
weak ties and structural holes (Seibert et al. 2001). This bridging
offers not only access to unique data but also the opportunity to
control access to the acquired information (Alaa et al. 2018), which
could explain the higher turnover rate and number of firms.
More experienced women build stronger networks, suggesting
that mentoring would benefit early or midcareer professionals
(Neumeyer et al. 2019). Cultivating professional contacts early and
often maximizes their growth potential. However, Buettner (2017)
argued that an individual can only maintain 100–200 stable rela-
tionships with a decreasing value of larger networks. Coworkers,
clients, vendors, and competitors constitute LinkedIn connections,
which include passing introductions at business meetings, industry
conferences, and opportunistic “professional networkers.”Reflect-
ing on the sheer size of the networks, how can an individual main-
tain valuable interactions? Although averaging 1,200, 59% of
sampled women assembled followers under 1,000. Extreme results
return 32 profiles listing 200 or fewer connections and 33 with
over 3,000.
An item of note in the data collection, due to LinkedIn privacy
settings beyond first connections, connection counts above 500 are
displayed as “500+.”In order to retrieve consistent information for
all candidates, the authors would need to connect directly with each
of the 2,857 leaders in this survey. Recognizing the challenges of
obtaining these linkages, authors chose to quantify network size
through use of the followers, which includes an uncapped limit.
H2 (True): In order to offset men’s bonding social capital ho-
mophily, women seek unique knowledge obtained by assembling
14% larger professional networks, 1,200 to 1,049, than men.
Additionally, a sign of interactivity and strength of relationships
manifests itself in professional recommendations. Women actively
assist fellow professionals by offering and receiving 64% more rec-
ommendations (2.1 to 1.3) (P<0.001). In the sample, less than half
of either gender submitted or received recommendations. Of those
demonstrating activity with over five total, women outpaced men
by a factor of two, 14% to 7%.
Fig. 3. Number of career companies. Fig. 4. Network size.
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Number of Career Positions
Career mobility itself embodies different paths. Progression may
involve promotion through the technical job family tree (e.g., engi-
neer, senior engineer, engineering manager, and beyond into lead-
ership), changing between functional areas (e.g., engineering to
finance), changing employers, or a combination. Aside from the
possibility of vertical functional paths, the remaining options often
occur when employees perceive superior opportunities exist or
they lose their current position. “Climbing the corporate ladder”
embodies a common path to the executive suite. SCCT requires
continual reassessment of career decisions (Lent et al. 1994;Lent
and Brown 2019), including impact of negative outcomes (Blaique
and Pinnington 2021). The authors assessed whether women and
men climbed an equivalent number of “rungs”to reach leadership.
On average, women held almost one more position, 5.8 jobs to 4.9,
19% more (P<0.001) (Fig. 5).
As outlined in the “Data Collection and Cleaning”subsection,
before conducting the data analysis, the authors assessed whether
women and men provided similar detail in reporting career accom-
plishments. Using three components of educational data: school,
degree, and graduation year, no statistical reporting differences
were identified between genders, increasing the confidence level
of data integrity. As shown in Fig. 5, men consistently listed fewer
positions to reach leadership, indicating that women needed to
climb additional rungs on the corporate ladder to achieve similar
positions. Twenty-two percent of women and 37% of men reported
two or three career positions, whereas at the other extreme, women
listed 10 or more positions twice as often as men (12% to 6%).
H3 (True): Adverse career occurrences disproportionally im-
pact women, slowing career progression and requiring 19% more
positions, 5.8 compared to 4.9, on the corporate ladder than their
male counterparts during their career progression to leadership.
Reviewing more deeply to assess any impacts of company size,
regardless of revenue levels,women consistently held more positions
(Fig. 6). However, both genders reported increasingly frequent title
changes with corresponding organizational magnitude. Larger firms
typically integrate additional hierarchical layers of management
because the employee base of a $250M company allows a flatter
organization than one over $1B. This creates extra rungs, driving
higher incidence of job changes to reach leadership. Although mem-
bers’mobility includes shifts between small and large firms, Fig. 3
shows the propensity toward less frequent changes for men.
Highest Level of Education
Analyzing educational histories for the sample (Fig. 7), more than
half of women earned advanced degrees (53.9%), whereas men
achieved these milestones less 1=3of the time (31.2%). These re-
sults support earlier studies, which found women earn the majority
of all college degrees (Jardina and Burns 2016;Sandberg 2013).
Subdividing Fig. 7results by type of graduate degrees, Table 4
offers a more detailed insight into how both genders focused on
advanced studies, specifically the directions that women pursue to
further their careers. As previously discussed, most positions filled
by women are classified as nonengineering. These include legal
Fig. 5. Number of career positions.
Fig. 7. Highest education level.
Table 4. Breakdown of graduate degrees
Degree Female (%) Male (%)
Ph.D. 1.7 0.5
JD 12.2 4.1
MBA 20.0 16.4
MS/MA 20.0 10.2
Total 53.9 31.2
Fig. 6. Average number of positions held by company revenue.
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roles, supporting the disparate volume of juris doctor (JD) degrees,
12.2% for women compared to only 4.1% of men.
Pursuit of and satisfaction with one’s continued education
forms a cornerstone of SCCT in the analysis of a career trajectory
(Lent and Brown 2019). This focuses on interaction between self-
efficacy and expected outcomes, positively impacted by earning
graduate degrees (Clayton 2022). Further, best practices for for-
warding a career include formal education, training, and mentor-
ing (Schultheiss 2021).
H4 (True): Women continually reevaluate their preparedness
and performance in educational domains, obtaining more advanced
degrees, 53.9% compared to 31.2%, than men to achieve similar
organizational hierarchal status as men.
Years to Current Position
Reflecting on initial study results, specifically that women hold
more positions on the corporate ladder, researchers considered
whether the time to reach their current position required additional
years of service. Analysis calculations considered the duration from
the initial reported employment to the start of the current job
(e.g., a professional life started in 1995 and holding a VP title from
2015 to 2021 equals 20 years, not 26). Although not statistically
significant (P¼0.242), actual results returned that women
achieved their current position with the same accumulated years
of experience.
Managerial Implications
Practical Applications
AEC firms miss out on the benefits derived from assembling teams
possessing varying backgrounds and experiences. Increasing diver-
sity in the industry injects new perspectives when assessing busi-
ness opportunities and problem solving into the daily workplace.
However, this represents only a secondary application offered by
this study. The authors primarily focused on collecting and analyz-
ing career paths of successful AEC women and men to assess
whether discernable patterns existed in behaviors and decisions
throughout the decades-long evolution of individual careers. Sub-
sequent cumulative results showed distinctly different paths be-
tween genders from the LinkedIn profiles of 422 women and
2,435 men. The results offer potential roadmaps for early and mid-
career professionals to assess when considering key decisions. In
addition to a primary choice of remaining with an organization or
changing companies, pursuit of further education and assembling
professional networks impact growth opportunities. Specifically,
results suggest that women should strive to earn more advanced
degrees, create larger networks, and seek opportunities to change
firms more often than men. Developing policies and programs sup-
porting these areas assist firms to attract and retain top talent.
Company Impact
Effectively implemented, gender diversity creates an environment
providing women and men fair and equal treatment. Unfortunately,
women perceive greater obstacles in joining and advancing in AEC
(Infante-Perea et al. 2021). Firms lacking healthy inclusive cultures
generate higher turnover of women leaders (Fig. 3). This prevents
advancement of qualified people based solely on gender, including
driving them out of the pool (True-Funk et al. 2021) and limiting
overall participation of women, currently 5.2% of engineering lead-
ership billets (Table 1). Whereas the origins of affirmative action
focused on gaining entry to the market, even 30 years ago, advance-
ments beyond entry-level positions stalled at middle management
(Thomas 1990). This creates poor human resources practice, not
only for short-term organizational performance but also long-term
signals to potential future leadership candidates (Powell 2020).
Firms must identify underlying reasons for higher turnover and de-
velop recruiting and retention techniques and practices that address
the root causes in order to retain this talent. Hindering progress,
Table 1shows the current dearth of women in leadership roles,
offering few role models for current women workers and middle
managers. Despite AEC industry efforts to attract and retain more
women, even those who reach supervisory roles leave their posi-
tions more often than men (Maurer et al. 2021). This detracts from
the ability to guide younger people into future leaders. Firms
instituting formal and informal networking programs increase
cross-functional connections and foster a more cohesive working
environment. Educating the team on the role of social capital levels
the playing field for everyone (G´orska et al. 2022). A key challenge
of successfully implementing a diversity program remains identi-
fying and training qualified candidates, not just increasing the
numerical volume for optics (Thomas 1990). Will firms integrate
proper identification, mentoring, and training programs to increase
internal qualifications and the subsequent talent pool? Anecdotally,
what is worse than investing in an individual, and they leave? Not
investing, and they stay.
Education reimbursement offers companies a key element of a
competitive total compensation package and demonstrates a com-
mitment to long-term employee growth. As shown in Fig. 7and
Table 4, women earn advanced degrees at a higher rate than their
male counterparts, 53.9% to 31.2%. Understanding the expenses
associated with implementation of continuing education benefits,
firms should evaluate costs related to employee turnover and tailor
programs to ensure both women and men benefit, especially for
engineering-related disciplines.
As a sign of changing times and perspectives, company focus on
diversity evolved from checking a box to an integral component of
culture and financial performance (Morgan 2020). On the other
hand, premature departure of women (Fig. 3) drains unrealized po-
tential gains. Firms prioritizing retention and growth programs po-
sition themselves with a competitive advantage (Hewlett and Luce
2005). With the growing societal discussion of diversity and fair-
ness, propelled by the accelerating speed of social media, company
actions create greater risk or reward results. Establishment of a
thoughtfully crafted diversity program promises positive short-term
and long-term benefits. Ultimately, companies need to reenvision
how they see their workforce and humanize the culture.
Early and Midcareer Professionals
Commonly recognized as a beneficial career-enhancing activity,
mentoring provides practical advice and recommendations directly
from senior professionals. Executives pass along experiences, pos-
itive and negative milestones, and lessons learned gained over a
career to aid the next generation’s growth. In its best form, mentor-
ing imparts knowledge that allows the protégé to capitalize on
career-enhancing activities and avoid pitfalls of their predecessors.
Compilation of this LinkedIn corpus of career decisions gathers ex-
periences of 2,857 successful women and men for the benefit of
early or midcareer professionals. Equal availability of the results,
especially for those without access to personal mentoring or margin-
alized by homophily, partially levels the imbalance of opportunities.
This article identifies actions taken by senior and executive
women and men in their individual and collective career journeys
to achieve success. Accompanying recommended actions (e.g., con-
sider switching companies) reflects these prior paths. The authors
wish to note that changing the paradigm to expand opportunities for
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women resides with AEC companies and intend no implication that
women must shoulder the responsibility or created the current
imbalance.
Prior research found that women navigate different paths to ex-
ecutive positions than men (Lyness and Thompson 2000). Through
an analysis of over 2,800 executives’careers, this study confirmed
identifiable career patterns based on gender. Although each individ-
ual encounters unique opportunities and challenges, results offer
suggestive paths for women to navigate the male dominated exec-
utive levels.
Women experience higher turnover rates, with only 27% of en-
gineering leaders remaining with one or two companies during their
career. Conversely, men ascend at more than double that rate, 58%,
for the sample. Similarly, women reported three or fewer positions
22% of the time compared to 37% for men. Despite being counter to
evidence of an accelerated promotion path by remaining with the
same firm (Koch 2017; Hamori and Kakarika 2009), women seek-
ing advancement should carefully consider seeking opportunities in
other firms and areas. Further, a key element of SCCT, accumulation
of additional training and education, aligns with career progression.
Results show the importance of advanced degrees for females to
maintain pace with their male counterparts. Despite over half of
the group, 53.9% (Fig. 7and Table 4) earning postbaccalaureate ed-
ucation, their progression still lags. Lack of documented knowledge
risks further career drag, so early and midcareer women should
consider pursuing continuing formal education. In the AEC field,
engineering undergrads possess the option of augmenting technical
knowledge with business and law degrees or continuing on the
engineering track.
Careful selection of mentors offers enhanced opportunities for
women to successfully progress. Prior research discovered that
mentored women reach middle management billets 56% more
often (Roebuck and Smith 2013). The results of this study demon-
strate that women executives understand the value of developing
relationships through the creation of 14% larger networks (Fig. 4).
Ascending in the corporate structure, current junior and midlevel
managers should consider leveraging their social capital skills,
creating larger networks, seeking out mentorship, and gaining a
high-level sponsor in the organization.
Conclusion
This study contributes to the body of knowledge by identifying ca-
reer choices by current women and men in the AEC industry.
Whereas prior studies discussed theories and offered insight into
origins and reasons behind the lack of diversity in AEC and other
fields, the authors found minimal information on career paths of
senior and executive leaders, especially divided and compared
by gender. Application of ML techniques to validate observational
analysis confirmed women follow different paths than men in their
ascension on the corporate ladder.
Extracting executive profiles of 2,857 representatives in the
field, women move 56% more often, require 19% more additional
jobs, earn more education (53.9% to 31.2% graduate degrees), and
leverage social capital to grow 14% greater professional networks
yet only fill 14.8% of the total executive pool, declining to 5.2% of
engineering leadership positions. Testing the RF classifier from the
assembled data set demonstrates the significance impact of gender
on career path data patterns by achieving accuracy of 98.95% dur-
ing training and 89.53% during testing to predict the gender of a
profile based on the career path features.
Attracting and retaining top talent requires inclusion of the wider
workforce. Unfortunately, women experience greater obstacles in
joining and advancing in AEC. Peering into the future, current lack
of prominent women in the workforce threatens to hinder expansion
of the available pool of candidates to create diverse teams and rec-
ognize the associated benefits. Reversing underrepresentation of
women in the industry requires comprehensive and collaborative ef-
forts from industry, academic institutions, and policymakers. Organ-
izations should examine their policies and practices for hiring,
promotions, and compensation benefits to ensure fair treatment of
all employees.
Limitations of this study include accuracy and consistency of
self-reported data level of detail. Although the authors considered
the public nature of the information and specter of potential neg-
ative professional ramifications the equivalent of the data being
professionally peer reviewed, specific experiences and education
may be underreported or overreported, especially for candidates
with longer careers and higher volume of companies and positions.
Further, with no direct contact with individuals, researchers applied
existing concepts, including social capital theory and SCCT, to data
trends. Further investigation into internal and external influences
would offer better insight into career decisions. Additionally,
AEC industry would benefit from research into other industries’
initiatives to improve diversity and investigate refinement and ap-
plication in the field.
This study represents the second phase of AEC gender diversity
research, building on prior quantification of executive industry rep-
resentation. Delving deeper into executive LinkedIn profiles, this
paper links to the planned third segment, which entails interviewing
key leaders and exploring their individual journeys. Applying foun-
dational data collected during this LinkedIn analysis, discussions
will focus on impact of job and company mobility, education,
and network development on their career progression. In addition,
external factors identified during the initial study, highlighted by
gender bias, sexism, and work–life balance, will be explored to
understand executives’resultant actions. Collectively, the authors’
intent focuses on expanding the pathway for women to advance in
the AEC industry.
Data Availability Statement
All data were collected through publicly available information
sources. Raw data and data profiles will be available from the cor-
responding author by reasonable request subject to the LinkedIn
data sharing and privacy policies.
Acknowledgments
Ms. Veronica Hercules and Mr. Adam Johnson from the University
of Maryland helped with data collection and cleaning. Their efforts
proved invaluable to the construction of this paper. Comments from
Journal of Management in Engineering reviewers improved the the-
oretical underpinnings, hypothesis refinement, and overall structure
of the manuscript.
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