And Now It's all Consumption?

Full text

135-
And
now
it’s
all
consumption?
Nicky
Gregson
Department
of
Geography,
Sheffield
University,
Sheffield
S10
2TN
At
a
recent
party
in
Athens
held
to
mark
the
opening
of
the
Fourth
Intensive
Course
on
Gender
and
Geography,
Jan
Monk
remarked
on
what
she’d
identified
as
one
of
the
main
features
of
the
AAG
conference
in
San
Francisco - ’the
Brits’
seemingly
were
all
’talking
consumption’.
Although
generalizations
such
as
these
are
fraught
with
problems,
I
tend
to
agree
with
the
tenor
of
these
observations.
Suddenly,
a
number
of
individuals
in
British
social
geography -
some
of
whom
have
a
highly
visible
profile
in
the
discipline
and
some
of
whose
work
tends
to
be
highly
influential -
have
identified
consumption
as
a
major
concern.
Further
evidence
in
support
of
such
observations
came
at
the
IBG
Nottingham
conference,
where
consumption
comprised
the
focus
for
a
number
of
paper
sessions
while,
closer
to
’home’,
within
the
Sheffield
department
three
current
’social
geography’
research
projects
concern
consumption
issues.
As
yet,
the
influence
of
such
research
is
only
just
beginning
to
filter
through
to
the
journal
literature
(although
see
Sack,
1988;
Clarke,
1991;
Knox,
1991).
However,
the
’turn’
to
consumption
among
social
geographers
is
becoming
both
more
widely
referenced
and
heralded
as
indicative
of
broader
tendencies
within
the
social
sciences
(see,
for
example,
Glennie
and
Thrift,
1992;
Jackson
and
Thrift,
1994;
Wrigley
and
Lowe,
1995).
As
someone
involved
in
this
’turn’,
I
am
acutely
aware
that
focusing
a
review
on
some
of
one’s
own
interests
might
be
seen
as
both
myopic
and
somewhat
of
a
’lazy
option’.
But,
as
I
hope
to
show,
these
developments
are
not
only
important
in
themselves
but
are
also
more
than
useful
in
exposing
some
of
the
characteristics
of
the
contemporary
moment
in
social
geography.
And
certainly,
I
regard
such
a
focus
as
offering
considerably
more
than
a
bland
survey
of
research
on
housing,
crime,
minorities
and
other
allegedly
social
geography
subject
fields.
But
enough
of
this
defensiveness!
Here
I
consider
critically
some
of
the
main
features
of
this
emergent
geographical
research
on
consumption,
highlighting
in
particular
two
areas
of
published
work,
on
the
mall
and
advertising
imagery
respectively.2
These
are
then
used
to
raise
some
major
questions
concerning
the
nature
and
future
of
social
geography
in
the 1990s.
1
These
are
Jackson’s
(with
Miller
and
Thrift)
on
shopping
and
identity,
Valentine’s
on
food
and
mine
(with
Louise
Crewe)
on
alternative
consumption
spaces.
2
These,
of
course,
are
by
no
means
the
only
focuses
within
the
geographical
literature.
Among
other
key
’sites’
identified
are
spectacular
exhibitions
(Ley
and
Olds,
1988;
Pred,
1991)
and
alternative
sites
(Hetherington,
1992;
Gregson
and
Crewe,
1994).
However,
it
is
the
mall
which
has
clearly
most
caught
geographical
imaginations.
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136
I
Boys
go
shopping:
masculine
encounters
with
the
megamall
Geographical
interventions
in
the
literature
on
the
mall
are
characterized
by
three
emphases:
the
mall
as
a
new
representation
of
’the
spatial’,
the
mall
as
a
space
of
representation
and
user’s
resistances
to
the
normative
codes
of
mall
designers
and
owners
(Shields,
1989).
Of
these
it
is
the
first
two
which
have
received
most
attention.
Thus,
Shields
(1989;
1991;
1992),
Hopkins
(1990;
1991)
and
Goss
(1992;
1993)
all
read
and
present
the
mall
as
a
postmodern
consumption
site.
With
their
combinations
of
retail
and
leisure
activities,
these
cathedrals
of
consumption
are
presented
as
consumer
utopias,
as
play
spaces/fantasy
lands
and
as
the
epitome
of
hyper-reality;
as
places
where
time
and
space
are
not
only
manipulated
to
simulate
elsewhere,
but
where
simulation
substitutes
for
and
supplants
the
’real’
elsewhere.
Less
visible
in
all
this
are
those
who
frequent
the
mall.
Indeed,
with
the
exception
of
Hopkins’
’adolescent
mallies’,
the
peopling
of
the
mall
within
the
geographical
literature
goes
little
beyond
a
few
invocations
of
the
faceless
flaneur,
loitering
and
wandering
on
the
consumption
stage.
As
will
be
evident
from
the
tone
of
the
above,
I
am
less
than
enamoured
with,
indeed
deeply
suspicious
of,
these
readings
and
representations,
steeped
as
they
are
in
the
nightmarish
visions
of
Baudrillard.
Baudrillard
aside,
one
of
my
reservations
with
this
literature
is
the
exclusivity
of
its
focus -
an
exclusivity
which
it
is
worth
remarking
is
also
almost
soley
concerned
with
one
mall
(West
Edmonton
Mall,
Alberta).
Frequently
located
within
a
genealogy
whose
starting
point
is
Walter
Benjamin’s
nineteenth-century
arcades
and
which
also
includes
the
twentieth-century
department
store,
the
mall
is
implicitly
presented
in
this
geographical
literature
as
the
equivalent
late
twentieth-century
spatial
form
of
contemporary
consumption.
Such
a
representation
is
eminently
contestable.
For
example,
not
only
does
the
mall
coexist
with
a
wide
range
of other
consumption
forms,
such
as
the
high
street,
speciality
shopping
complexes,
discount
warehouses,
markets
and
mail
order,
but
also
to
focus
attention
solely
on
the
mall
is
to
disregard
both
the
complexity
of
the
spatial
form
of
contemporary
consumption
and
the
ways
in
which
individuals
mesh
these
spatial
forms
together
in
their
own
consumption
activities.
Furthermore,
elsewhere
I
have
argued
that
to
focus
exclusively
on
the
mall
is
to
disregard
alternative
sites
of
contemporary
consumption,
as
well
as
to
confine
the
theorizing
of
consumption
to
merely
the
first
cycle
of
consumption
(Gregson
and
Crewe,
1994;
and
see
also
McRobbie,
1989).
But,
important
as
such
observations
are,
what
concerns
me
most
here
is
precisely
why
the
geographical
literature
on
consumption
has
focused
on
the
mall
and
why,
within
this,
it
is
particular
representations
of
the
mall
which
abound.
As
will
become
clear,
I
think
that
the
answers
to
these
questions
are
linked.
If
we
begin
with
the
second
question,
and
particularly
with
the
presences
and
absences
in
the
above
representations,
one
of
the
most
striking
points
for
me
about
the
mall
literature
in
geography
is
that
amid
all
the
talk
of
the
ludic
and
the
camivalesque,
of
iconization
and
simulation,
there
is
one
gaping
absence:
nowhere
here
is
anything
more
than
passing
reference
made
to
the
activity
of
shopping
and
to
the
skills
of
the
shopper.
Instead
the
mall
is
about
the
Santa
Maria
experience,
dolphinariums,
Metroland
and
the
Spanish
village.
Much
as
I
would
agree
that
understanding
Metro
Centre,
for
example,
must
entail
interpreting
the
meanings
of
signification
of
King
Wizz
and
the
Spanish
village,
it
seems
to
me
as
important
to
point
out
that
Metro
Centre
also
contains
such
familiar
names
as
Marks
&
Spencer,
Asda,
Ikea,
Toys
R
Us
and
House
of
Frazer;
that
people
go
to
Metro
not
just
to
sit
at
substitute
taverna
or
to
play
in
fantasy
land
but
to
see
(mainstream)
films
at
UCI
and
to
buy
basic
commodities
such
as
food,
clothing
and
household
furnishings;
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137
and
that
large
numbers
of
people
even
go
to
Metro
to
work -
as
sales
assistants,
cashiers,
security
guards,
etc.
To
read
the
mall
solely
as
’communicative
texts’
(Hopkins)
then
is,
in
my
view,
a
highly
skewed
and
partial
reading.
But
what
interests
me
even
more
is
how
such
partial
readings
come
to
be
made
and
sustained.
_
No
doubt
part
of
the
explanation
here
is
academic
fashion:
it
would
be
difficult
as
well
as
futile
to
deny
that
the
connections
between
West
Edmonton
mall
and
postmodernist
writings
are
’there’
to
be
drawn.
But
why
the
omission
of
the
fundamental
and
the
mundane
(notably
shopping)
from
these
readings?
Leaving
aside
the
point
that
much
of
this
geographical
writing
is
bringing
into
the
geographical
literature
many
of
the
concerns
of
cultural
studies,
my
suspicion
here
is
that
this
has
more
than
a
passing
connection
with
who
is
doing
the
shopping,
who
is
working
in
retailing
and
who
is
writing
about
the
mall.
All
of
the
above
geographical
literatures
has
been
produced
by
men,
but
as
Suzanne
Moore
(in
typically
trenchant
style)
has
recently
remarked,
it is
still
overwhelmingly
women
who
shop
(Moore,
1991),
just
as
much
as
it
is
women
who
form
the
majority
of
retail
sales
workers
(Lowe
and
Crewe,
1991).
I
maintain then
that
what
we
see
in
the
geographical
literature
on
the
mall
is
yet
another
instance
of
the
masculine
gaze
in
geographical
writing,
a
masculine
reading
of
the
phenomenon
of
the
mall.
Indeed,
how
else
are
we
to
account
fully
for
the
emphasis
on
hyper-reality
and
fiânerie,
and
for
the
absence
of
the
high
street,
department
store,
etc.;
domains
where
the
heavily
gendered
activity
of
shopping
and
the
skills
of
the
shopper
are
still
at
a
premium?
Furthermore,
it
would
not
seem
excessive
to
claim
that,
as
well
as
masculine,
the
geographical
literature
on
the
mall
is
masculinist
in
nature.
Given
women’s
continued
responsibility
for
shopping,
comments
such
as
Shields’s
that
fiâner£e
has
become
a
universal
diversion
among
new
middle-class
consumers
(Shields,
1989)
seem
more
than
misplaced.
Moreover,
recognition
of
the
gendering
of
shopping
reveals
that
rather
than
being
both
male
and
female,
the
faceless/genderless
fiâneur
of
geographical
writing
on
the
megamall
is
in
fact
overwhelmingly
male.
When
we
look
at
geographers’
readings
of
the
megamall
what
we
find
then
are
masculine
and
masculinist
representations
masquerading
as
universal
and
homogeneous
tendencies
in
the
world
of
consumption.
II
l
Reading
the
ads
(through
the
masculine
gaze)
A
second
emergent
trend
within
the
geographical
literature
on
consumption
is
a
growing
interest
in
advertising
imagery.
Discussed
extremely
sparingly
within
geography
through
the
1980s
(although
see
Burgess,
1982,
and
Burgess
and
Wood,
1988,
for
notable
exceptions),
advertising
imagery
is
now
a
more
visible
presence
(see,
for
example,
Miller,
1991;
Jackson,
1994).
And
given
that
a
number
of
graduate
students
seem
similarly
drawn,
it
would
not
appear
unrealistic
to
expect
this
presence
to
continue.
In
some
ways,
particularly
in
its
reading
of
visual
texts,
this
interest
can
be
connected
with
some
of
the
concerns
of
the
new
cultural
geography,
notably
to
the
work
of
Daniels,
Cosgrove
and
Rose
(Daniels,
1993;
Cosgrove,
1984; 1994;
Rose,
1993;
1994;
although
note
Moss,
1992).
However,
in
that
advertisements
are
a
particular
form
of
promotional
culture -
one
whose
primary
aim
is
to
increase
sales
of
a
specific
material
commodity -
then
advertising
texts
differ
markedly
from
the
Gainsboroughs
and
Constables
so
beloved
of
cultural
geographers.
Such
differences
are
highlighted
in,
for
instance,
Peter
Jackson’s
recent
reading
of
the
Lucozade
campaigns
featuring
Daley
Thompson
and
John
Barnes,
in
which
it
is
argued
that
the
image
of
Lucozade
(and
the
success
of
the
product)
is
transformed
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138
through
its
association
with
the
bodies
of
particular
black
British
sportsmen.
Seductive
as
watching
(some
of)
the
adverts
undoubtedly
can
be
(give
me
Levis
over
’Frank’
or
’Papa
and
Nicole’
anytime!)
it
seems
to
me
that
there
are
some
pretty
major
problems
with
geographers’
encounters
with
these
images.
One
of
these
is
the
single
voice
reading
of
these
texts.
Jackson’s
reading
of
Lucozade,
for
example,
sees
Thompson
and
Bames
as
’... the
acceptable
face
of
black
masculinity,
suppressing
the
more
threatening
aspects
of
a
stereotypically
anonymous
and
rapacious
black
male
sexuality
through
the
viewers’
culturally
conditioned
knowledge
of
Barnes’s
and
Thompsons’s
character
and
personality’
(p. 50).
But
just
how
much
consensus
would
we
find
if
we
opened
up
the
Lucozade
campaign
to
different
voices,
particularly
if
we
acknowledged
the
active
female
gaze?
Not
much
I
suspect.
Furthermore,
I
suspect
too
that
’the
viewers
culturally
conditioned
knowledge’
of
Bames
and
Thompson,
so
central
to
Jackson’s
argument,
would
soon
be
revealed
as
predominatly
masculine
knowledge.
Much
of
the
problem
here
(and
something
which
Jackson
acknowledges)
is
the
emphasis
on
the
production
of
the
advertisement
text
(and
see
also
Miller,
1991)
rather
than
on
its
consumption.
There
is
therefore
not
only
a
desperate
need
in
the
geographical
literature
to
examine
how
various
individuals
read
particular
advertisement
texts
and
to
explore
in
far
greater
depth
the
links
between
text
and
commodity
purchase
but
also
a
need
to
focus
on
the
interplay
between
the
production
and
consumption
of
advertisements
texts.
Not
only
would
such
a
focus
enable
us
to
grasp
the
full
complexity
of
the
advertisement
texts
as
texts,
and
to
bring
into
sharper
relief
the
consumer
as
critical
social
agent
(rather
than
as
the
faceless
dupe
of
the
advertising
industry)
but
it
would
also
allow
us
to
retain
the
link
between
the
image
and
the
thing(s)/product(s)
which
advertising
seeks
to
promote.
For
some,
no
doubt,
this
will
be
far
too
a
material
reading
of
advertisement
texts,
but then
I’m
with
Miller
(1987)
here:
consumption
is
as
much
about
material
culture,
the
things
people
have
in
their
kitchens
and
living
rooms,
as
it
is
about
ideology,
which
brings
me
to
some
final
observations
about
the
contemporary
moment
in
social
geography.
II
I
Observations
In
turning
to
some
of
the
more
general
considerations
suggested
by
social
geographers’
move
to
consumption,
I
want
to
highlight
three
issues,
ones
which
I
feel
pose
particularly
acute
problems
for
social
geography
in
the
1990s.
Given
that
this
is
also
my
final
progress
report,
perhaps
this
is
an
appropriate
space
in
which
to
raise
such
thoughts -
at
least
I
feel
it
worth
mentioning
that
I
feel
a
degree
of
obligation
to
give
some
sort
of
consideration
to
such
issues.
Two
of
these
points
stem
directly
from
the
nature
of
geographers’
concern
with
the
mall
and
advertisement
imagery.
As
I
have
already
argued,
there
is
much
in
terms
of
approach
here
that
can
be
labelled
as
the
product
of
the
masculine
gaze
(as
well
as
some
that
can
be
thought
of
as
masculinist).
Although
this
does
not
surprise
me
(I
sometimes
feel
that
it
would
be
depressing
but
salutory
to
extend
Gillian
Rose’s
(1993)
analysis
of
the
masculinism
of time
geography
and
of
the
new
cultural
geography
to
all
areas
of
geography),
as
a
feminist
this
angers
me.
And
what
angers
me
even
more
is
that,
notwithstanding
15
years
of
effort
on
the
part
of
feminist
geographers,
social
geography -
an
area
which
has
often
been
self-promoted
as
one
of
the
more
’progressive’
fields
within
geography -
is
still
producing
such
knowledge,
as
well
as
failing
to
acknowledge
the
ways
in
which
gender
constitutes
geographical
knowledges
and
imaginations.
For
me
this
raises
all
manner
of
strategic
questions
for
feminist
geographers.
However,
one
response
must
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139
surely
be
to
continue
to
expose
the
extent
to
which
masculine
and
masculinist
thinking
pervades
contemporary
social
geography.
A
second
point
to
stem
from
my
focus
on
the
mall
and
advertisement
imagery,
and
one
not
prefigured
in
the
above
discussion,
concerns
preciely
these
foci.
What
can
we
learn
from
geographers’
attraction
to
the
mall
and
the
imagery
of
the
advertising
industry?
Well,
if
we
accept
some
of
the
arguments
of Glennie
and
Thrift
(1992),
a
fair
amount.
One
of
the
most
persuasive
features
of
this
important
article
is
Glennie
and
Thrift’s
argument
that
so
much
of
the
contemporary
consumption
literature
relies
on
a
deeply
suspect
history
of
modem
consumption,
one
which
ties
modem
consumption
to
industrial
capitalism,
mass
production
and
advertising.
As
a
consequence,
these
accounts
are
argued
by
Glennie
and
Thrift
to
encounter
major
problems
when
they
attempt
to
highlight
the
defining
characteristics
of
modem
consumption.
With
dodgy
history,
arguments
as
to
novelty
and/
or
continuity
are
on
very
shaky
ground.
And
yet,
what
are
geographers
focusing
on
in
their
move
to
consumption
but
some
of
the
very
features
of
this
flawed
consensus,
namely
advertising
and
the
mass
consumption
of
the
megamall
(although
note
the
emphasis
in
Jackson,
Miller
and
Thrift’s
work
on
consumption
practices
and
flows)?
Quite
whether
such
foci
reflect
a
conscious
but
uncritical
acceptance
on
the
part
of
geographers
of
the
flawed
consensus
I m
modem
consumption,
or
whether
they
reflect
a
picking
up
on
some
of
the
key
’sites’
favoured
in
cultural
studies
(Morris,
1988;
Chaney,
1990;
Reekie,
1993)
and
laying
claim
to
these
as
critical
’spaces’
(i.e.,
a
form
of
imperialism)
is
hard
to
say,
but
it
is
clearly
important
to
note
the
above
coincidence.
In
its
current
emphases,
then,
the
work
of
many
social
geographers
on
consumption
is
not
only
lacking
historical
depth
but
is
also
insensitive
to
the
highly
contested
nature
of
historical
debate
on
consumption.
As
someone
who
started
off
their
academic
career
in
historical
geography,
this
cavalier
approach
on
the
part
of
many
human
geographers
to
history
(and
to
interdisciplinary
work
more
generally)
is
a
more
than
familiar,
if
lamentable
and
inexcusable,
tale.
Surely,
in
the
1990s
social
geographers
can
do
better
than
this?
And
finally,
a
point
which
has
concerned
me
before,
and
which
links
to
a
constant
undercurrent
in
my
reviews.
The
geographical
literature
on
consumption
highlights
clearly
the
ascendance
of
cultural,
as
opposed
to
social,
theory
in
social
geography
(and
in
human
geography
more
generally),
and
cultural
theory
in
the
tradition
of Gramsci,
Williams,
Hall
and
Said.
At
times
inspirational,
these
writings
manifestly
have
much
to
commend
them.
However,
they
bring
with
them
a
particular
interpretation
of
consumption
grounded
in
meaning,
identity,
representation
and
ideology.
Personally,
although
I
find
such
argu-
ments
attractive,
I
feel
that
they
require
a
firmer
grounding
in
structural
social
inequalities
(the
significant
differences
of
gender,
class,
race,
sexuality,
(dis)ability,
etc.)
and
in
material
culture.
But
it
is
precisely
this
social-theory
derived
agenda
which
the
cultural
’turn’
in
geography
has
left
behind
and
which
has
brought
about
a
crisis
for social
geography.
Indeed,
with
cultural
theory
assuming
the
intellectual
highground
in
the
analysis
of postmodernity,
and
social
theory
seemingly
condemned
as
part
of
the
project
of
modernity,
much
of
social
geography
finds
itself
in
a
position
in
which,
bereft
of
any
fashionable
theoretical
direction,
it
is
seemingly
caught
between,
on
the
one
hand,
clinging
dinosaur-like
to
the
past
and,
on
the
other,
retreating
into
empiricism.
Small
wonder
then
that
over
the
past
few
years
I
have
frequently
felt
as
if
I’ve
been
writing
little
more
than
an
extended
obituary.
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140
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