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China's Proposed Maritime Silk Road: Challenges and Opportunities with Special Reference to the Bay of Bengal Region
Abstract
The aim of this article is to explore the challenges and opportunities of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road - presumably a gigantic economic project launched by China - for better connectivity and economic cooperation in Asia. The article examines the variables that may either limit or bolster its implementation. The project, once implemented, is likely to give rise to both economic and strategic upshots. Economically, it is likely to be win-win for both China and other powers in Asia who are willing to participate. On the other hand, it may get trapped because of the presence of geopolitical issues and great powers rivalry, specifically in the Bay of Bengal region. The article, in the final analysis, attempts to provide certain policy prescriptions, mainly for China, for maximum optimization.
... Another factor that is influencing the port authorities to inspire the shipping companies to use natural gas (LPG-Liquefied Petroleum Gas, LNG-Liquefied Natural Gas and others) instead of fossil fuel. To cope with the challenges and opportunities of the 21st century Maritime Silk Road for better connectivity and economic cooperation, it is essential to develop the country itself to stay in the Bay of Bengal meaningfully and had the opportunity to serve the landlocked region, India's northeast, China's southern, Nepal and Bhutan that would be the value added to the regional development and economic growth [32] . ...
... Port authority in leading leadership roles sets the larger role for terminal operators who bear the market's considerable risk and face the demands of an increasingly stringent environment regime [5] . Bangladesh acutely needs the deep seaport in the Bay of Bengal to increase the supply side against the increased demand for port facilities, in addition, to supporting the neighbours or region for doing port transport business as a part of economic sustainability [32,35] . Historically, the port is the entry point of international trade for a country that helps to attract the international trader to do business and it's a key logistics performance indicator. ...
... 6) Government has to follow up the Logistics Performance Indicator (LPI) of the World Bank and must take necessary reform initiatives to increase the value of LPI for attracting the world trader to do business with Bangladesh and use the Bangladeshi seaports in the competitive port tariff. 7) Geopolitics is a problem for investment in the port sector where India and China is a key factors to build a deep seaport in the Bay of Bengal [32] . Government has to take a deep seaport initiative in Chittagong and share with the development partner countries for investing in the deep seaport projects. ...
Chittagong Port is the principal seaport in Bangladesh that has contributed
to the national economy with the opportunity to be a world-class regional
port in South Asia. Cooperation among the three national ports Chittagong,
Mongla and Payra is essential to do maritime logistics business in the
region after serving the nation proudly. Here, Chittagong Port Authority
(CPA) has the opportunity to help others in the process of port development
for increasing efficiency and productivity by providing financial and
technical assistance because of its financial and technical capabilities
as a pioneer seaport in the port world. This paper examines the role of
CPA to bolster and develop the underutilized Mongla Port and newly
established Payra Port, where qualitative research methodology is applied
to explore the ways, by which CPA can assist, link and integrate with
others effectively, especially in developing the port infrastructure and
inland transport networks. In addition, the research found the prospectus
of Mongla and Payra to supply port services to the neighbors India, Nepal,
and Bhutan as well as serve the South-West part of China with the aim of
increasing regional connectivity and promoting international trade in those
basically landlocked areas and countries of Asia.
... The goal must be inter-dependence, not dominance' (Jaishankar, 2017). This is to be noted that, China's rise has also compelled Australia, Japan, South Korea etc. nations to develop a stronger strategic partnership with India due to convergences in concerns (Karim, 2015;Siddiquee, 2022). Japan, another key actor in the BoB, shares India's concerns over China's expansion. ...
The Bay of Bengal (BoB), constituting a significant portion of the northeastern Indian Ocean, is considered to be the backbone of greater Indo-Pacific economic and communication systems. With the shifting power relations at the global and regional levels and subsequent emergence of competing state interests and policies around the greater Indian Ocean region, the Bay of Bengal is lately emerging as a new theatre of strategic rivalry. To understand the essence of this rivalry, it is imperative to recognize the key actors and their associated policies. Through systematic analysis of secondary literature, this paper primarily attempts to identify a number of regional (littoral) and extra-regional powers having direct and indirect interests in the Bay of Bengal region. The paper further discusses the associated policies of these actors which are linked to the Bay. Above all, the paper unfolds a clear understanding of the emerging strategic rivalry and its future dynamics.
... 12 Therefore, Bangladesh is in need of one or two new deep-sea ports that will be very necessary to meet the demand that will occur from the revival of the ancient maritime silk route. 13 China has also promised to give about $9 billion dollars in order to enhance the capability of the Chittagong seaport. 14 ...
This study focuses on the challenges and legal issues surrounding Chinese investment in Bangladesh's natural resources and infrastructure. It looks at the impact of Chinese investment on the country's resources and infrastructure, including any legal and regulatory issues that may arise. The study may examine how Bangladesh's laws and regulations protect the country's natural resources and infrastructure from foreign investment, and whether these laws are adequate to ensure that the country's resources are being used sustainable and in a manner that benefits the local communities. Additionally, the study may look at the role of international law and international organizations in mediating disputes between Bangladesh and Chinese investors. I have mentioned foreign investments in natural resources of Bangladesh e.g. natural gas, petroleum oil, coal and water resources. Until now, China only invests in a couple of sectors relating to natural resources. These investments are infrastructure projects e.g. power generation, construction, port establishment, agro-processed product, electrical and electronics, light engineering, roads, railways, power plants, and water treatment facilities, etc. This is a second generation Chinese BIT that incorporated general Characteristics of BITs of that era. Under this BIT, Regarding the dispute of expropriation, an ad hoc arbitral tribunal can be formed which would determine its own procedure, but the first negotiation shall take place between the parties to solve the dispute. Under these agreements, the disputes shall be settled by applying generally recognized principles of international law accepted by the parties.
... In addition, off-docks, Inland Container Depot-ICD, Inland River Terminal, and Riverine Inland Container Terminal-RICT are available all over the country. In order to manage and operate the imported fuel oil via ports, BPC [26][27][28][29][30][31] has good network of rail, road and waterways that comprises railhead depots, riverine depots also inland oil depots as integrated supply chain to serve the nation prestigiously. Here, most of the cargo and containers are performing for Bangladesh only with the limited edition of serving India, Nepal and Bhutan regionally. ...
... In addition to the global development landscape, domestic factors primarily drive China towards development cooperation. The BRI models the current Chinese economic development trajectory to tackle the pressure on the iron, steel, aluminium, and cement industries (Zhao, 2018), encourage local governments to restructure industries towards an export-oriented growth model (Yoshikawa, 2016), boost economic growth of the less-developed landlocked regions (Zhao, 2018), relocate off-shore polluting industries for domestic environmental improvement (Sun & Tang, 2016), and divest Chinese financial entities from US currency reserves and other security bonds (Karim, 2015). ...
China has become a recent rising power in global development cooperation in the past few years. This paper examines how the Global North, as represented by Japan, responds to the rising of the Global South, as represented by China, in infrastructure support. This paper positions itself in the context of Global‐North/South and triangular cooperation to compare Japan's Partnership for Quality Infrastructure with China's Belt and Road Initiative from the dimensions of policy rhetoric, finance mechanism, environmental sustainability and rule of law. This paper draws the conclusion on whether the North–South competition enhances the quality and sustainability of those initiatives.
Q-rung orthopair hesitant fuzzy set is a potent and effective technique for dealing with more general and complex uncertainty. Multiple attribute decision-making (MADM) under complex uncertainty has been a key research issue. However, in the existing MADM approaches, the fuzzy entropies involve much higher hesitancy degree loss and the fuzzy measure of attributes cannot be determined objectively. Also, these existing MADM methods under complex uncertainty have high data redundancy and low computational efficiency. In order to solve these problems, this article proposes a novel q-rung orthopair hesitant fuzzy information MADM method based on the Choquet integral. First, we give the axiomatic definition of q-rung orthopair hesitant fuzzy entropy (q-ROHFE) by extending dual hesitant fuzzy information entropy and derive the fuzzy entropy construction theorem and the two related q-ROHFE formulas, which greatly reduces the loss of hesitancy degree resulting from the existing fuzzy entropy. Second, combined with
${\lambda }$
-fuzzy measure and proposed q-ROHFE, a constrained nonlinear fuzzy measure optimization model for q-rung orthopair hesitant fuzzy decision making is presented, which addresses the difficulty that existing research cannot determine the fuzzy measure of attributes under fuzzy MADM. Third, an improved Choquet integral-based VIKOR approach based on the fuzzy measure computed by the model is developed. Finally, two real-life cases are shown to fully illustrate the suggested approach. Experiment results demonstrate that the proposed fuzzy entropy has much less hesitancy degree loss and the proposed approach significantly increases computational efficiency while reducing data redundancy. And our method has strong adaptability and scalability.
Today, South Asia witnesses significant changes ranging from growing partnerships and unfolding opportunities to perceptible uncertainties, and China's robust engagement with the region needs to be seen and understood through a fresh lens of strategic pragmatism and developmental reciprocity. This collection of essays, by both established and up-and-coming scholars from the countries involved, provides an excellent study of multiple aspects of the relationship and reflects diverse perspectives and complementary insights. The study, balancing sober thoughts and meaningful policy recommendations with sanguine expectations, also proves a worthwhile attempt to move beyond the conventional geopolitical approach.' Zhang Li, Professor, Institute of South Asian Studies, 'The profile of China-South Asia interactions is increasing day by day due to the Belt and Road Initiative, investments in infrastructure for connectivity, trade and tourism, but also due to the spread of terrorism and other non-traditional security challenges. This volume, which has gathered a number of scholars' perspectives unravelling these interactions , is comprehensive in its coverage of subjects and themes and provision of diversified opinions. Several contributors to the volume have reflected on the historical and contemporary interactions, asymmetries, balance of power, cooperation, competition or even elements of conflict emerging in the region and provide relevant studies.' Srikanth Kondapalli, Professor, Chinese Studies, 'This edited volume is a well-timed and powerful collection of seventeen chapters from eminent scholars across the world, each taking a close and dispassionate look at China's role in regional and global politics. It provides an international context against which China's foreign policy behaviour and strategic thinking can be carefully compared and critically examined. In this analytically sophisticated and empirically rich volume, the authors have brilliantly offered systematic, graceful and trenchant analyses of the critical factors that shape and influence China's external relations. As such, it makes an enlightening addition
Purpose of the research: In 2013 China unveiled the ambitious concept of the One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative to re-establish both the overland Silk Route Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Route (MSRI). China aspires to play a vital role in shaping global governance to strengthen the development of blue economy. OBOR initiative is designed to enhance China's overall influence across Asia and to accomplish strategic, economic, diplomatic, geopolitical and military objectives. This chapter is designed to focus on intension and execution of China's Maritime Silk Route Initiative towards economic and strategic integration in the backdrop of pandemic attack of Covid-19.
Design: Qualitative analysis is applied to identify the strategic implications of the initiative in terms of geopolitical, economic, military and cooperation and the impact of COVID-19 on such projects.
Result: The Indo-Pacific region is already central to global commerce and anticipated to be epicenter of one of the fastest growing economic hubs in coming years as more than half of the world's maritime trade in petroleum transits through Indian Ocean alone. Beijing tries to establish three 'blue economic passage' for creation of globe spanning network of economic corridors, logistics zones, and financial centers. It is better to indulge such initiative to facilitate the economic, cooperation and geopolitical strategy nationally as well as internationally. But pandemic attack of Covid-19 and its ripple effects has changed scenario across the globe. Prolonged lockdown and economic slowdown lowering down the pace and scope of Maritime Silk Road activities will be affected both in short and long term. It is anticipated that in short run BRI projects will be at a snail's pace, but mid- to long term BRI projects will pick up again.
Practical implications and conclusions: China aims to connect the String of Pearls in Indian Ocean to develop blue economy in terms of uninterrupted trade operations and enhance overall Chinese influence across Asia. Due to COVID-19 China tries to promote the construction of new land-new passages in the west along with free trade zones and free trade ports to accelerate digital silk route to make easier cross-border e-commerce platform facilitating economic growth. Health Silk Road will get a boost in post pandemic period. Soft connectivity, including standards and governance models with Chinese leadership will increasingly pushed as much as possible.
The Bayesian Network (BN) is one of the most effective theoretical models in the fields of uncertain reasoning.
CentralAsia occupies the centrepiece of China’s Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) initiative. Yet, reviving the Silk Road in Central Asia will not be easy and the geopolitical challenges will be the biggest hurdle to building the SREB in the region. The idea of Central Asia as a regional grouping in political and security terms is almost non-existent and Central Asian countries remain widely divided with serious internal conflicts caused by unresolved boundary, water and energy disputes, regional rivalry, deep mistrust and differences in political, diplomatic and security policies. Also, there is an on-going big power game in Central Asia. In recent years, while better trade and investment ties with all five Central Asian countries boosted China’s economic influence in Central Asia, China is still far from being a dominant force in Central Asian affairs because of the influence of Russia and, to a lesser extent, the United States. In the near to medium term, China still cannot compete with Russia which had a significant head start in the region. Regarding reactions towards China’s SREB, Central Asian countries seem to have mixed feelings. On the one hand, they generally welcome more Chinese investment while on the other, some express anxiety and concerns with China’s rapid expansion in the region. This is partly attributedto lack of a clear time table and detailed roadmap for constructing SREB and partly due to the complicated political and social dynamics in Central Asia. Thus, the success of the SREB will have to start with a better understanding of the political and economic dynamics in Central Asia.Key Words: One Road One Belt, Silk Road Economic Belt, China, Central Asia*The author would like to thank Mr. Arthur Guschin for his help and comments on the paper. †Zhang Hongzhou is an Associate Research Fellow with the China Programme at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. His main research interests include China and regional resources (food, water and energy) security, agricultural and rural development, fishing policy and maritime security. He has contributed papers to peer reviewed journals such as the Pacific Review, Harvard Asia Quarterly, Copenhagen Journal of Asia Studies, the ISPI Analysis and Southeast Asia Studies, edited volumes and international conferences. He has also contributed Op-Ed articles to newspapers and magazines in the Asia-Pacific, such as the YaleGlobal Online, the Diplomat, ChinaDialogue, theGlobal Times, Today, Lianhe Zaobao, the Nationand others
Building the Silk Road Economic Belt: Challenges in Central Asia. Available from: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/309129376_Building_the_Silk_Road_Economic_Belt_Challenges_in_Central_Asia [accessed Oct 20 2017].
This paper explores the factors behind the increasing strategic significance of the Bay of Bengal in the current geopolitical context.
The study starts by highlighting the factors contributing to the rising importance of the littoral region from a general economic, geopolitical and energy perspective. It then analyses the specific objectives and strategic aspirations of the major powers involved in the Bay, and how those may turn the area into a hub of converging, and/or conflicting interests. The focus is then shifted toward the smaller littoral nations and their individual relations with the major players. Finally, challenges to stability in the region are discussed, and a cooperative approach is suggested for the context of the Bay.
The paper argues that the strategic importance of the Bay will considerably increase in the coming years. As the nations involved are major and rising powers, the power play in the area will inevitably reshape the dynamics of the region. The interests that are at stake are also of crucial importance to the countries involved; hence, their protection will also demand a rapid militarization of the littoral. Most of these countries are now redirecting their focus from land to sea, which is adding a whole new dimension to the importance of the Bay. However, this paper argues that cooperation and competition is in all the nations’ best interest, as any conflict in the Bay region could bring in political, economic and energy insecurity affecting all the concerned countries. Another dimension this paper explores is the implication of this competition on smaller nations and their role in the larger schemes of the major powers. In order to lay out an exhaustive and holistic view, historical, economic, military, geopolitical and social factors have been taken into account in this research
China and the United States are the greatest strategic powers of the world today, where China is rising but the United States still remains predominant. Both have their grand strategic visions to shape and manage the world or regional political and security architecture. South Asia, being located in a critical and important geographical area, with players such as India, Pakistan, and others, is factored in their visions. It gives rise to a different combination of alignments and orientations of the states of South Asia and beyond. A kind of power game, along with its tangible manifestations, also seems conspicuous. This paper attempts to develop a broad framework of such developments, along with ramifications, both in place and projected, in the political power games of the relevant actors in South Asia.
This article examines, through the theoretical framework of realism, China’s articulation and implementation of its new model of major power relationships (NMMPR), its rationale, objectives and the strategies involved. The study will concentrate on the model’s application to Sino-American relations, though it will also briefly survey its application to China’s relations with other major powers. The Chinese leadership’s assessment of the global power configuration and its trends of evolution will be considered. The articulation of the NMMPR also reflects new variables in Chinese foreign policy and Sino-US relations. They include Xi Jinping’s distinctive leadership style, the arrival of a less favourable international environment, the concern about potential deterioration in Sino-US relations, and the increasing inclination of China’s neighbours to adopt a hedging strategy, including the strengthening of security co-operation with the US.
Most theories of international relations (IR) have been concerned for a long time with national interest, alliance, international conflict and peace, and the world system; and they intend to explain and predict conflict and cooperation between major powers. In the early 1990s, some IR theorists began to discuss the notion of “middle-power diplomacy” in connection to middle-level powers, such as Canada and Australia, which enjoy substantial influence and respect in international society. Middle-power theory, however, has not yet been accepted as a mainstream IR theory, since its main research topics include “soft” issues instead of hard issues of a global nature involving the United States or other major players. In the 20th century, the national power of the Republic of Korea increased rapidly, and the country is now recognized as a middle power. The ROK should also play a leading role in developing new international norms and forging international consensus in human security and related areas. Toward this goal, South Korea should strengthen its diplomatic capability to resolve conflicts and promote cooperation in the international community. She should fully utilize a wide spectrum of diplomatic channels and tools, including public diplomacy, inter-state networks, NGOs, and multilateral Track II diplomacy.
As a Northeast Asian power sharing a 17-Km border with North Korea, Russia has a keen interest in Korean affairs. The future of Korea is of great concern to Russia both because of the Korean peninsula's geostrategic importance and South Korea's alliance relationship with the United States. This article addresses three primary questions: (i) How has Russia's Korea policy evolved over the years? (ii) What position does Russia take on North Korea's nuclear ambitions? and (iii) Will Russia support Korean unification? Russia professes its support for Korean unification. But there are important caveats. Given all the caveats, Russia will be neither active nor positive in supporting Korean unification, especially since it is likely to be achieved on South Korean terms. Will Russia then tolerate a Korean unification, which is likely to follow the German model of the South's absorption of the North? Under the right circumstances, Russia might. In the German case, Mikhail Gorbachev as the Soviet leader and the cooperative relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union were the keys to the smooth sailing to Germany's unification in 1989–1990. As with the German case, the state of US–Russia relations and the type of leader in the Kremlin will prove the most crucial factors in Russia's acceptance or non-acceptance of a unified Korea. In this article, the author argues that Russia's interests in and policy toward the Korean peninsula have been consistent over the years in two important ways. First, Russia opposes any power's dominance in Korea. Second, Russia prefers a status quo on the Korean peninsula to a Korean unification. The author also argues that Russia will acquiesce to North Korea's status as a de facto nuclear weapons state for lack of a viable alternative.