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Data sets on irregular migration and irregular migrants in the European Union

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Vol. VII, Number 2, April–September 2017
MIGRATION POLICY PRACTICE
26
Data sets on irregular migration and
irregular migrants in the European Union
Michele Vespe, Fabrizio Natale and Luca Pappalardo1
The evidence produced during the recent
migraon crisis in Europe is oen based on
data sets that have intrinsic limitaons of
coverage and availability, and that capture the
complex phenomenon of migraon from dierent
perspecves. Simple quesons such as “What is the
number of migrants in the European Union (EU)?”
cannot be answered by providing one single number
but a set of numbers where each number tells a
dierent part of the story.
Besides trying to expand the availability of data
on migraon, it is important to be aware of the
characteriscs of the exisng data sets since
knowledge of this determines the type of analysis and
conclusion that can be drawn from the data.
This paper describes the main data sets that can be
used to quanfy trends of irregular migraon and
indirectly also the stock of irregular migrants in the
EU. The review covers only data sets that are openly
available and have supranaonal relevance.
The measurement of irregular migrants is, by
denion, problemac since we are dealing with a
phenomenon that is outside the control of States.
Past iniaves like the European project Clandesno
and recent eorts by the European Migraon Network
point towards the possibilies to esmate rather
than measuring the number of irregular migrants.
Esmates produced by the project Clandesno refer
to gures for irregulars in Europe between 1.9 million
and 3.8 million in 2009.2
In addion to the intrinsic diculty of measuring
“irregularity”, confusion in public debates arises
oen from the assimilaon between the concepts of
“irregular migrants” and of “irregular migraon”. The
following denions help to clarify the fundamental
dierence between these two concepts.
1 Michele Vespe and Fabrizio Natale are Scienc Project
Ocers at the European Commission, Joint Research Centre
(JRC). Luca Pappalardo is Policy Ocer at the European
Commission, Directorate General for Migraon and Home
Aairs.
2 Clandesno Project Final Report (2009).
The Migraon Observatory at the University of Oxford
denes irregular migraon as a ow of people
who enter the country without the country’s legal
permission. In contrast, the term ‘irregular migrants’
typically refers to the stock of migrants in a country
who are not entled to reside there.3
Similarly, the European Migraon Network denes an
irregular migrant as “a person who, owing to irregular
entry, breach of a condion of entry or the expiry of
their legal basis for entering and residing, lacks legal
status in a transit or host country. In the EU context,
a third-country naonal present on the territory of a
Schengen State who does not full, or no longer fulls,
the condions of entry as set out in the Schengen
Borders Code, or other condions for entry, stay or
residence in that Member State.4
From these denions, it emerges that the term
“irregular migraon” refers to the process of migraon
and to a ow of people, while the term “irregular
migrants” refers to the status of people and therefore
to a stock.
The idea of irregularity should not be interpreted as an
immutable characterisc of persons but is a label that
depends on conngent administrave and legislave
frameworks of the receiving countries, how these are
implemented, and how the results are captured by
operaonal, administrave and stascal reporng
systems.
The two concepts of irregular migrants and irregular
migraon are not necessarily linked and the
denion of irregular status may change over me.
For example, migrants entering legally into the EU
through a visa may acquire an irregular status if they
overstay the me limit of their visa, visa-free access
or residence permit. On the other hand, it is possible
to enter irregularly in Europe and be counted within
3 B. Vollmer, “Irregular migraon in the UK: Denions,
pathways and scale”, The Migraon Observatory Brieng
(2011).
4 European Migraon Network, Asylum and Migraon Glossary
3.0 (Brussels, 2014). Available from hps://ec.europa.eu/
home-affairs/what-we-do/networks/european_migration_
network/glossary/i_en (accessed 27 July 2017).
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MIGRATION POLICY PRACTICE
the irregular border crossings, but, when applying for
asylum, be counted in the stock of persons staying
legally in the EU.
Changes in the total number of irregular migrants
may derive both from changes in irregular arrivals
and changes in the status of persons residing legally.
These changes in status can take place more than
once in one year, and several mes for longer me
periods. In addion, the stock of irregular migrants is
subject to the normal demographic changes of birth
or death and migraon which are applicable to the
general populaon.5 Finally, changes in status from
irregular to regular may be triggered by the detecon
itself. For example, it is oen the case that asylum
applicaons are lodged aer people are found to be
illegally present in the territory of EU Member States.
In Europe, there are no ocial stascs that are
directly measuring irregular migrants or irregular
migraon. Nevertheless, there are indirect and
direct methodologies and proxies that can be used
to esmate such quanes relying on surveys,
regularizaon processes and administrave data.6 An
example of indirect approaches to esmate the stock
of irregular migrants is the residual method whereby
the esmate is derived from the dierence between
the stock of all the legal residents in the country
at a given point in me and the net ow of regular
migraon. This method has been used in the United
States,7 but can hardly be applied in Europe since
census in Europe is believed to underreport irregular
migrants.8 An example of direct esmaon of irregular
migrant stocks is based on a scaling factor (mulplier
method) applied to known gures such as the rao
between regular and irregular stocks as extrapolated
from known sampled groups of the total populaon.9
This method can be valid at the naonal or regional
level but can hardly be extended at the EU level.
5 D. Vogel, V. Kovacheva and H. Presco, “How many irregular
migrants are living in the European Union: Counng the
uncountable, comparing the incomparable” (2009).
6 M. Jandl, “Methods for esmang stocks and ows of irregular
migrants”, in: Report on Methodological Issues, deliverable
D3 prepared for Work Package 2 of the research project
Clandesno (2008).
7 J.S. Passel, “The size and characteriscs of the unauthorized
migrant populaon in the U.S.” (Pew Hispanic Center, 7 March
2006).
8 M. Jandl, “The esmaon of illegal migraon in Europe”,
Migraon Studies, March 2004:141–156.
9 Clandesno Project Final Report (2009).
Another aspect that hinders the producon of accurate
esmates of the total number of irregular migrants in
Europe is the fact that in most cases the data cannot
be aggregated across dierent EU Member States,
since the same person may be counted more than
once in dierent naonal data sets. This is the case
for rst-me asylum applicaons, rst-me residence
permit applicaons or irregular border crossing data.
First-me10 asylum applicaons are indeed related
to single countries and there might be mulple
applicaons in dierent countries, though this seems
to be happening in a relavely low number of cases.
First-me residence permits can be granted twice to
the same person if the me between two consecuve
permits issued is more than six months. The issue
of double-counng is parcularly problemac in
the case of ow data of irregular migrants. Irregular
border crossings are, by denion, events that do
not correspond to the number of individuals since
the same person can cross borders irregularly several
mes, for instance, dierent EU external borders.
The issues of denions and double-counng briey
described above give an idea of the challenges that
hinder the measurement in absolute terms of the
number of irregular migrants in the EU.
Despite these challenges, the combinaon of gures on
the ows of irregular arrivals with stascs on asylum,
on regular visas and on the number of persons found
to be irregularly present (apprehensions) may give an
indirect indicaon at least of the underlying trends
that aect the size of the stock of irregular migrants.
The following table lists the main data sets that can
be used for such a purpose, and the next paragraphs
provide some examples of gures extracted from
these data, which can be used to elucidate their main
characteriscs and limitaons.
10 The term “rst me” implies no me limits and therefore a
person can be recorded as a rst-me applicant only if he/she
has never applied for internaonal protecon in the reporng
country in the past, irrespecve of the fact that he/she is found
to have applied in another Member State of the European
Union (EU). For more informaon, see hp://ec.europa.eu/
eurostat/cache/metadata/en/migr_asyapp_esms.htm
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Table 1: Data sets on irregular border crossings, mixed ows arrivals to the European Union and enforcement
of immigraon legislaon*
Data source Descripon Frequency Coverage
FrontexaDetecons of irregular border crossings Monthly EU land and sea external
borders
Internaonal
Organizaon for
Migraon (IOM)b
Mixed migraon ows in the Mediterranean and
beyond
Monthly EU land and sea routes
UNHCRcUNHCR refugees operaonal data portal Monthly Mediterranean situaon
Eurostat – asylum
applicaons
Asylum and rst-me asylum applicaons, by
cizenship, age and sex, including unaccompanied
minors (migr_asyapp)
Monthly EU–European Free Trade
Associaon (EFTA)
Eurostat – asylum
decisions
Decisions by cizenship, age, sex and type of status
(migr_asydec)
Yearly EU–EFTA
Eurostat – recognion
rate stascsd
First-instance decisions by outcome and recognion
rates
Quarterly EU–EFTA
Eurostat – enforcement
of immigraon
legislaon
Third-country naonals refused entry at the external
borders (migr_eirfs), found to be illegally present
(migr_eipre) and ordered to leave (migr_eiord)
Yearly EU–EFTA
* The European Asylum Support Oce (EASO) has a data collecon system gathering informaon on all key stages of the Common
European Asylum System; however, it does not disseminate raw data publicly. Key indicators are released in monthly reports (see www.
easo.europa.eu/informaon-analysis/analysis-and-stascs/latest-asylum-trends).
Notes: a See hp://frontex.europa.eu/trends-and-routes/migratory-routes-map/
b See hp://migraon.iom.int/europe/
c See hps://data2.unhcr.org/en/situaons
d See hp://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/stascs-explained/index.php/Asylum_quarterly_report
Daily data on arrivals are also available in naonal
data sources such as the Italian stasc dashboard
on arrivals from the Italian Ministry of Interior11
and the Summary Statement of Refugee Flows to
Eastern Aegean Islands from the Hellenic Ministry of
Digital Policy Telecommunicaons and Informaon.12
However, the usefulness of these naonal data
sources to produce an esmate for the enre EU is
conngent on the migraon routes and how they
evolve over me.
Irregular border crossings and arrivals of migrants
and refugees
The main data set to measure irregular migraon in the
EU is produced by Frontex and refers to the number
11 See www.libertaciviliimmigrazione.dlci.interno.gov.it/it/
documentazione/statistica/cruscotto-statistico-giornaliero
12 See http://mindigital.gr/index.php/component/
search/?searchwo rd=refugee%20flows&ordering=ne west
&searchphrase=all&limit=0
of irregular crossings on the EU borders. Similar data
on arrivals to the EU are also collected by IOM and the
Oce of the United Naons High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR).
Frontex data disnguish the ow by route of entry and
provide indicaon of the geographical composion of
the ow in terms of naonality of origin but not in
terms of country of desnaon.
The informaon on origin and desnaon can be
obtained from the data on asylum seekers from
UNHCR and EUROSTAT. However, these data sets do
not necessarily represent an irregular ow but rather
a legimate status.
Since Frontex data are about events, they should
not be added across countries or routes as the same
person may cross the EU external borders several
mes and be counted more than once. Parcular care
must be taken especially when dealing with both land
and sea arrival data.
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In Figure 1, the data show dierent waves of EU
irregular border crossings through dierent sea
routes, from 2011 to the more recent seasonal trends
along the Central Mediterranean route. A spike in the
trend of arrivals can be observed along the Eastern
Mediterranean route, mostly due to Syrians eeing
the civil war in 2015 and 2016.
The seasonality paerns and spikes that are evident
from the me series of arrivals cannot be taken as
direct measure of the stock of irregular migrants but,
rather, they give an indirect indicaon of trends that
are aecng this stock.
Figure 1: Irregular border crossing by sea following the Central, Western and Eastern Mediterranean routes
0
50,000
100,000
150,000
200,000
2010-12 2011-06 2011-12 2012-06 2012-12 2013-06 2013-12 2014-06 2014-12 2015-06 20 15-12 2016-06 2016-12
Central Mediterranean route
Eastern Mediterranean route
Western Mediterranean route
Source: Frontex irregular border crossing data. Chart produced by the Knowledge Centre on Migraon and Demography (KCMD).
Short-stay Schengen visas
Stascs on short-stay Schengen visas,13 as shown
in Figure 2, represent regular rather than irregular
ows. Nevertheless, such stascs can give an upper
bound – signicantly approximated – of third-country
naonals that may overstay their Schengen visas.
There are three main caveats to be considered when
using such an approach. First, EU Member States and
Schengen countries do not fully overlap. Secondly,
the data refer to visas issued in consulates located
in non-Schengen countries and do not necessarily
represent the naonalies of the people making the
request. Finally, the share of people overstaying their
visas is not known and it is expected to depend on the
13 See hps://ec.europa.eu/home-aairs/what-we-do/policies/
borders-and-visas/visa-policy#stats
naonality (some third-country naonals are more
likely to overstay than others).
It is worth menoning that the planned Entry/Exit
System (EES)14 will eventually register third-country
naonals crossing the Schengen external borders
and systemacally oer the possibility to idenfy
overstayers.
14 European Commission, “Proposal for Regulaon of the
European Parliament and of the Council establishing an
Entry/Exit System (EES) to register entry and exit data and
refusal of entry data of third country naonals crossing the
external borders of the Member States of the European Union
and determining the condions for access to the EES for law
enforcement purposes and amending Regulaon (EC) No
767/2008 and Regulaon (EU) No 1077/2011”, COM (2016)
194 nal.
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Despite these limitaons, Figure 4 shows that the
macro trends of asylum applicaons in 2015 are
reected in a lagged trend for the following stages
of rst-instance decisions. The number of negave
decisions does not represent directly the number of
irregular migrants but is indicave of the number of
persons, which may add to the stock if not returned.
Figure 2: Number of uniform Schengen visas in 2016 by main countries where consulates issuing the visas
are located
0
500,000
1,000,000
1,500,000
2,000,000
2,500,000
3,000,000
3,500,000
Source: European Commission, Schengen visa stascs. Chart produced by the KCMD.
Note: The data do not necessarily reect the countries of origin of the people receiving the uniform Schengen visa.
Eurostat asylum and managed migration
Data on asylum and managed migraon are made
available by Eurostat on its database portal.15 These
data are supplied to Eurostat by the naonal ministries
of interior and related ocial agencies. Data on
rst-me asylum applicaons are disaggregated by
cizenship, age and sex, including unaccompanied
minors. As an example, Figure 3 shows the top 20
cizenships of asylum requests in EU–EFTA in 2016.
The data on the asylum procedure are not designed
to keep track of the same individuals across the enre
procedure but is capturing aggregate numbers for
administrave events at the dierent stages of the
procedure each year. There are no xed temporal
linkages between data of dierent years since the
lengths of the procedures may vary on an individual
basis and across countries.
15 See hp://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/web/asylum-and-
managed-migraon/data/database
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Figure 3: Top 20 countries of origin for asylum applicants in European Union–European Free Trade Associaon,
2016
Source: Map produced by the KCMD.
Note: Almost 30 per cent of the asylum seekers in 2016 came from the Syrian Arab Republic.
Figure 4: First-me asylum applicaons, total number of rst-instance decisions and negave rst-instance
decisions
0
200,000
400,000
600,000
800,000
1,000,000
1,200,000
1,400,000
2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016
First-time asylum applications
Total first-instance decisions
Negative first-instance decisions
Source: Chart produced by the KCMD.
Note: First-instance rejecons data are a proxy of irregular migraon geographic and status ows.
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The main Eurostat data sets on enforcement of
immigraon legislaon that can be linked to irregular
migrant stocks and irregular migraon ows are
described below and exemplied in Figure 5.
Third-country naonals refused entry at the
external borders (migr_eirfs): The data relate to
non-EU naonals formally refused permission to
enter the territory of an EU Member State. This
is not a direct measure of irregular migrants into
the EU; however, these data give an approximate
indicaon on the trends of irregular inows.16
Third-country naonals found to be illegally
present (migr_eipre): The data refer to non-EU
naonals who are detected by Member States’
authories as illegally present under naonal
laws. The main limitaon in using such a data set
is linked to the fact that some countries include
irregular border crossing detecons and in this
way the data on irregular migrants are mixed with
the data on irregular migraon.
16 M. Jandl, “The esmaon of illegal migraon in Europe”,
Migraon Studies, March 2004:141–156.
Third-country naonals ordered to leave (migr_
eiord) and third-country naonals returned
following an order to leave (migr_eirtn): The
rst data set includes non-EU naonals found
to be illegally present who are subject to an
administrave or judicial decision or act stang
that their stay is illegal and imposing an obligaon
to leave the territory of a Member State. The
second data set refers to persons who have, in fact,
le the territory of a Member State. The linkage
between the two data sets is not automac since
the enforcement of the order to leave may take
place in a subsequent year in respect of judicial
decision.
Figure 5: Data on third-country naonals refused entry at the external borders, found illegally present,
ordered to leave and returned following an order to leave in EU-28
0
500,000
1,000,000
1,500,000
2,000,000
2,500,000
2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 20 16
EU-28 third-country nationals refused entry at the external borders
EU-28 third-country nationals found illegally present
EU-28 third-country nationals ordered to leave
EU-28 third-country nationals returned following an order to le ave
Source: Eurostat. Chart produced by the KCMD.
Note: The high values for third-country naonals found illegally present in 2015 and 2016 may be aributed to the inclusion of irregular
border crossings for several countries (cfr. Figure 1).
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Aggregaon at the EU level may be prone to double-
counng and also to variable coverage (historical
series may not cover all EU-28 over me) for a few of
the data sets above; therefore, the relevant data must
be treated with due care before considering them as
indicators for irregular migraon.
Conclusion
There are two dierent concepts of irregularity
relevant to migraon: the rst is relave to the way
of arrivals (ow); and the second, to a status of stay
in a country (stock). The two concepts are linked but
should not be confused.
In parcular, it is dicult to reconstruct the stock
of irregular migrants from the ows of irregular
migraon since the regular migraon channels may
be used for prolonged and irregular stay in the country
(e.g. visa overstaying), or vice versa, in which irregular
migraon may be used to enter a country in order to
acquire a legimate status (refugee).
There are no ocial data sets that measure directly
irregular migraon and irregular migrants in the EU.
However, there are several data sets that can be used
as proxies to provide esmates.
The main limitaons in using such data sets relate to
the following:
aggregaon at the European level is prone to
double-counng and variable coverage;
each data set refers to me periods that are
not aligned and capture dierent stages of
administrave process (e.g. me lag between
asylum decision and applicaon data); and
most of the data collected refer to detected
irregular migrants and migraon while the real
stock of irregular migraon remains unknown.
A signicant contribuon is expected to come from
developments related to the EES that will register
entry and exit data of non-EU naonals crossing the
EU external borders.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to acknowledge the helpful
comments and suggesons by Eurostat.
All the data sets menoned in this arcle are openly
accessible through dedicated Web portals. Several of
them are made available for query, visualizaon and
analysis via the KCMD Dynamic Data Hub17 used to
produce the gures in this paper. n
References
Clandesno Project
2009 Clandesno Project Final Report.
European Migraon Network (EMN)
2014 Asylum and Migraon Glossary 3.0. EMN,
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eu/home-affairs/what-we-do/networks/
european_migraon_network/glossary/i_
en (accessed 27 July 2017).
Jandl, M.
2004 The esmaon of illegal migraon in
Europe. Migraon Studies, March:141–156.
2008 Methods for esmang stocks and
ows of irregular migrants. In: Report
on Methodological Issues, deliverable
D3 prepared for Work Package 2 of the
research project Clandesno.
Orrenius, P.M. and M. Zavodny
2016 Irregular immigraon in the European
Union. European Policy Analysis, January.
Passel, J.S.
2006 The size and characteriscs of the
unauthorized migrant populaon in the
U.S. Pew Hispanic Center, 7 March.
Vogel, D., V. Kovacheva and H. Presco
2009 How many irregular migrants are living in the
European Union: Counng the uncountable,
comparing the incomparable. Manuscript
prepared for journal submission.
Vollmer, B.
2011 Irregular migraon in the UK: Denions,
pathways and scale. The Migraon
Observatory Brieng.
17 See hps://bluehub.jrc.ec.europa.eu/migraon/app/
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... Sempre al sito dell'UNHCR si rimanda per un approfondimento sui "richiedenti asilo": https://www.unhcr.org/asylum-seekers (UNHCR, 2001(UNHCR, -2024a Per quanto riguarda invece l'immigrazione irregolare, si rimanda a Vespe et al. (2017) per un'analisi di come cambiamenti della legislazione e delle politiche nazionali possano cambiare lo status migratorio, col passaggio da regolare a irregolare e viceversa. Sempre in tema di migrazione irregolare è utile consultare il Migration Data Portal all'indirizzo https://www.migrationdataportal.org/themes/irregularmigration. ...
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(In Italian). Nel testo il fenomeno delle migrazioni viene studiato, con un linguaggio semplice e riducendo al minimo i formalismi, facendo uso degli strumenti della scienza economica e della statistica. Si mettono in luce le dimensioni del fenomeno, i meccanismi che ne determinano i flussi, le politiche adottate per gestirli, gli effetti sul bilancio pubblico, sul mercato del lavoro e sulla crescita, e le prospettive future. Alla luce di queste analisi, vengono presentati dei suggerimenti per una politica efficace dei flussi migratori.
... Given its inherently clandestine nature, specifically quantifying both the number of irregular migrants present in a state (stocks) or entering a state (flows) is impossible to do with precision (Jordan and Düvell 2002;Koser 2010). A variety of statistical methods have nevertheless been developed to estimate the size of irregular migrant stocks and flows (Cummings et al. 2015;Connor and Passel 2019;Kraler and Reichel 2011;Morehouse and Blomfield 2011;Triandafyllidou 2010;Vespe, Natale and Pappalardo 2017). These include using data on regularizations of migrant statuses, apprehensions of irregular migrants at borders or within states, as well as public surveys. ...
Article
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Sudden rises in migration across the borders of the Global North have persistently attracted substantial media attention and fueled hostility toward “irregular migrants” and “bogus refugees.” While existing qualitative studies have extensively criticized the migrant-refugee distinction, we offer unique quantitative evidence of how migration numbers and labels construct impressions of increased irregular migration while in fact creating “fake illegals.” We conduct a two-stage mixed-method analysis, demonstrating first that data on “irregular/illegal border crossings” (IBCs) published by Frontex have become an authoritative source of information on migration flows cited in a corpus of mainstream news media articles. We then posit that, while persecutions and violence in countries of origin may trigger migration, it is policies in destination states that determine who “is” and “isn’t” a refugee. In turn, we develop a novel method to divide IBCs into those who would likely obtain asylum in 31 European destination states (“likely refugees”) and those who would not (“likely irregular migrants”) across time given asylum acceptance rates by nationality. We estimate that between 2009 and 2021 most border crossers labeled as “irregular/illegal” (55.4%) were actually “likely refugees,” a proportion we estimate to be 75.5% at the peak of arrivals in 2015. Thus, we find that sudden and large increases in border crossings concentrated in space likely concern forced rather than irregular migrants. Altogether, our constructivist approach reveals how migration data and categories both influence and are influenced by securitized border policies and that, in this respect, borders start with numbers.
... For instance, indirect estimation methods, like the residual method, offer another avenue for better representation of irregular migrants. This method compares the total foreign-born population with the legally resident foreign-born population to offer an estimate of the irregular migrant population (Jandl, 2011;Vespe et al., 2017). Nevertheless, these methods also need to be employed with care due to their inherent limitations and assumptions. ...
Technical Report
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This working paper seeks to utilise mortality data, when linked to population register data, to assess the potential of such data in developing robust estimators for hard-to-reach groups, specifically undocumented migrants. Recognising the gaps in current migration statistics, the study proposes this novel approach as a means to offer more accurate and nuanced indicators of irregular migration. Addressing the existing challenges related to international migration data, such as its incompleteness, lack of recency, and the need for harmonization, the paper asserts that mortality data can provide valuable insights into these issues, further shedding light on the demographics, living conditions, and health access of undocumented migrants. Using Belgium as a case study, the research demonstrates how death registry data can be employed to develop migration indicators. By applying this method, we can better identify and understand the characteristics of unregistered populations, offering age-and gender-specific results that could significantly inform future policy decisions. By investigating the mortality paradox among migrants, the paper reveals fascinating trends that offer deeper insights into the factors influencing migrant mortality. The study posits that the mortality extrapolation methodology could serve as a crucial tool to fill in the knowledge gaps in migration statistics, and hence, a valuable source of harmonised statistics on irregular populations in Europe. However, the paper also acknowledges the necessity for improved data quality and the development of more advanced statistical tools to effectively analyse this type of data. Given the piecemeal nature of current migration information, it emphasises the importance of broadening our comprehension of the mortality-migration relationship to enable the formulation of more effective, evidence-based policy decisions.
... In consequence, migration policies risk the danger to be characterized by an ineffective muddling-through policy style (Hampshire, 2013) that fuels disputes. • At European and member state level some efforts had been initiated to produce better statistics in spite of or even because of the methodological problems related with the measuring of a hard-to-reach segment of population (Ardittis & Laczko, 2017;Vespe et al., 2017). These efforts are motivated by claims to establish evidence-based policies. ...
Book
Full-text available
MIrreM is a Coordination and Support Action commissioned to produce a handbook on the improvement of measuring irregular migration as well as a handbook on regularisation – two hitherto loosely connected policy domains. The project consortium unites a wide range of partners from research and civil society and involves external stakeholders in a collaborative manner – each from discrete professional fields with specific expertise. The implementation of project purposes occurs in independent but nested work packages and tasks – among the analysis of political handling of irregular migration issues, the inventory and advancement of data in irregular migration and the characteristics of migrants in an irregular situation, and the design of policy options that offer a way out of an irregular situation. Obviously, the MIrreM mission is exciting and supporting policy changes in the highly contested field of irregular migration governance. Considering the diversity of involved actors and the heterogeneity of pursued purposes, this paper formulates a common conceptual framework that serves the goal of providing an orientation to reach a shared understanding of the project mission and a common conceptual alignment. At the same time, the paper aims to sensitize for the ambiguities and the complexity the project partners have to cope with in the implementation of the project’s mission. The paper identifies five key themes, relevant both for the internal communication within the consortium and for external communication with stakeholders: • A first theme concerns the diversity of purposes, tasks and expertise. An effective way to prevent disintegration is to consciously build an epistemic entanglement between the two issues – partners with expertise on regularisation consider which numbers and statistics are required for this task while partners with expertise on estimates and measurement consider which numbers and statistics are available or can be provided. • A second theme concerns a shared basic understanding of the importance and implications of statistical thinking in our times. The concept of statistical thinking critically reflects the pervasive importance of quantification that shape public perception and political decision making and strengthen a tendency towards a governance by numbers. Awareness of the social and political implications of statistical thinking sensitizes for the risks and chances related to aspired changes in the measuring and governance of irregular migration. • A third theme concerns the nature of different drivers for change in public policies. MIrreM strives for changes that display distinct features. The improvement of measuring is a first-order change – a variation that occurs within a given system that remains unchanged – while regularisation as a more contested issue display features of a second-order change – a variation whose occurrence changes the system itself - that involves discontinuity and constitute a new direction. As a coordination and support action, MIrreM has to be aware of the complexity and multi-centric nature of political decision making that rarely comply with expectations of rational procedures. In particular in the case of complex issues like irregular migration, changes occur in a situation of urgency as result of non-linear and non-predictable decision making influenced by a situational availability of possible responses. MIrreM aims to develop and make available possibilities for the improvement of measuring irregular migration and implementation of regularisation. • A fourth theme concerns the systematic development of policy options. The approach of Critique Guided Designing provides orientation for the development of policy options in highly contested policy fields. Critique Guided Designing entails the development of first-best policy design and systematically collects and reviews reservation in order to re-design a policy option that is technically feasible, politically acceptable and ethically preferable. Consequently, Critique Guided Designing enable as second-best options the identification of incremental steps towards the realization of technically feasible, politically acceptable and ethically preferable policy designs. • A fifth theme concerns stakeholder engagement. MIrreM aims to produce the handbooks with stakeholders in a collaborative manner. Findings from stakeholder research indicate that the identification of and communication with stakeholders is an intricate issue and imply also risks. Considering that MIrreM operates in a contested policy field, the paper proposes to complement the classic criteria of stakeholder identification – power, urgency, legitimacy – with expertise and alignment. Stakeholder engagement should be organized with a task-specific orientation that focus in a first stage on the collaborative development of tasks with well-aligned stakeholders and in a second stage on the inclusion of a broader range of stakeholders in critique-guided assessment events. Finally, the concluding chapter provides a brief summary of the paper, identifying the availability of more and more sophisticated policy options for change in the highly contested policy field of irregular migration governance as the main asset of MIrreM.
... Irregular migration is the "movement that takes place outside the regulatory norms of the sending, transit and receiving country" (IOM, 2019). Irregularity can take several forms like residing in a country with a denied asylum application, overstaying visa periods illegally, irregular employment agreements, crossing borders undocumented, and so on (Vespe et al., 2017). This form of migration not only encompasses passing borders without legal documentation but also relates to the fragile and fluctuating status of irregularity that migrants are subjected to in various transit countries due to the abrupt and ever-changing policies and laws (IOM, 2019;MDP, 2021). ...
Article
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By the end of 2020, more than 500,000 migrants from Central America, Haiti, Africa, and Asia sought asylum along the US-Mexico border despite COVID-19-related travel restrictions and public health measures. A scoping review was conducted to understand the role of COVID-19-related policies on irregular migration flows through Central America and Mexico and to examine the experiences of asylum seekers traversing this region. Peer-reviewed literature, policy briefs, and commentaries were screened for inclusion, resulting in 33 documents selected for this review. This review identified three dominant themes: border closures due to multiple national migration policies, delays in asylum procedures, and increased risks to migrant wellbeing. This article argues that border closures were a punitive policy measure to deter irregular migration during the COVID-19 pandemic. Implications for future research and policy include prioritizing the health needs of asylum seekers and advocating the appropriateness and effectiveness of immigration and public health policy.
... Numerous agencies such as the UNHCR, the European Asylum Support Office, the Frontex and the IOM try to gather data on irregular migration stocks and flows, however, there exists no official datasets providing measures of irregular migration and irregular migrants in the EU (Vespe et al., 2017). While academic and political discourse has long foregrounded the difficulties of collecting data on irregular migration (Ardittis & Laczko, 2017), even regular migration statistics suffer from missing information and deficient sex disaggregation along with other significant demographic indicators. ...
Article
Despite this being the era of migration, no systematic theory of international migration has emerged, nor is there an academic or political agreement on ways in which migration is a ‘gendered’ process. Both theoretically and as inputs in the policy‐making process, gender‐blind approaches have actually rendered the gender dimension of migration more or less invisible. Through an in‐depth examination of the place of gender in the key theories of migration and relevant sources of data, the paper seeks to take stock of how these theories treat this dimension and investigate the cross‐sectional challenges in uncovering gender in international migration data. It, therefore, provides a critical review of both theory and data by shedding much‐needed light on their neglect of the gender aspects. Our findings based on a conceptual review of the literature and a case study based on Eurostat data on migration drivers demonstrate that migration theories and statistics typically equate gender with sex, which limits our ability to develop a comprehensive understanding of how complex gender dimensions shape the migration process. Moreover, given the extent to which existing data and theories overlook the intersectionality between the drivers of migration and diversity within migrant groups, this gap in knowledge presents an obstacle to gender‐responsive migration governance. In light of this, the paper discusses priorities for ‘gendering’ international migration research. We argue that in addition to improving accuracy and coverage of sex‐disaggregated statistics on international migration, both regular and irregular, it is crucial to develop quantitative as well as qualitative indicators to monitor the gender dimension in this area.
Article
Full-text available
La migración irregular es considerada una amenaza emergente y muy latente para los planes de defensa nacional, esta radiografía está influida por el contexto internacional y la corriente dominante de la literatura sobre Seguridad y Defensa, la cual ha reorientado la agenda sectorial y dotado de un nuevo ítem el cual especifica los flujos migratorios dirigidos al país, caracterizándolos por los riesgos a la seguridad nacional y afectación social, específicamente por conflictos entre la población nativa y foránea; amenaza a la cultura nacional, y penetración de redes transnacionales dedicadas a labores ilícitas, como tráfico de drogas y de personas. Este contexto álgido, focaliza la atención en la edificación social y política del inmigrante limítrofe como ilegal en la América Latina de hoy, indagando sus orígenes y desarrollo durante el siglo veinte, como un antecedente a este fenómeno global del tiempo presente. Este impacto a la seguridad del hemisferio ocasiona que los estados organicen sus fuerzas de defensa con protocolos claros y asertivos que les permitan mitigar y poder controlar este fenómeno, que conlleva de manera intrínseca una manera de afectar la seguridad fronteriza y la seguridad pública de los países de la región.
Preprint
Regional governance has become a significant policy challenge for the African States and Africa’s region, from managing defence, peace, poverty, economic integration, climate change, development issues to continental security. Irregular migration is one of the policy issues which acquired much significance in the early 2000s within the regional political agenda. In July 2001, the Organisation of African Union Council of Ministers (OAUCM) voiced the African states’ desideratum to develop a migration policy framework to face migration challenges upon the Continent. From that need, the 2006 Migration Policy Framework for Migration in Africa emerged. This paper questions the pre-emptive dimension of the African Union’s Migration Policy Framework for Africa (MPFA) to understand the weak ‘institutional capacity’ of the regional governance of irregular migration in Africa
Article
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Unauthorized immigration is on the rise again in the EU. Although precise estimates are hard to come by, proximity to nations in turmoil and the promise of a better life have drawn hundreds of thousands of irregular migrants to the EU in 2014-2015. Further complicating the ongoing challenge is the confounding flow of humanitarian migrants, who are fleeing not for a job but for their lives. Those who flee for better economic conditions are irregular migrants, not humanitarian migrants, but the lines between the two are often blurred. This policy brief surveys the state of irregular immigration to the EU and draws on lessons from the U.S. experience. It focuses on economic aspects of unauthorized immigration. There are economic benefits to receiving countries as well as to unauthorized migrants themselves, but those benefits require that migrants are able to access the labor market and that prices and wages are flexible. Meanwhile, mitigating fiscal costs requires limiting access to public assistance programs for newcomers. Successfully addressing irregular migration is likely to require considerable coordination and cost-sharing among EU member states.
Article
The author examines available methods and techniques for the estimation of the phenomenon of illegal migration in Europe, illustrated by examples of applied research in the field from a number of European countries and supplemented by his own research. Following an introduction to the debate and a concise discussion of terms and definitions used, a variety of methodologies for estimating the size of hidden populations and clandestine entries is presented and illustrated by concrete examples of research studies into the subject. The methods and examples are then subjected to a critical discussion and review. Dividing the methodologies into those used for estimating stocks of illegal migrants (illegal foreign residence and illegal foreign employment) and those used for estimating illegal migration flows (illegal entries), it emerges that the analytical toolkit for producing estimates on stocks is by far greater and more promising than the techniques available for estimating flows. Finally, the author argues that rational policy making in the field of illegal migration needs to rely more on serious estimation techniques, rather than simple guesswork, and that the methods for doing so are available and tested.
Asylum and Migration Glossary 3.0. EMN, Brussels Available from https
European Migration Network (EMN) 2014 Asylum and Migration Glossary 3.0. EMN, Brussels. Available from https://ec.europa. eu/home-affairs/what-we-do/networks/ european_migration_network/glossary/i_ en (accessed 27 July 2017).
The estimation of illegal migration in Europe Methods for estimating stocks and flows of irregular migrants
  • M Jandl
Jandl, M. 2004 The estimation of illegal migration in Europe. Migration Studies, March:141-156. 2008 Methods for estimating stocks and flows of irregular migrants. In: Report on Methodological Issues, deliverable D3 prepared for Work Package 2 of the research project Clandestino.
How many irregular migrants are living in the European Union: Counting the uncountable, comparing the incomparable
  • D Vogel
  • V Kovacheva
  • H Prescott
Vogel, D., V. Kovacheva and H. Prescott 2009 How many irregular migrants are living in the European Union: Counting the uncountable, comparing the incomparable. Manuscript prepared for journal submission.
Irregular migration in the UK: Definitions, pathways and scale. The Migration Observatory Briefing
  • B Vollmer
Vollmer, B. 2011 Irregular migration in the UK: Definitions, pathways and scale. The Migration Observatory Briefing.