ArticlePDF AvailableLiterature Review

Substitution and Complementarity of Alcohol and Cannabis: A Review of the Literature

Authors:

Abstract

Background: Whether alcohol and cannabis are used as substitutes or complements remains debated, and findings across various disciplines have not been synthesized to date. Objective: This article is a first step towards organizing the interdisciplinary literature on alcohol and cannabis substitution and complementarity. Method: Electronic searches were performed using PubMed and ISI Web of Knowledge. Behavioral studies of humans with "alcohol" (or "ethanol") and "cannabis" (or "marijuana") and "complement(*)" (or "substitut(*)") in the title or as a keyword were considered. Studies were organized according to sample characteristics (youth, general population, clinical and community-based). These groups were not set a priori, but were informed by the literature review process. Results: Of the 39 studies reviewed, 16 support substitution, ten support complementarity, 12 support neither and one supports both. Results from studies of youth suggest that youth may reduce alcohol in more liberal cannabis environments (substitute), but reduce cannabis in more stringent alcohol environments (complement). Results from the general population suggest that substitution of cannabis for alcohol may occur under more lenient cannabis policies, though cannabis-related laws may affect alcohol use differently across genders and racial groups. Conclusions: Alcohol and cannabis act as both substitutes and complements. Policies aimed at one substance may inadvertently affect consumption of other substances. Future studies should collect fine-grained longitudinal, prospective data from the general population and subgroups of interest, especially in locations likely to legalize cannabis.
Substitution and complementarity of alcohol and cannabis: A
review of the literature
Dr Meenakshi Sabina Subbaraman
Alcohol Research Group, Emeryville, United States
Meenakshi Sabina Subbaraman: msubbaraman@arg.org
Abstract
Background—Whether alcohol and cannabis are used as substitutes or complements remains
debated, and findings across various disciplines have not been synthesized to date.
Objective—This paper is a first step towards organizing the interdisciplinary literature on alcohol
and cannabis substitution and complementarity.
Method—Electronic searches were performed using PubMed and ISI Web of Knowledge.
Behavioral studies of humans with ‘alcohol’ (or ‘ethanol’) and ‘cannabis’ (or ‘marijuana”) and
‘complement*’ (or ‘substitut*’) in the title or as a keyword were considered. Studies were
organized according to sample characteristics (youth, general population, clinical and community-
based). These groups were not set
a priori
, but were informed by the literature review process.
Results—Of the 39 studies reviewed, 16 support substitution, ten support complementarity, 12
support neither and one supports both. Results from studies of youth suggest that youth may
reduce alcohol in more liberal cannabis environments (substitute), but reduce cannabis in more
stringent alcohol environments (complement). Results from the general population suggest that
substitution of cannabis for alcohol may occur under more lenient cannabis policies, though
cannabis-related laws may affect alcohol use differently across genders and racial groups.
Conclusions—Alcohol and cannabis act as both substitutes and complements. Policies aimed at
one substance may inadvertently affect consumption of other substances. Future studies should
collect fine-grained longitudinal, prospective data from the general population and subgroups of
interest, especially in locations likely to legalize cannabis.
Keywords
Cannabis; alcohol; substitutes; complements
INTRODUCTION
Alcohol and cannabis are two of the most commonly used drugs in the world (Substance
Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2012). However, the question of whether
the two substances are consumed as substitutes or complements remains debated.
Correspondence to: Meenakshi Sabina Subbaraman, msubbaraman@arg.org.
HHS Public Access
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Subst Use Misuse
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Subst Use Misuse
. 2016 September 18; 51(11): 1399–1414. doi:10.3109/10826084.2016.1170145.
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Furthermore, findings across various disciplines (e.g., economics, epidemiology) have never
been synthesized.
Generally, a “substitute” is something that takes the place of something else and a
“complement” is something that completes something else or makes it better. These
definitions can be applied to categorize how two drugs interact with one another such that
they are “substitutes” if one drug can pharmacologically replace the other; “complements” if
the effects of one drug are enhanced by the other; and “independent” if the effects of one
drug are unaltered by the other (Hursh et al., 2005).
There are myriad individual and/or societal factors that may influence one’s substance use
and thus one’s tendency to substitute or complement substances. For example, patterns of
substance use can vary across income levels and social classes, and can be connected to
social inequality and marginalization (Room, 2005). Similarly, the prevalence of substance
use varies across countries due to differences in drug policies or cultures (Degenhardt et al.,
2008). Social setting and networks can also influence use patterns, for example through
developing a risk/reward tradeoff for substance use (Hunt, Evans, & Kares, 2007). All of
these individual and societal factors could affect one’s propensity to substitute/complement.
The goal of this paper is to review behavioral studies that explicitly examined substitution/
complementarity of alcohol and cannabis with empirical data. The recent movements
towards cannabis legalization in the US call for a better understanding of whether cannabis
and alcohol act like substitutes or complements in the general population and among
important subgroups (e.g., youth), especially if cannabis use becomes more prevalent as a
result. Identifying subgroups prone to using the two as complements is particularly
important because combined use can lead to greater impairment than ingestion of either
substance alone (Ronen et al., 2010). Furthermore, understanding how a policy aimed at
reducing the consumption of one substance (e.g., cannabis criminalization laws) affects
consumption of another substance (e.g., alcohol) is crucial for developing optimal policies
and recognizing potential unintended consequences (e.g., cannabis laws may inadvertently
affect alcohol use).
METHOD
Electronic searches were performed using PubMed and ISI Web of Knowledge. Articles
written in English with ‘
alcohol
’ (or ‘
ethanol
’) and ‘
cannabis
’ (or ‘
marijuana”
) and
complement*
’ (or ‘
substitut*
’) in the title or as a keyword were considered. The Web of
Knowledge is the world’s largest accessible citation database and allows for in-depth
exploration of specialized sub-fields within social science disciplines (Thompson Reuters,
2016). Although “co-use” is a relevant term that was considered for searches, co-use is a
much broader concept that does not necessarily reflect the mechanisms of how individuals
use alcohol and cannabis together (or separately); thus “co-use” was not used as a search
term. Inclusion criteria were: 1) empirical studies of humans, and 2) if the independent
variable was cannabis-related, the study needed to include an alcohol-related dependent
variable; if the independent variable was alcohol-related, the study needed to include a
cannabis-related dependent variable. Based on the title and abstract, articles were considered
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for inclusion, then read and organized according to sample characteristics (i.e., adolescents
and young adults, general population, clinical and community-based; please see Tables 1–3).
These three groups were not set
a priori
, but were informed by the literature review process.
This study was approved by the Institutional Review Board of the Public Health Institute.
RESULTS
Searches of ‘
complement*
’ yielded 69 results; 21 met inclusion criteria. Searches of
substitut*
’ yielded 48 results; 27 met inclusion criteria. Nine studies overlapped between
searches for a total of 39 studies reviewed. Of the 39 studies, 17 were conducted among
youth/young adults, nine were conducted using the general population, and 13 were
conducted with clinical samples. Twenty-one studies relied on cross-sectional designs and
17 utilized longitudinal data. The majority of studies (29/39) used individual-level outcomes,
while 10 studies employed aggregate-level outcomes. In terms of independent/exposure
variables, almost half (16/39) used cannabis-related policies as the primary independent
variable. For details pertaining to each study, please see Tables 1–3.
DISCUSSION
Adolescents and young adults
Almost all studies of substitution/complementarity in youth involve cannabis- or alcohol-
related policy. The strongest results come from these “natural experiments” of policy
changes using longitudinal data (Angrist & Pischke, 2010), which account for both cross-
sectional variation (e.g., differences in laws across states) and variation across time (e.g.,
changes in laws within a state over time).
Longitudinal studies of adolescents and young adults
Two longitudinal studies have focused on youth. First, Pacula (1998) used annual data from
the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY) 1979 cohort (N=8,008) to examine the
effects of state-level beer taxes on past 30-day number of drinks and cannabis frequency
(Pacula, 1998). The NLSY79 data showed complementary between cannabis and alcohol:
doubling the beer tax reduced the probability of cannabis use by 11.4%, while only reducing
the probability of drinking by 3.2%. Pacula (1998) also assessed effects of cannabis
decriminalization using a dichotomous indicator and controlling for aggregate factors such
as alcohol and cannabis prices and the ratio of crimes: officers in each state;
decriminalization appeared to significantly predict a higher prevalence of alcohol
consumption, also suggesting complementarity. The only other longitudinal study of youth
focused on the effects of Medical Marijuana Laws (MMLs) and showed that time-varying
state-level MML indicators were not significantly related to past 30-day alcohol use
(Anderson, Hansen, & Rees, 2012). Thus, results from studies with the strongest designs are
mixed, perhaps due to differences in samples and variables examined.
Cross-sectional studies of adolescents and young adults
The majority of studies on youth rely on cross-sectional surveys. In terms of aggregate-level
outcomes, the earliest published study of substitution occurred in response to Operation
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Intercept, an anti-drug measure headed by President Nixon in May 1969. Operation
Intercept involved closing the Mexican/American border, which reduced the cannabis supply
in the US (McGlothlin, Jamison, & Rosenblatt, 1970). Among a sample of students and free
clinic patients who had used cannabis ≥ 10 times, 44–51% reported reduced cannabis
frequency as a result of cannabis unavailability between May and October 1969. Although
results rely on self-report, the vast majority of those reporting a cannabis shortage (76–84%)
reported increasing use of alcohol and other drugs because of the shortage (McGlothlin et
al., 1970).
Cross-national studies, on the other hand, appear to support complementarity. In a cross-
national comparison (USA, Canada, Netherlands) of 4,858 10th graders, alcohol and
cannabis laws were examined in relation to use. With USA as the referent (because it has the
strictest drug laws), relative risks of drinking were 1.30–2.0 for both Dutch and Canadian
boys and girls, though rates of cannabis use did not differ. Although it is impossible to tell if
laws preceded prevalence, the results show that alcohol use is higher among 10th graders in
countries with more liberal cannabis policies (Simons-Morton, Pickett, Boyce, ter Bogt, &
Vollebergh, 2010). Population-level analyses of adolescents from 35 European countries
(European School Project on Alcohol and Drugs/ESPAD) similarly indicated
complementarity: most cannabis users combined with alcohol at least once, and population-
level drinking and cannabis use correlated positively (Pape, Rossow, & Storvoll, 2009). Pape
and colleagues also analyzed individual-level data from a survey of 14–20 year-olds in
Norway (N=16,813), which showed a that 82% of cannabis users had used in combination
with alcohol, and 80% of cannabis use incidents involved alcohol (Pape et al., 2009). Thus,
cannabis appears to be used as a complement to alcohol in both cross-national studies.
Alcohol-related policies and substitution/complementarity among youth
Cross-sectional studies of beer taxes also show complementarity among youth. On the
aggregate level, findings from the 1993–1999 Harvard SPH College Alcohol Study surveys
(N=48,174) showed that higher beer taxes were related to lower alcohol and cannabis use,
and that the price of cannabis was negatively related to alcohol and cannabis use, though
decriminalization did not significantly affect either (Williams, Pacula, Chaloupka, &
Wechsler, 2004). On the individual-level, Farrelly and colleagues examined effects of state-
level cannabis fines/penalties among youth (age 12–20) and younger adults (age 21–30) in
the 1990–1996 National Household Survey of Drug Abuse (NHSDA); again, higher beer
prices led to decreased probability of cannabis use. Importantly, most effects disappeared
when including state effect indicators, implying possible endogeneity by unaccounted state
factors. Still, the authors concluded that increasing the price of alcohol would decrease
cannabis use among youths (Farrelly, Bray, Zarkin, Wendling, & Pacula, 1999). Importantly,
these studies depend on cross-sectional variation in beer taxes, which could be driven by
unobserved variables such as cultural attitudes or preferences within states. However, the
results are similar to what was found in Pacula’s longitudinal study (Pacula, 1998), which
suggests that the relationship between beer taxes and cannabis use among youth may be
robust. Furthermore, because youth generally have lower income levels than adults, the
reduced cannabis use associated with increased alcohol costs may reflect true economic
substitution, i.e., the limited financial capacity of younger respondents may influence their
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substance use patterns more than (or in addition to) the psychoactive associations between
alcohol and cannabis.
In terms of other alcohol-related policies, a number of analyses have examined the minimum
legal drinking age (MLDA) with mixed results. Using the 1982–1989 Monitoring the Future
(MTF) samples, DiNardo and Lemieux (2001) examined raising the MLDA from 18 to 21,
cannabis decriminalization and the price of alcohol on past 30-day cannabis and alcohol
consumption; increasing the MLDA from 18 to 21 decreased alcohol use by 4.5 percentage
points but increased the prevalence of cannabis use by 2.4 percentage points (DiNardo &
Lemieux, 2001). Based on these findings, the authors built an economic model of
consumption showing that the increase in cannabis use was attributable to standard
substitution. A separate analysis of the MLDA using the 2002–2007 National Survey on
Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) showed a sharp decrease in cannabis use at the age of 21:
the probability of past 30-day drinking increased from 60% to 70%, while the probability of
cannabis use decreased by two percentage points from a baseline of about 20% (Crost &
Guerrero, 2012). The opposing effects suggest substitution; instrumental variable models
showed that a 9.8 percentage point increase in the probability of alcohol consumption led to
a two percentage point decrease in cannabis use, with stronger effects for women. The
authors concluded that policies limiting alcohol access might increase cannabis consumption
in young adults, especially women. Importantly, the authors noted that the results’ external
validity best applies to alcohol policies aimed at individuals who are close to 21 years old
and likely to comply with regulations like the MLDA (Crost & Guerrero, 2012). These
findings contradicted an earlier study reported that turning 21 was associated with an
increase in cannabis use in most model specifications in the NLSY97, consistent with
complementarity (Yörük & Yörük, 2011). However, in a re-analyses of the NLSY97, Crost
and Rees applied the same regression discontinuity design and found no evidence of
complementarity (Crost & Rees, 2013), perhaps because Yörük (2011) restricted the sample
to respondents who had used cannabis at least once since last interviewed. Applying the
same design to all respondents, Crost and Rees found no significant changes in cannabis use
at age 21; thus current cannabis users may complement more than the sample as a whole,
which would be expected. Most recently, a study of fatal accidents among 16–25 year olds
(N=7,191), which also used a regression discontinuity approach, showed that the prevalence
of cannabis-related accidents did not change significantly at the MLDA of 21 (Keyes, Brady,
& Li, 2015). While alcohol use did increase, cannabis use did not change at the MLDA of
21, which corroborates what Yörük and Yörük (2011) and Crost and Guerrero (2012) had
found with similar methods. Still, taken as a set, results from studies of the MLDA are
mixed.
Cannabis-related policy and substitution/complementarity among youth
On the other hand, results from studies of youth focused on cannabis-related policy as the
independent variable support substitution. In the 1982–1989 MTF samples, simulating the
effects of uniform cannabis criminalization (e.g., cannabis use is a criminal offense in all US
states across time) versus uniform decriminalization (e.g., cannabis use is not a criminal
offense in any US states across time) suggested that cannabis could substitute for alcohol
(Chaloupka & Laixuthai, 1997): moving from total criminalization to total decriminalization
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would increase the number of alcohol abstainers in the past year by 12%, while reducing the
number of frequent drinkers by 11%. In addition, simulations using the pooled time-series of
state cross-sections (1975–1988) for the Fatality Analysis Reporting System, (FARS, an
annual census of fatal motor vehicle accidents in the 48 contiguous US states) demonstrated
that changing total criminalization to decriminalization would reduce the fatal accident rate
by 6% among 15–24 year olds. This is consistent with Model's (1993) findings that
substitution can result from reductions in the “full price” of cannabis due to
decriminalization because the full price includes monetary costs related to criminality, e.g.,
lost wages (Model, 1993). Importantly, the results suggest that substitution resulting from
decriminalization may yield overall reductions in drug and alcohol-related consequences,
such as accidents (Chaloupka & Laixuthai, 1997). Furthermore, the findings support those
found in MTF using aggregate-level outcomes (DiNardo & Lemieux, 2001).
Another study of hypothetical legalization (N=281) showed differential effects according to
beverage preference: consumption of spirits decreased most with hypothetical legalization.
The largest anticipated reduction in drinking was for the daily cannabis users, suggesting
that they would be most likely to substitute in legal environments (Clements & Daryal,
2005). Similarly, data from the 1979, 1984, and 1988 NLSY cohorts (N=12,686 14–21 year
olds) showed that the frequency of drinking 6+ drinks in an episode went down in states that
had decriminalized cannabis, again supporting substitution (Thies & Register, 1993).
Other studies of adolescents and young adults
Similarly, results potentially supporting substitution have been observed in a more recent
MTF subsample (N=11,542): students who reported no alcohol use were more likely to
report cannabis use (Alter, Lohrmann, & Greene, 2006). Although the study focused on
perceived access harms, the authors concluded that cannabis may substitute for alcohol
among individuals who choose to completely abstain from alcohol (Alter et al., 2006);
however, this conclusion may be over-reaching since substitution implies previous use of a
substance with subsequent changes in its usage patterns because of concurrent changes in
usage patterns of another substance
Finally, an 8-week trial of naltrexone for alcohol dependence in 18–25 year olds (N=122)
showed that cannabis use did not affect alcohol use, alcohol-related consequences, or
motivation to reduce drinking in bivariate tests. The authors did not examine alcohol
outcomes in multivariate regressions as the focus of the study was medication adherence
(Peters et al., 2012). Thus, the single clinical study is not particularly informative here.
Summary of studies of adolescents and young adults
Overall, more than half (9/17) of the studies among adolescents and young adults used
cannabis policy as the primary independent variable; six of these concluded that alcohol and
cannabis are substitutes, indicating that youth may use less alcohol in environments with
more liberal cannabis policies (Alter et al., 2006; Chaloupka & Laixuthai, 1997; Clements &
Daryal, 2005; Crost & Guerrero, 2012; DiNardo & Lemieux, 2001; McGlothlin et al., 1970;
Thies & Register, 1993). Of the six studies concluding that alcohol and cannabis are
complements, three were based on beer tax associations (Farrelly et al., 1999; Pacula, 1998;
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Williams et al., 2004); this includes both longitudinal and cross-sectional studies that
examined both individual and aggregate-level outcomes, which suggests that higher beer
taxes are associated with less cannabis use among youth. Overall, alcohol and cannabis are
used as both substitutes and complements among youth and young adults, and policies
aimed at one substance appear to affect consumption of the other. Results are summarized in
Table 1.
General population
Similarly to the studies of youth, the majority of the general population studies examined
cannabis policy relative to substance use in order to assess substitution/complementarity.
Specifically, most studies used indicators of MMLs or cannabis decriminalization as the
independent variable; results have been mixed.
Longitudinal studies of the general population
Data from the NSDUH and Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS) showed
that MMLs were associated with a 1.51 reduction in mean number of drinks/month by males
and a 0.65 reduction in females, with the strongest effects among 20–29 year olds (who are
more likely to use medical cannabis than other age groups (Anderson & Rees, 2011)).
Controlling for state-level traffic and alcohol laws and using neighboring states as controls,
MMLs were associated with 8.7% decrease in the rate of fatal accidents, a 12% decrease in
any-blood alcohol content (BAC) crashes, a 14% decrease in high BAC crashes, and 19%
decrease in fatality among 20–29 year olds specifically in the 1990–2009 FARS data
(Anderson & Rees, 2011). Comparable analyses of all 19 states with MMLs in 2013
supported these conclusions: one year after MMLs were passed, traffic fatalities tended to
fall by 8–11% (Anderson, Hansen, & Rees, 2013).
Conversely, Salomonsen-Sautel and colleagues used 1994–2011 FARS data to examine
whether MMLs in Colorado affected the proportion of drivers in fatal crashes who were
alcohol-impaired (BAC ≥ 0.08%), and found no change in either Colorado or the 34 control
states (Salomonsen-Sautel, Min, Sakai, Thurstone, & Hopfer, 2014). The mixed results from
the FARS data may be due to differences in the subgroups examined, as well as potentially
inconsistent testing and reporting across states and times.
The most recent longitudinal general population study looked at the effects of the
depenalization of cannabis possession in Lambeth, London, England on drug-related
hospital admissions. Using > 1 million public hospital records and difference-in-difference
regressions, Kelly and Rasul (2014) found a significant reduction in alcohol-related
admissions post-depenalization for the youngest cohort (15–24 years old), suggesting that
cannabis could substitute for alcohol in this age group.
Cross-sectional studies of the general population
While 3/4 of the longitudinal studies support substitution, results from cross-sectional
general population surveys support complementarity. First, Saffer and colleagues found that
higher alcohol taxes decreased drug use in the 1988–1991 NHSDA; the relationship did not
differ across races (Saffer & Chaloupka, 1998). Saffer (1999) used the same dataset to
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examine effects of cannabis decriminalization on alcohol and other drug use;
decriminalization was associated with more alcohol use (complementarity) for the full
sample, white males and African-Americans (H. Saffer & F. J. Chaloupka, 1999). However,
for Native Americans and Hispanics, alcohol and cannabis appeared to be economic
substitutes. No effects were found for Asians, women or youth. The differences across
different ethnic, gender and age groups are especially important in light of the fact that they
are often ignored when general policies are being considered. Similarly, results from the
Australian National Drug Strategy Household Survey (NDSHS; N=9,744) showed that the
criminal status of cannabis did not appear to affect alcohol use (Cameron & Williams,
2001). An extension of the NDSHS study likewise concluded that cannabis
decriminalization did not affect alcohol use (Williams & Mahmoudi, 2004). The strongest
result from (Williams & Mahmoudi, 2004) was that cannabis use was inversely associated
with fines for exceeding the legal BAC, implying complementarity; notably, this finding
contradicts Cameron and Williams (2001), which concluded that higher alcohol prices were
positively associated with cannabis use, implying substitution. Data from the 2004–2011
NSDUH surveys support complementarity as well: a dichotomous MML indicator was
associated with a 6–9% increase in the frequency of binge-drinking among those 21 and
older (Wen, Hockenberry, & Cummings, 2014). MMLs did not affect drinking behavior
among those 12–20 years old; however, earlier MML changes (e.g., California) might have
been missed due to the time-period analyzed.
Summary of studies of the general population
Table 2 summarizes results from the general population. Eight out of nine general population
studies used indicators of cannabis policy as the independent variable; most notably, all five
cross-sectional studies using individual-level consumption as the dependent variable
concluded that cannabis and alcohol are complements while the longitudinal studies using
state-level dependent variables concluded that they are substitutes. Importantly, cross-
sectional data cannot adequately measure substitution/complementarity because substitution
and complementarity inherently require the passage of time. Thus the discrepancy between
individual- and aggregate-level results may be due to individuals who substitute over time
but report both cannabis and alcohol use within a single cross-sectional time period. In
addition, differential rates of substitution/complementarity may occur within subgroups;
some of these general population studies begin to identify subgroups that may be more likely
to substitute, such as Native Americans and Hispanics (H. Saffer & F. Chaloupka, 1999) as
well as subgroups more likely to complement, such as whites, African Americans, males,
and polysubstance users (H. Saffer & F. Chaloupka, 1999; Williams & Mahmoudi, 2004).
Clinical and community-based samples
General population studies of adults, which usually rely on cross-sectional or retrospective
reports, are well supplemented by clinical and community-based studies, which tend to use
prospective data (Table 3). In addition, clinical samples include the heaviest substance users
and have more detailed measures of substance use, which may improve study validity.
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Cannabis treatment seekers
The first set of clinical studies focuses on cannabis treatment seekers. In a prospective cohort
(N=212) of individuals seeking treatment for cannabis, posttreatment increases in alcohol-
related problems were not associated with reduced cannabis use (Stephens, Roffman, &
Simpson, 1994). A similar study (N=291) showed significant increases in alcohol problems
at every follow-up, though there were no changes in alcohol use (Stephens, Roffman, &
Curtin, 2000). A study of 207 individuals wanting help quitting/reducing cannabis found that
73% increased drinking at the one-year follow-up. However, increased alcohol was not
related to decreased cannabis, and those with lower baseline drinking were more likely to
increase alcohol use than those with high baseline drinking (who were more likely to reduce
drinking). The authors concluded that substitution was not occurring and that any increases
in drinking could be attributed to regression to the mean (Kadden, Litt, Kabela- Cormier, &
Petry, 2009). Overall, within studies of cannabis treatment-seeking individuals who reduce
cannabis, neither alcohol substitution nor complementarity appears to occur.
Cannabis users not seeking treatment
In contrast, alcohol might substitute for cannabis among users who are not seeking
treatment. Among 104 non-treatment-seeking cannabis smokers who reported at least one
cannabis quit attempt without treatment, half reported increased tobacco, alcohol, and/or
sleeping aids to cope with cannabis withdrawal (Copersino et al., 2006), suggesting some
substitution, though very few initiated new substance use (N=6). The authors concluded that
quitting cannabis spontaneously may lead to increases in legal substance use; however, the
results rely on small sample and retrospective self-report, and analyses were deemed
exploratory. Still, a community-based study of non-treatment-seeking, DSM-IV dependent
cannabis users (N=45) similarly found that two-week cannabis abstinence was related to
increases in alcohol that decreased once cannabis was resumed, especially among those with
low baseline alcohol use; alcohol did not increase among those who remained abstinent
through the one-month follow-up (Allsop et al., 2014).
Natural history descriptions
Prospective "natural history descriptions" of attempts to abstain from cannabis have also
been used. Kouri and colleagues (2000) examined 28-day diary data from 30 users and 30
non/former cannabis users and found that cannabis abstinence was not related to alcohol,
tobacco, or caffeine use (Kouri & Pope, 2000). Among a smaller (N=12) sample of daily
users, alcohol use did not differ between using and abstinent study phases (Budney, Hughes,
Moore, & Novy, 2001). A longer 50-day natural history study (N=18 users abstaining, 12
ex-users) documented withdrawal symptoms, and alcohol, cigarette and caffeine
consumption: overall, alcohol use did not change (Budney, Moore, Vandrey, & Hughes,
2003). Although these results suggest that substitution is not occurring among cannabis
users who abstain, participants in these three studies were asked not to change alcohol use,
which substantially limits interpretation. In a natural history study of daily cannabis users in
Vermont (N=19), neither cannabis abstinence nor reduction were related to changes in
alcohol use (Hughes, Peters, Callas, Budney, & Livingston, 2008). Though participants did
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not receive instructions about alcohol consumption, the sample was small and consisted of
daily dependent users, which may also limit generalizability.
Similar one-month diaries completed by 28 daily cannabis users showed that those with past
alcohol use disorders (AUD) significantly increased alcohol use during cannabis abstinence
(52% increase), while those without past AUD did not (3% increase), suggesting that
individuals with AUD may be more likely to substitute (Peters, 2010). On the other hand,
among individuals with AUD in psychiatric treatment, cannabis use increased the hazard of
alcohol relapse and decreased the likelihood of stable abstinence post-discharge, suggesting
complementarity (Aharonovich et al., 2005). Thus, results from AUD samples are mixed.
Medical cannabis users
Substitution does appear common among medical cannabis users. In a cross-sectional survey
of 350 medical cannabis patients, 40% reported substituting cannabis for alcohol (Reiman,
2009); 65% reported “less adverse side effects” as the reason for substitution. A similar
Canadian study (N=404) stated that 75% of the sample claimed to have used cannabis as a
substitute for some other substance, while 41% used cannabis as substitute for alcohol
specifically (Lucas et al., 2013). Those who reported using cannabis as a substitute for
alcohol were significantly more likely (p < 0.05) to be male, to make between $40,000 and
$59,000 annually, to be current drinkers, and to report a history of alcohol and substance
abuse than those who did not report substituting, suggesting other potential modifiers.
Summary of studies of clinical and community-based samples
Table 3 summarizes results from the 13 studies using clinical or community samples.
Among cannabis users and treatment seekers, alcohol does not appear to substitute for
cannabis during times of cannabis abstinence. Results from studies of individuals with AUD
are inconclusive. Only cross-sectional studies of medical cannabis users support substitution,
though those studies are limited by possible selection and recall bias. Thus, there is no clear
pattern of substitution/complementarity among clinical and community samples.
Overall summary of findings
Of the 39 studies reviewed, 16 support substitution, ten support complementarity, 12 support
neither and one supports both. Findings from longitudinal studies of youth lean towards
complementarity while findings from general population studies support substitution. The
inconsistent conclusions may be explained by 1) the examination of heterogeneous
subgroups both across and within studies (e.g., youth vs. adults, heavy vs. light drinkers), 2)
variation in independent and dependent variables (e.g., any vs. binge drinking), and 3)
reliance on a binary model of cannabis and alcohol co-use (i.e., substitution vs.
complementarity), especially because co-use patterns are more complex. In reality,
“concurrently available reinforcers” (e.g., alcohol and cannabis) fall on a continuum such
that they can be substitutes, complements, or independent of one another to different people
at different times (Bickel, DeGrandpre, & Higgins, 1995) (Green & Freed, 1993). On one
end, “substitutable reinforcers” can be easily traded for one another due to similar
functionalities. At the opposite end “complementary reinforcers” are consumed together
proportionately, and therefore cannot be traded for one another (Green & Freed, 1993). The
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current results indicate that longitudinal studies of youth support complementarity while
general population studies support substitution; this further corroborates the notion that as
psychoactive reinforcers, alcohol and cannabis indeed fall on a substitution/complementarity
spectrum.
Alcohol and cannabis policies
Studies of MMLs and cannabis decriminalization suggest that adolescents and young adults
may reduce alcohol use in more liberal cannabis environments (substitute). Conversely,
studies of beer taxes showed that youth reduced cannabis use when taxes were raised,
suggesting complementarity in more stringent alcohol environments. Studies of the MLDA
were mixed; whether changing the MLDA affects cannabis use among youth remains an
open question.
In the general population, three of the four longitudinal studies concluded that alcohol and
cannabis are substitutes, while all five cross-sectional studies using individual-level
consumption as the dependent variable concluded that cannabis and alcohol are
complements. Notably, all of these studies used cannabis decriminalization or MML
indicators as the independent variable. As discussed above, cross-sectional data cannot
capture the passage of time and are therefore suboptimal for assessing substitution/
complementarity. The inconsistencies between the cross-sectional and longitudinal findings
may be explained by individuals who actually do substitute over time but report both
cannabis and alcohol use within a single cross-sectional time period. Thus, taken as a set,
findings from the general population suggest that substitution may occur in more liberal
cannabis environments.
Notable subgroups
Numerous individual and/or societal factors influence individual substance use and the
propensity to substitute/complement. The studies reviewed here suggest that cannabis-
related laws may affect alcohol use differently across genders and races (H. Saffer & F.
Chaloupka, 1999; Williams & Mahmoudi, 2004). For example, white males and African
Americans were found to complement in more liberal cannabis environments, while Native
Americans and Hispanics were found to substitute (H. Saffer & F. Chaloupka, 1999).
Polysubstance users and males were also found to complement under cannabis
decriminalization (Williams & Mahmoudi, 2004). Finally, substitution appeared to occur
among medical cannabis users.
Common study limitations
Many of the studies cited used dichotomous measures of cannabis laws as their primary
independent variable, which may overlook variations due to nuances, e.g., many non-
decriminalized states have conditional discharges for first offenders (Pacula, Powell, Heaton,
& Sevigny, 2013). Some studies may have under-sampled risky consumers as well. Within
the general population studies, early studies exclude the price of cannabis, which may lead
to omitted variable bias (Williams & Mahmoudi, 2004). Furthermore, the use of pooled
cross-sectional data in many of the studies reviewed here might mask heterogeneity of
effects over time and across subgroups. Finally, based on the search criteria, relevant studies
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that did not explicitly refer to “substitution” and/or “complementarity” may have been
missed; a broader review of the literature regarding alcohol/cannabis co-use would
supplement the current findings and possibly explain some of what was found here.
Implications for future research and practice
Event-level data are crucial to understanding how individuals substitute/complement alcohol
and cannabis; future studies should collect detailed data regarding alcohol and cannabis
quantity and frequency, as well as regarding the order in which the substances are consumed.
For example, individuals may substitute cannabis for alcohol if using cannabis first, but
complement the two if drinking first. Whether cannabis can substitute for alcohol among
individuals with AUD also remains an important open question (Subbaraman, 2014),
especially because AUD treatment programs often expel patients for testing positive for
other drugs; current and future studies are investigating whether cannabis use during AUD
treatment affects post-treatment alcohol outcomes. In terms of policy, future studies should
collect fine-grained longitudinal, prospective data from the general population and
subgroups of interest, especially in locations that are likely to legalize cannabis in the near
future. These data will help us understand how various groups along the co-use continuum
respond to policy changes, and allow us to continue identifying high-risk groups and
consequences associated with various co-use patterns. Understanding whether laws aimed at
a particular substance have spillover effects on other substance use will help us develop
optimal policies, while identifying groups associated with particular co-use patterns will
inform prevention and intervention strategies.
Conclusion
Alcohol and cannabis act as both substitutes and complements, and policies aimed at one
substance may inadvertently affect consumption of other substances. Results from studies of
youth suggest that youth may reduce alcohol in more liberal cannabis environments
(substitute), but reduce cannabis in more stringent alcohol environments (complement).
Results from the general population suggest that substitution of cannabis for alcohol may
occur under more lenient cannabis policies, though cannabis-related laws may affect alcohol
use differently across genders and racial groups. Policymakers should consider spillover
effects when crafting legislation.
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Table 1
Summary of studies examining cannabis/alcohol substitution and/or complementarity among adolescents and young adults
Study Sample
size Study
design Population Independent
variable(s) Dependent
variable(s) Method Control
variable(s) Conclusion Validity
concerns
Longitudinal Studies
Pacula, 1998 8,008 Longitudinal
panel National
Longitudinal
Survey of Youth
(1979)
State-level beer tax Individual-level past
30-day # drinks, #
times used cannabis
Probit & OLS
regression Personal & family
characteristics Complements Collinearity of
crime/ officer
ratio and state
decriminalisation
Anderson, 2012
Varies by
dataset
Pre/post Youth Risk
Behavior
Surveillance
System, National
Longitudinal
Survey of Youth
(1997) Treatment
Episode Data Set
State-level MML
indicator Individual-level past
30-day cannabis &
alcohol use
a
&
frequency; State-
level cannabis-
related treatment
admissions
Fixed effects
regression Individual & state-
level demo’s;
state-level taxes,
BAC
b
law
Neither Inconsistencies
across states in
YRBSS
Cross-sectional Studies (Aggregate-level Outcomes)
McGlothlin, 1970 594 Cross-
sectional
survey
College students,
free clinic patients Occurrence of
Operation Intercept
(1969)
Prevalence of self-
reported substitution
of alcohol for
cannabis
Crude
prevalence None Substitutes Subject-specific
definition of
“substitution,” no
comparison
group
DiNardo, 2001 >156,000 Cross-
sectional
survey
Monitoring the
Future MLDA
b
, state-level
cannabis
decriminalisation
indicator, alcohol
price
State-level
prevalence of past
30-day cannabis &
alcohol frequency
Random
effects
regression
State-year demo’s
& policies Substitutes No agreement on
controls, MTF
excludes non-HS
grads
Crost, 2012 71 (state-
level obs) Cross-
sectional
survey
National Survey on
Drug Use and
Health
Turning MLDA of
21 Population-level past
month cannabis &
alcohol frequency
Regression
discontinuity,
instrumental
variables (IV)
None Substitutes Age might not be
precise; IV
estimates apply
to 21 year olds
likely to comply
with laws like
MLDA
Simons-Morton, 2010 4,858 Cross-
sectional
survey
Health Behavior in
School Age
Children (15 year
olds from USA,
Canada,
Netherlands)
Restrictiveness of
country-level
alcohol & cannabis
policies
Country-level alcohol
frequency, cannabis
use
Crude
prevalence
comparison
None Complements Cross-sectional;
Potential
endogeneity
(laws could
precede
prevalence)
Pape, 2009 16,813 Cross-
sectional
survey
European School
Project on Alcohol None Proportion of
cannabis/alcohol use
occasions
Crude
prevalence
comparison
None Complements Cross-sectional
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Subbaraman Page 17
Study Sample
size Study
design Population Independent
variable(s) Dependent
variable(s) Method Control
variable(s) Conclusion Validity
concerns
& Drugs
Williams, 2004a 48,174 Cross-
sectional
survey
Harvard School of
Public Health
College Alcohol
Study
State-level
cannabis
decriminalisation
indicator; cannabis
price
State-level past
month & past year
alcohol & cannabis
frequency
Fixed effects
regression Individual-level
demo’s; state-level
prices & policies;
college-level fines,
penalties, miles
from DEA
Complements Measurement
error in cannabis
price (one of
main IVs)
Cross-sectional Studies (Individual-level outcomes)
Farrelly, 1999 49,311 Cross-
sectional
survey
National
Household Survey
on Drug Abuse
(12–20 year olds)
State-level
cannabis-related
penalties, county-
level # cannabis
arrests
Individual-level past
month cannabis use Probit
regression Individual-level
demo’s, state-level
cigarette & alcohol
prices
Complements Effects disappear
when including
state-level
indicators
Chaloupka, 1997 25,430 Cross-
sectional
survey
Monitoring the
Future State-level
cannabis
decriminalisation
indicator
Individual-level
alcohol frequency,
heavy drinking,
accidents
Probit
regression Individual-level
demo’s, alcohol
prices, MLDA,
cannabis price
Substitutes Measurement
error in prices,
accidents
Clements, 2005 281 Cross-
sectional
survey
First-year college
economics
students
Hypothetical
cannabis
legalization
Individual-level
beverage-specific
alcohol use
b
Regression Sex, intensity of
cannabis use Substitutes Hypothetical;
price elasiticities
unclear
Thies, 1993 12,686 Cross-
sectional
survey
National
Longitudinal
Survey of Youth
(1979)
State-level
cannabis
decriminalisation
indicator, MLDA,
arrests
Individual-level
alcohol & cannabis
use & frequency
Multiple
regression Individual-level
demo’s Weak
substitutes Possible
measurement in
error in drug use
frequency
Alter, 2006 11,542 Cross-
sectional
survey
Monitoring the
Future:
Midwest
subsample
Perceived access
& harms of alcohol
& cannabis
Individual-level past
month alcohol &
cannabis frequency
Multiple
regression Individual-level
demo’s,
academics
Substitutes Pooled cross-
sections;
variation in
surveys
Yörük, 2011 ~9,000 Cross-
sectional
panel survey
National
Longitudinal
Survey of Youth
(1997)
Turning MLDA of
21 Individual-level past
30-day alcohol &
cannabis use &
frequency
Regression
discontinuity Individual-level
demo’s Complements Only included
respondents who
had used
cannabis at least
once since last
interviewed
Keyes, 2015 7,191 Pooled cross-
sections 16–25 years olds
from the 1999–
2011 Fatality
Analysis Reporting
System
Turning MLDA of
21 Individual-level fatal
injury due to alcohol
use
Regression
discontinuity;
Joinpoint
permutation
Sex, race/ethnicity,
# vehicle
occupants, #
deaths in incident,
year, state,
whether state has
MML
Neither Missing data,
inconsistent
reporting/testing
across states,
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Study Sample
size Study
design Population Independent
variable(s) Dependent
variable(s) Method Control
variable(s) Conclusion Validity
concerns
Crost, 2013 28,089 Cross-
sectional
panel survey
National
Longitudinal
Survey of Youth
(1997)
Turning MLDA of
21 Individual-level past
30-day cannabis use
& frequency
Regression
discontinuity Individual-level
demo’s Neither Age might not be
precise (exact
birthdays are
unknown)
Other Relevant Studies
Peters, 2012 122
(18–25
year olds)
RCT 8-week
randomized control
trial for naltrexone
for alcohol use
Cannabis user Individual-level
alcohol use & related
problems
MANCOVA None Neither Focus was not on
alcohol, did not
examine in
regression
a
Use is dichotomous yes/no
b
BAC = Blood Alcohol Content
c
MLDA = Minimum legal drinking age
d
MML = Medical marijuana law
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Table 2
Summary of studies examining cannabis/alcohol substitution and/or complementarity among the general population
Study Sample
size Study
design Population Independent
variable(s) Dependent
variable(s) Method Control
variable(s) Conclusion Validity
concerns
Longitudinal Studies
Anderson, 2011
Varies by
dataset
Pre/post National Survey
on Drug Use and
Health, Fatality
Analysis
Reporting System,
BRFSS
State-level MML &
cannabis
decriminalisation
indicators
State-level
alcohol-related
traffic fatality
rate;
monthly # drinks,
prevalence of
bingeing
Difference-in-
difference;
fixed effects
regression
State-level BAC
laws, demo’s,
driving
characteristics
Substitutes Ignores
nuances of laws
(as do most
studies); Does
not look at traffic
fatalities
involving
cannabis
Anderson, 2013
Varies by
dataset;
Expands
(Anderson,
2011)
to
19 states
with MMLs
Pre/post National Survey
on Drug Use and
Health, Fatality
Analysis
Reporting System,
BRFSS
State-level MML &
cannabis
decriminalisation
indicators
State-level
alcohol-related
traffic fatality
rate;
monthly # drinks,
prevalence of
bingeing
Difference-in-
difference;
fixed effects
regression
State-level BAC
laws, demo’s,
driving
characteristics
Substitutes Ignores
nuances of laws
(as do most
studies)
Salomonsen-Sautel, 2014 36 six-
month
intervals of
motor
vehicle
fatalities
Pre/post Fatality Analysis
Reporting System Indicator of
commercial
availability of
medical cannabis in
Colorado (2009)
State-level
proportion of
drivers in fatal
crashes who were
alcohol-impaired
or cannabis-
positive
Generalized
least squares
with AR(1)
34 states without
MMLs through
2011; Proportion
of male drivers,
proportion of
drivers age 21–
24, proportion
tested for
drugs/alcohol
Neither Inconsistent
testing and
reporting across
states and time
Kelly, 2014 <1 million
public
hospital
admissions
Pre/post Quarterly hospital
admissions from
1997–2009 in
London, England
Depenalization of
cannabis
possession in
Lambeth, London,
England
Hospitalizations
related to alcohol
use
Difference-in-
difference
regressions
Admission age
and gender;
models also
include time and
neighborhood
fixed effects
Substitutes Changes in ICD
coding over
time; potential
selection bias
due to use of
hospitalizations
Cross-sectional Studies
Saffer, 1998 49,082 Cross-
sectional
survey
National
Household Survey
on Drug Abuse
State-level alcohol
& drug prices Individual-level
alcohol frequency,
cannabis use
b
Regression Individual-level
demo’s, cost of
living, state-level
cannabis
decriminalisation
indicator
Complements Measurement
error in prices
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Subbaraman Page 20
Study Sample
size Study
design Population Independent
variable(s) Dependent
variable(s) Method Control
variable(s) Conclusion Validity
concerns
Saffer, 1999 49,082 Cross-
sectional
survey
National
Household Survey
on Drug Abuse
State-level
cannabis
decriminalisation
indicator
Individual-level
alcohol frequency,
cannabis use
Regression Individual-level
demo’s, cost of
living, state-level
alcohol & drug
prices
Complements
for full sample,
white males &
blacks;
substitutes for
Native Am’s &
Hispanics
Under-sampled
risky consumers
(a potential
concern of
numerous
studies); pooled
cross-sections
Cameron, 2001 9,744 Cross-
sectional
survey
National Drug
Strategy
Household Survey
(Australia)
State-level
cannabis
decriminalisation
indicator
Individual-level
past 12-month
alcohol &
cannabis use
Probit
regression Individual-level
demo’s; State-
level income,
alcohol,
cannabis,
cigarette prices
Both:
decriminalisation
increases
alcohol use
suggesting
complements;
price effects
suggest
substitution
Only
decriminalized
state is South
Australia, so
decriminalisation
effect might
really
be SA effect
Williams, 2004b 15,479
Expands
(Cameron,
2001)
to
polysubstance
users & adds
control for
drunk driving
Cross-
sectional
survey
National Drug
Strategy
Household Survey
(Australia)
State-level
cannabis
decriminalisation
indicator, fines for
drunk driving, price
of cannabis &
alcohol
Individual-level
past year
cannabis use
Probit
regression Individual-level
demo’s Complements,
especially
among
polysubstance
users & males
Results depend
on inclusion of
year effects
Wen, 2014 Not stated Cross-
sectional
survey
National Survey
on Drug Use and
Health
State-level MML
b
indicator Individual-level
alcohol, cannabis,
& other drug use,
binge-drinking
Fixed effects
regression Individual &
state-level
demo’s
Weak
complements
among those
older than 21
Short time-frame
(2004–2011)
might miss
effects of earlier
MMLs (e.g., CA)
a
MML = Medical marijuana law
b
Use is dichotomous yes/no
Subst Use Misuse
. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2017 September 18.
Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript
Subbaraman Page 21
Table 3
Summary of studies examining cannabis/alcohol substitution and/or complementarity among adult clinical and community samples
Study Sample size Study design Population Independent
variable(s) Dependent
variable(s) Method Control
variable(s) Conclusion Validity concerns
Longitudinal Studies—Cannabis Treatment Seekers
Stephens, 1994 212 Prospective
cohort Cannabis
treatment-
seekers
Weekly alcohol
use Past 90-days
cannabis frequency Bivariate
MANOVA,
correlations
None Neither Focus is cannabis
treatment
outcomes;
generalizability
Stephens, 2000 291 Prospective
cohort Cannabis
treatment-
seekers
Past 90-day
alcohol frequency Monthly cannabis
frequency Partial
correlations Corresponding
pre-treatment
use measures
Weak
complements Cross-sectional;
Generalizability
Kadden, 2009 207 Prospective
cohort Cannabis
treatment-
seekers
Past 90-day
cannabis
frequency
Indicator of increased
(≥10%) past 90-day
proportion days using
alcohol, drinks per
drinking day
Logistic
regression Individual-level
demo’s,
psychiatric
status,
substance use
severity
Neither Cross-sectional;
Generalizability
Longitudinal Studies—Cannabis Users/Non-Treatment Seekers
Copersino, 2006 104 Prospective
cohort Non-treatment-
seeking
cannabis users
None Self-reported use of
alcohol to relieve
cannabis withdrawal
during quit attempt
Crude
prevalence None Some evidence
of substitution to
relieve
withdrawal
No comparison
group
Allsop, 2014 45 Prospective
community-
based cohort
Non-treatment-
seeking
cannabis users
Cannabis
abstinence Alcohol use, quantity Mixed models
for repeated
measures with
AR(1)
Individual-level
demo’s, past
use
Substitutes,
especially
among baseline
light drinkers
Generalizability
Longitudinal “Natural History” Studies
Kouri, 2000 60 Prospective
cohort Current & former
cannabis users Cannabis
withdrawal
symptoms (e.g.,
cravings)
Changes in alcohol
use (not clear) Within-subject
ANOVA None Neither Participants asked
not to drink more
than 2 drinks/day
during study
Budney, 2001 12 Prospective
cohort Daily cannabis
users Cannabis
abstinence Alcohol use Within-subject
ANOVA None Neither Participants asked
not to change
drinking; Small
sample
Budney, 2003 30 Prospective
cohort 18 cannabis
users, 12 ex-
users in parallel
Cannabis
abstinence Alcohol use Within-subject
ANOVA None Neither Participants asked
not to change
drinking; Small
sample;
Generalizability
Subst Use Misuse
. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2017 September 18.
Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript
Subbaraman Page 22
Study Sample size Study design Population Independent
variable(s) Dependent
variable(s) Method Control
variable(s) Conclusion Validity concerns
Hughes, 2008 19 Prospective
cohort Daily cannabis
users trying to
stop or reduce
cannabis on
their own
Cannabis
abstinence Alcohol use Bivariate tests,
Wilcoxon rank
test
None Neither Small sample;
Generalizability
Longitudinal Studies—Individuals with Alcohol Use Disorders
Peters, 2010 28 Prospective
cohort Daily cannabis
users not trying
to stop or reduce
cannabis
Cannabis
abstinence Drinks/day Within-subject
ANOVA Individual-level
demo’s, past
use
Substitution
among those
with past AUD
Small sample;
Generalizability
Aharonovich, 2005 250 Prospective
cohort Inpatient
psychiatric/
substance
abuse treatment
Postdischarge
cannabis use Alcohol use post-
treatment Survival
analysis Individual-level
demo’s,
psychiatric
status, severity
Complements Generalizability
Cross-sectional Studies—Medical Cannabis Users
Reiman, 2009 350 Cross-sectional
survey Medical
cannabis
patients
None Self-reported
substitution of
cannabis for alcohol
Descriptive None Substitutes Subject-specific
definition of
substitution,
medical cannabis
patients may not
generalize
Lucas, 2012 404 Cross-sectional
survey Medical
cannabis
patients
None Self-reported
substitution of
cannabis for alcohol
Descriptive None Substitutes Subject-specific
definition of
substitution,
medical cannabis
patients may not
generalize
a
MML = Medical marijuana law
b
Use is dichotomous yes/no
Subst Use Misuse
. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2017 September 18.
... When people use alcohol and marijuana together, they tend to consume higher quantities and frequencies of both substances compared with when they use the two substances concurrently (use of both substances in general but not necessarily during the same episode) or either substance alone (Brière et al. 2011;Terry-McElrath et al., 2013;Subbaraman and Kerr 2015;Lee et al. 2022;Gonçalves et al. 2021 ). SAM has been shown to be more detrimental than concurrent use or other use patterns, with significantly increased likelihood of alcohol dependence, binge drinking, drunk driving, and other alcoholrelated consequences (McCabe et al. 2006;Midanik et al. 2007;Subbaraman andKerr 2015, 2018). The linkage between SAM and alcohol problems may in part be explained by the Gateway Hypothesis, i.e., people at any higher level of drug use (e.g., cannabis or other illicit drugs) tend to have used all lower-ranked drugs (e.g., alcohol or tobacco) as well, and the progression from low-ranked drugs to high-ranked drugs is strongly associated with the intensity of use at the prior stage (Kandel 1975;Kandel 2002;Kandel and Faust 1975;Donovan and Jessor 1983;Martin et al. 1996). ...
... This study makes a unique contribution to the literature by establishing that simultaneous users of alcohol and marijuana were significantly more likely than concurrent users to have cannabis-related problems as measured by the CUDIT problem subscale in a representative longitudinal data sample of adult cannabis and alcohol users in Washington State following the RCL, even after statistically adjusting for marijuana use frequencies and quantities. This finding suggests that simultaneous use of alcohol and marijuana has a synergistic effect that contributes not only to alcohol-related problems, as showed by previous studies (McCabe et al. 2006;Midanik et al. 2007;Subbaraman andKerr 2015, 2018), but also to cannabis-related problems in the state-representative population of adult drinkers and marijuana users. Because SAM is a prevalent co-use pattern in young people, most of the previous studies on SAM focused on adolescents or young adults (Martin et al. 1996;Terry-McElrath et al. 2013;Terry-McElrath et al. 2018;Patrick et al. 2018;Patrick et al. 2019), while this study included adults aged 21 years and older, who were the target of RCL. ...
Article
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Background To address the research question of how simultaneous users of alcohol and cannabis differ from concurrent users in risk of cannabis use problems after the recreational marijuana legalization in Washington State. Methods We used generalized estimating equations with a Poisson distribution to analyze the association between simultaneous use of alcohol and marijuana (SAM) and cannabis-related problems compared to concurrent use. The data is a longitudinal sample of drinkers and cannabis users (n = 257, 47% female) aged 18 years and older from Washington State in 2014-2016. We adjusted for survey weights to account for differential probability of selection and response rates. The primary outcome is the past-six-month CUDIT problem subscale (ranging from 0 to 28), which is the total score for seven CUDIT problem items, after excluding the three items that covered marijuana use frequency. Covariates include marijuana use frequency (daily/near daily use, regular use, or infrequent use), marijuana daily quantity, alcohol daily volume, panel survey cycle, medical marijuana recommendation, driving time to nearest marijuana outlet, age of marijuana use onset, and other demographics. Results After adjusting for covariates, we found that compared to concurrent use, SAM was significantly positively associated with CUDIT problem subscale (IRR = 1.68, 95% CI: 1.25-2.27, p < 0.001); daily/near daily use of marijuana was strongly significantly associated with CUDIT problem subscale compared with infrequent use (IRR = 5.1, 2.71-9.57, p < 0.001) or regular use (IRR = 3.05, 1.91-4.85, p < 0.001). Secondary analyses using CUDIT total score as the outcome also showed a significant positive association with SAM compared to concurrent use (IRR = 1.17, 1.02-1.34, p < 0.05). Conclusions This study highlighted the importance of SAM, in addition to cannabis use frequency for predicting cannabis-related problems.
... As Boyle et al. (2021) stated, these motives can be mapped onto hypotheses regarding substitution and complementary use of alcohol and cannabis (e.g., Risso et al., 2020;Subbaraman, 2016), with results pointing toward the hypothesis for substitution. Substitution proposes that alcohol is used instead of cannabis, and vice versa, whereas complementary use suggests that alcohol or cannabis are used to enhance the effects of the other (Hursh et al., 2005;Risso et al., 2020;Subbaraman, 2016). ...
... As Boyle et al. (2021) stated, these motives can be mapped onto hypotheses regarding substitution and complementary use of alcohol and cannabis (e.g., Risso et al., 2020;Subbaraman, 2016), with results pointing toward the hypothesis for substitution. Substitution proposes that alcohol is used instead of cannabis, and vice versa, whereas complementary use suggests that alcohol or cannabis are used to enhance the effects of the other (Hursh et al., 2005;Risso et al., 2020;Subbaraman, 2016). However, evidence for substitution versus complementary use varies across studies. ...
Article
Full-text available
As rates of students using cannabis continue to rise, simultaneous use of alcohol and cannabis (such that their effects overlap; commonly referred to as simultaneous alcohol and marijuana [SAM] use) is prevalent among college students who use both substances. Although research focusing on SAM use and related cognitions and consequences continues to grow, there are no common established measures, as approaches vary across studies. This narrative review identifies current methods for assessing SAM use and measures of SAM‐related consequences and cognitions (motives and expectancies) among college students, evaluates how they were developed, identifies gaps in the literature, and provides recommendations for future directions of assessment. We conclude that the assessment of SAM use is limited by difficulties in the assessment of cannabis quantity and potency. However, and the lack of a psychometrically validated measure of SAM consequences. However, measures of SAM motives and expectancies have been published with support from psychometric examinations such as exploratory factor analysis, confirmatory factor analysis, and measurement invariance. Research is needed that incorporates qualitative approaches in the development of SAM use measures so that unique items specific to SAM use rather than single‐substance use can be identified. Additionally, validation of these measures is needed across different samples that vary demographically, such as by race and gender or sex. Future research should consider the development of a measure of protective behavioral strategies specific to SAM use to inform interventions that target the reduction of negative consequences of SAM use.
... Las personas transgénero pueden consumir cannabis como una forma de afrontar el estrés que les provoca su condición de minoría estigmatizada (Cotaina et al., 2022;Gonzalez et al., 2017;Reisner et al., 2015). (Risso et al., 2020;Subbaraman, 2016). El uso simultáneo de alcohol y cannabis y los problemas asociados son mayores entre los chicos que entre las chicas (Subbaraman y Kerr, 2015;Yurasek et al., 2017). ...
Chapter
Full-text available
Este capítulo tiene como objetivo resaltar la importancia de considerar el sistema sexo-género en la prevención del uso de tabaco, alcohol y cannabis (TAC) en adolescentes y jóvenes. En primer lugar, se revisa el marco teórico de la perspectiva de género. Posteriormente, se examinan las diferencias de sexo/género observadas en el consumo de tabaco, alcohol y cannabis en la población juvenil, así como sus consecuencias. También se repasan las diferencias de género identificadas en los factores de riesgo y protección, junto con los criterios que deben considerarse al seleccionar modelos teóricos para llevar a cabo intervenciones basadas en la perspectiva de género. Finalmente, se ofrecen recomendaciones de buenas prácticas para la aplicación de la perspectiva de género en programas de prevención universal, selectiva e indicada. This chapter aims to emphasize the importance of considering the gender system in preventing tobacco, alcohol, and cannabis use among adolescents and young people. First, we review the theoretical framework of the gender perspective. Then, we examine the observed differences in sex/gender in the consumption of tobacco, alcohol, and cannabis (TAC) in the youth population, along with their consequences. We also review gender differences identified in risk and protective factors, along with criteria to consider when selecting theoretical models for implementing interventions based on the gender perspective. Finally, we provide recommendations for best practices in applying the gender perspective in universal, selective, and indicated prevention programs.
... Theoretical models of substance use suggest that individuals engage in SAM use to either complement, that is, experience an enhanced or additive effect of using the substances together, replace/substitute one substance for the other, or counter the effects of the other substance. Research shows that complementary patterns of alcohol and cannabis use are associated with heavier drinking (Patrick et al., 2020;Subbaraman, 2016). ...
Article
Full-text available
Over 75% of young adults who use cannabis also report drinking alcohol, leading to increased risks that include impaired cognition, substance use disorders, and more heavy and frequent substance use. Studies suggest that subjective responses to either alcohol or cannabis can serve as a valuable indicator for identifying individuals at risk of prolonged substance use and use disorder. While laboratory studies show additive effects when alcohol and cannabis are used together, the impact of co‐using these substances, specifically with respect to cannabidiol, on an individual's subjective experience remains unclear. This narrative review explores the effects of simultaneous alcohol and cannabis (SAM) use on subjective drug effects, drawing from qualitative research, laboratory experiments, and naturalistic studies. Experimental findings are inconsistent regarding the combined effects of alcohol and cannabis, likely influenced by factors such as dosage, method of administration, and individual substance use histories. Similarly, findings from qualitative and naturalistic studies are mixed regarding subjective drug effects following SAM use. These discrepancies may be due to recall biases, variations in assessment methods, and the measurement in real‐world contexts of patterns of SAM use and related experiences. Overall, this narrative review highlights the need for more comprehensive research to understand more fully subjective drug effects of SAM use in diverse populations and settings, emphasizing the importance of frequent and nuanced assessment of SAM use and subjective responses in naturalistic settings.
... While there are risks inherent in any drug use, research has long suggested that cannabis has the potential to reduce illicit drug use related harms through substitution [5][6][7][8][9][10]. Intentional use of cannabis is associated with decreased use of other substances [11][12][13][14][15][16][17][18], from alcohol [19][20][21][22] to methamphetamine [23] to fentanyl [24], and in jurisdictions where cannabis is regulated, there is evidence of reductions in overdose deaths [25,26]. Additionally, medical use of cannabis can augment the treatment of chronic pain [27] and opioid use disorder treatment [28]. ...
Article
Full-text available
Background The United States (US) continues to experience unprecedented rates of overdose mortality and there is increased need to identify effective harm reduction practices. Research from Canada describes cannabis donation through harm reduction agencies as an adjunctive strategy to mitigate the negative consequences of more harmful drugs. This case study describes the operational logistics, feasibility, and potential benefits of a cannabis donation program that was operated through a harm reduction program in rural Michigan. Case presentation We applied a community driven research approach to gather information from harm reduction program staff about the implementation and evolution of cannabis donation efforts in Michigan. We also examined 20-months (September 2021 through May 2023) of administrative data from a cannabis company to compare the sale and donation of cannabis products. Ten cannabis-experienced harm reduction clients received cannabis donations, with clinical staff determining client interest and appropriateness, and providing weekly pick-up or delivery. To expand product availability and sustainability, we examined administrative data from a commercialcannabis company that volunteered to provide donations. This administrative data suggests that while flower products constitute most of the adult and medical sales, edible, oil, and topical products predominated donations. Further, cost analysis suggests that donations represent only 1% of total gross sales and account for much less than the expected yearly donation amount. Conclusions Research suggests there is potential to reduce alcohol and drug use related harms of more dangerous substances through substitution with cannabis. This case study is the first to document cannabis donation as a harm reduction practice in the US and suggests potential for sustainability dependent on state laws. Findings from this case study provide a starting point for inquiry into cannabis donation as a harm reduction strategy in the US; future research is needed to fully understand the individual-level outcomes, public health impacts, necessary legal regulations, and best practices for cannabis donation programs through harm reduction organizations.
... Theories of co-use suggest that individuals co-use alcohol and cannabis to either enhance the effects of using one substance (complementarity) or to replace/counteract the effects of using one substance (substitution; Risso et al., 2020;Subbaraman, 2016). These theories have been extended to event-level simultaneous use, as found that simultaneous use days characterized by cross-fading motives (i.e., using cannabis to enhance the effects of alcohol [or vice versa]) were associated with heavier drinking, whereas Gunn et al. (2019) found that using for substitution reasons was associated with lesser drinking on simultaneous use days. ...
Article
Background: Simultaneous alcohol and cannabis use is associated with negative outcomes, yet little is known about what motivates the decision of simultaneous use. One possibility is that early-episode subjective effects motivate simultaneous use to complement or replace the first substance's effects. The current study used a hypothetical decision-making task to test this hypothesis. Objectives: College students (N = 486) were presented eight scenarios characterized by alcohol/cannabis subjective effects (i.e., high/low arousal positive [e.g., excited, relaxed], high/low arousal negative [e.g., aggressive, dizzy]) and asked their likelihood of simultaneously using the other substance per scenario. Multilevel modeling tested whether subjective effect scenarios predicted a higher likelihood of simultaneous use and whether ordering moderated this association. Results: Task-based simultaneous use likelihood was associated with self-reported simultaneous use, showing task validity. Scenarios characterized by high/low arousal positive effects were associated with higher likelihood of simultaneous use, whereas high/low arousal negative scenarios were associated with lower likelihood. Alcohol vs. cannabis-first scenarios were associated with higher likelihood of simultaneous use, and significant interactions were observed for high/low arousal positive and high arousal negative effects. High arousal positive scenarios were associated with higher likelihood of simultaneous use when cannabis was used first, low arousal positive scenarios with higher likelihood when alcohol was used first, and high arousal negative scenarios with lower likelihood when cannabis was used first. Conclusions: Beginning-of-episode subjective substance effects may be a promising event-level predictor of simultaneous use, and just-in-time interventions may benefit from targeting the ordering and subjective experiences of alcohol and cannabis use.
... While there are risks inherent in any drug use, research has long suggested that cannabis has the potential to reduce illicit drug use related harms through substitution (7)(8)(9)(10)(11)(12). Intentional use of cannabis is associated with decreased use of other substances (13)(14)(15)(16)(17)(18)(19)(20), from alcohol (21)(22)(23)(24) to methamphetamine (25) to fentanyl (26), and in jurisdictions where cannabis is regulated, there is evidence of reductions in overdose deaths (27,28). Additionally, medical use of cannabis can augment the treatment of chronic pain (29) and opioid use disorder treatment (30). ...
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Background The United States (US) continues to experience unprecedented rates of overdose mortality and there is increased need to identify effective harm reduction practices. Research from Canada describes cannabis donation through harm reduction agencies as an adjunctive strategy to mitigate the negative consequences of more harmful drugs. This case study describes the operational logistics, feasibility, and potential benefits of a cannabis donation program that was operated through a harm reduction program in rural Michigan. Case presentation We applied a community driven research approach to gather information from harm reduction program staff about the implementation and evolution of cannabis donation efforts in Michigan. We also examined 20-months (September 2021 through May 2023) of administrative data from a cannabis company to compare the sale and donation of cannabis products. Ten cannabis-experienced harm reduction clients received cannabis donations, with clinical staff determining client interest and appropriateness, and providing weekly pick-up or delivery. To expand product availability and sustainability, we examined administrative data from a retail cannabis company that volunteered to provide donations. This administrative data suggests that while flower products constitute most of the adult and medical sales, edible, oil, and topical products predominated donations. Further, cost analysis suggests that donations represent only 1% of total gross sales and account for much less than the expected yearly donation amount. Conclusions Research suggests there is potential to reduce alcohol and drug use related harms of more dangerous substances through substitution with cannabis. This case study is the first to document cannabis donation as a harm reduction practice in the US and suggests potential for sustainability dependent on state laws. Findings from this case study provide a starting point for inquiry into cannabis donation as a harm reduction strategy in the US; future research is needed to fully understand the individual-level outcomes, public health impacts, necessary legal regulations, and best practices for cannabis donation programs through harm reduction organizations.
Article
Combined use of alcohol and illicit drugs is a serious health and social problem. In this study, it was examined, whether a relationship between alcohol and drug abuse can be ascertained by comparison of alcohol marker and drug concentrations in hair. In the frame of a social support system for families with parental abuse of illicit drugs, hair samples were analyzed between 2011 and 2022 for methadone, heroin (6‐acetylmorphine), cocaine, amphetamine, ecstasy (MDMA), cannabinoids (THC), and the alcohol markers ethyl glucuronide (EtG) and ethyl palmitate (EtPa). For 1314 hair samples from adolescent and adult family members, the hair results show a prevalence of combined occasional or regular drug use and social or abusive alcohol use of 41%–60% except heroin (35%). The drug concentrations were statistically compared in the three categories of abstinence or moderate drinking, social drinking, and alcohol abuse. For the most frequently detected drug cocaine ( n = 703), a significant increase of the concentrations with rising alcohol consumption was found. The frequent detection of cocaethylene proved the preferred simultaneous intake of both substances. For THC ( n = 489), no significant difference between the alcohol consumer groups was seen. Concerning the less frequently detected methadone ( n = 89), 6‐acetylmorphine ( n = 92), amphetamine ( n = 123), and MDMA ( n = 105), no clear trend between drug and alcohol marker results was determined. It is concluded that the evaluation of hair results is an appropriate way to study the extent of combined drug–alcohol consumption and complements other studies based on acquisition of consumption data by interview or questionnaire.
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To date, 16 states have passed medical marijuana laws, yet very little is known about their effects. Using state-level data, we examine the relationship between medical marijuana laws and a variety of outcomes. Legalization of medical marijuana is associated with increased use of marijuana among adults, but not among minors. In addition, legalization is associated with a nearly 9 percent decrease in traffic fatalities, most likely to due to its impact on alcohol consumption. Our estimates provide strong evidence that marijuana and alcohol are substitutes.
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Alcohol and marijuana are among the most commonly used drugs by adolescents and young adults. The question of whether these two drugs are substitutes or complements has important implications for public policy and prevention strategies, especially as laws regarding the use of marijuana are rapidly changing. Data were drawn from fatally injured drivers aged 16 to 25 who died within 1 h of the crash in nine states with high rates of toxicology testing based from 1999 to 2011 on the Fatality Analysis Reporting System (N = 7,191). Drug tests were performed using chromatography and radioimmunoassay techniques based on blood and/or urine specimens. Relative risk regression and Joinpoint permutation analysis were used. Overall, 50.5% of the drivers studied tested positive for alcohol or marijuana. Univariable relative risk modeling revealed that reaching the minimum legal drinking age was associated with a 14% increased risk of alcohol use (RR = 1.14, 95% CI: 1.02 to 1.28), a 24% decreased risk of marijuana use (RR = 0.76, 95% CI: 0.53 to 1.10), and a 22% increased risk of alcohol plus marijuana use (RR=1.22, 95% CI: 0.90 to 1.66). Joinpoint permutation analysis indicated that the prevalence of alcohol use by age is best described by two slopes, with a change at age 21. There was limited evidence for a change at age 21 for marijuana use. These results suggest that among adolescents and young adults, increases in alcohol availability after reaching the MLDA have marginal effect on marijuana use.
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Background: This article examines the subjective impact of medical cannabis on the use of both licit and illicit substances via self-report from 404 medical cannabis patients recruited from four dispensaries in British Columbia, Canada. The aim of this study is to examine a phenomenon called substitution effect, in which the use of one product or substance is influenced by the use or availability of another. Methods: Researchers teamed with staff representatives from four medical cannabis dispensaries located in British Columbia, Canada to gather demographic data of patient-participants as well as information on past and present cannabis, alcohol and substance use. A 44-question survey was used to anonymously gather data on the self-reported impact of medical cannabis on the use of other substances. Results: Over 41% state that they use cannabis as a substitute for alcohol (n = 158), 36.1% use cannabis as a substitute for illicit substances (n = 137), and 67.8% use cannabis as a substitute for prescription drugs (n = 259). The three main reasons cited for cannabis-related substitution are “less withdrawal” (67.7%), “fewer side-effects” (60.4%), and “better symptom management” suggesting that many patients may have already identified cannabis as an effective and potentially safer adjunct or alternative to their prescription drug regimen. Discussion: With 75.5% (n = 305) of respondents citing that they substitute cannabis for at least one other substance, and in consideration of the growing number of studies with similar findings and the credible biological mechanisms behind these results, randomized clinical trials on cannabis substitution for problematic substance use appear justified.
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The purpose of this paper is to explore meanings of risk and pleasure around drugs among adolescents and young adults, and provide data that represent the users’ perspectives. Using in-depth qualitative data from a sample of 300 young dance event attendees in the San Francisco Bay Area, we will analyze their perceptions of ecstasy and other illicit drugs, which are sometimes used at raves, clubs and other dance events. Using contemporary socio-cultural theories of risk, we will explore how young adults socially ‘construct’ notions of risk and risk-taking, how they engage in a process of negotiating the risks versus the pleasures of specific drugs, and the extent to which young people's notions of risk, danger and pleasure around drugs are influenced by the social setting and social groupings.
Article
Background Legal medical marijuana has been commercially available on a widespread basis in Colorado since mid-2009; however, there is a dearth of information about the impact of marijuana commercialization on impaired driving. This study examined if the proportions of drivers in a fatal motor vehicle crash who were marijuana-positive and alcohol-impaired, respectively, have changed in Colorado before and after mid-2009 and then compared changes in Colorado with 34 non-medical marijuana states (NMMS). Methods Thirty-six 6-month intervals (1994–2011) from the Fatality Analysis Reporting System were used to examine temporal changes in the proportions of drivers in a fatal motor vehicle crash who were alcohol-impaired (≥ 0.08 g/dl) and marijuana-positive, respectively. The pre-commercial marijuana time period in Colorado was defined as 1994–June 2009 while July 2009–2011 represented the post-commercialization period. Results In Colorado, since mid-2009 when medical marijuana became commercially available and prevalent, the trend became positive in the proportion of drivers in a fatal motor vehicle crash who were marijuana-positive (change in trend, 2.16 (0.45), p < 0.0001); in contrast, no significant changes were seen in NMMS. For both Colorado and NMMS, no significant changes were seen in the proportion of drivers in a fatal motor vehicle crash who were alcohol-impaired. Conclusions Prevention efforts and policy changes in Colorado are needed to address this concerning trend in marijuana-positive drivers. In addition, education on the risks of marijuana-positive driving needs to be implemented.
Article
Objective Cannabis causes lower mortality and morbidity than alcohol and tobacco so it is clinically important if quitting cannabis is associated with substitution with these substances. This study tests if cannabis is substituted with alcohol and/or tobacco during cannabis abstinence, and factors predicting such substitution. Method: A secondary analysis of a prospective community based study quantified cannabis, alcohol and tobacco use with Timeline Follow-back during a two-week voluntary cannabis abstinence and at one-month follow-up in non-treatment seeking cannabis users (n = 45). Cannabis use was verified by urine THC-COOH levels. Results: Alcohol use increased by 8 standard units (SU; d = 0.48)/week and cigarette use by 14 cigarettes/week (d = 0.29) during cannabis abstinence. Those using less of each substance at baseline had greater increases during cannabis abstinence (alcohol P < 0.0001, tobacco P = 0.01). There was a decrease in alcohol (-4.8 SU, d = -0.29) and tobacco (-13 cigarettes/week, d = -0.26) use at follow-up, when most participants (87%, n = 39) had resumed cannabis use. Increased cigarette use was predicted by cannabis withdrawal related sleep difficulty (insomnia) (P = 0.05), restlessness (P = 0.03) and physical symptoms (P = 0.02). Neither alcohol nor cigarette use increased significantly in those (13.3%, n = 6) who remained abstinent from cannabis through to follow-up. Conclusions: Abstaining from cannabis was associated with increases in alcohol and tobacco use that decreased with resumption of cannabis use; however there were no increases in individuals who remained abstinent from cannabis at one-month follow-up. Tobacco use did not increase in those experiencing milder cannabis withdrawal symptoms. Research on substitution in treatment seekers during outpatient cannabis abstinence is needed.
Article
Substituting cannabis for alcohol may reduce drinking and related problems among alcohol-dependent individuals. Some even recommend prescribing medical cannabis to individuals attempting to reduce drinking. The primary aim of this review is to assess whether cannabis satisfies the seven previously published criteria for substitute medications for alcohol [e.g. 'reduces alcohol-related harms'; 'is safer in overdose than alcohol'; 'should offer significant health economic benefits'; see Chick and Nutt ((2012) Substitution therapy for alcoholism: time for a reappraisal? J Psychopharmacol 26:205-12)]. Literature review. All criteria appear either satisfied or partially satisfied, though studies relying on medical cannabis patients may be limited by selection bias and/or retrospective designs. Individual-level factors, such as severity of alcohol problems, may also moderate substitution. There is no clear pattern of outcomes related to cannabis substitution. Most importantly, the recommendation to prescribe alcohol-dependent individuals cannabis to help reduce drinking is premature. Future studies should use longitudinal data to better understand the consequences of cannabis substitution.
Article
This paper sheds light on previous inconsistencies identified in the literature regarding the relationship between medical marijuana laws (MML) and recreational marijuana use by closely examining the importance of policy dimensions (registration requirements, home cultivation, dispensaries) and the timing of them. Using data from our own legal analysis of state MMLs, we evaluate which features are associated with adult and youth recreational use by linking these policy variables to data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY97), the Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS) and the Treatment Episodes Data System (TEDS). Our analyses control for state and year fixed effects, using within state policy changes over time to estimate the effect on changes in our outcome variables using a difference-in-differences approach. We find that while simple dichotomous indicators are generally not associated with marijuana use, specific dimensions of MMLs, namely home cultivation and legal dispensaries, are positively associated with marijuana use in each data set. Moreover, these same dimensions are tied to binge drinking and fatal alcohol automobile accidents as well. The findings have important implications for states considering legalization of marijuana, as regulating access to and promotion of dispensaries may be key for reducing the harms associated with these policies.
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Between 1973 and 1978, 12 states with collectively over one-third of the total U.S. population enacted laws that decriminalized the possession of marijuana. This article uses standard metropolitan statistical area (SMSA) level data on hospital emergency room drug episodes collected by the Drug Abuse Warning Network to measure the effect of changes in drug penalties on substance abuse crises. The regression models demonstrate that marijuana decriminalization was accompanied by a significant reduction in episodes involving drugs other than marijuana and an increase in marijuana episodes. Although possible biases in the data preclude firm conclusions, the results suggest that some substitution occurs towards the less severely penalized drug when punishments are differentiated.
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In volume 30, issue 4 of this journal Bariş Yörük and Ceren Yörük (Y&EY) used data from the National Longitudinal Study of Youth, 1997 (NLSY97) and a regression discontinuity design to estimate the effect of the minimum legal drinking age on a variety of substances including marijuana. They obtained evidence that the probability of marijuana use increased sharply at the age of 21, consistent with the hypothesis that alcohol and marijuana are complements, but inadvertently conditioned on having used marijuana at least once since the last survey. Applying the Y&EY research design to all NLSY97 respondents ages 19 through 22, we find no evidence that alcohol and marijuana are complements.