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The Outcast Majority: War, Development, and Youth in Africa

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Abstract

The Outcast Majority invites policymakers, practitioners, academics, students, and others to think about three commanding contemporary issues-war, development, and youth-in new ways. The starting point is the following irony: while African youth are demographically dominant, many act as if they are members of an outcast minority. The irony directly informs young people’s lives in war-affected Africa, where differences separating the priorities of youth and those of international agencies are especially prominent.Drawing on interviews with development experts and young people, Marc Sommers shines a light on this gap and offers guidance on how to close it. He begins with a comprehensive consideration of forces that shape and propel the lives of African youth today, particularly those experiencing or emerging from war. They are contrasted with forces that influence and constrain the international development aid enterprise. The book concludes with a framework for making development policies and practices significantly more relevant and effective for youth in areas affected by African wars and other places where vast and vibrant youth populations reside.
e Outcast Majority
WAR, DEVELOPMENT, AND YOUTH IN AFRICA
Marc Sommers
e University of Georgia Press
Athens and London
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Published by the University of Georgia Press
Athens, Georgia 
www.ugapress.org
©  by Marc Sommers
Photographs ©  by Marc Sommers
All rights reserved
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Printed in the United States of America
          
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Contents
List of Illustrations 
Preface 
Acknowledgments 
 . Demography and Alienation 
 . e Wartime Template 
 . Moving Forward 
 . e Development Response 
 . Warlords and Stovepipes 
 . Toward Youth Inclusion: A Framework for Change 
Notes 
References 
Index 
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Illustrations
FIGURES
. School enrollment ratios in Angola,  
. School enrollment ratios in Burundi,  
TAB LE S
. Net attendance ratios, by gender and education level 
. United Nations denitions of young people by age 
MAP
Africa 
PHOTOGRAPHS
Female youth at a makeshift secondary
school in Mogadishu,  
Two Sierra Leonean male youth outside
a grocery store, Freetown,  
Two male youth soldiers in wartime Sierra Leone,  
Picture drawn on wall by child soldiers, Liberia,  
Malnourished children in front of two mothers, Burundi,  
Ex-combatant in front of his house, Burundi,  
Unmarried mother in postwar Sierra Leone,  
Unemployed male youth passing time, Juba,  
Unmarried mother at her outdoor hair salon,
Kenema, Sierra Leone,  
Four youth in Burundi,  
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Preface
is book is born of a growing sense that the status quo won’t work. Enor-
mous youth cohorts containing many who feel socially sidelined calls for a
response that, at best, is sporadically seen. e too-common separateness of
many ordinary youth shines a harsh light on hallowed development concepts
like “community” and “civil society.” Popular macroeconomic remedies for
postwar African states tend to run counter to youth ambitions, toward devel-
oping rural agriculture and the formal sector while youth increasingly rush
into cities and the informal economy. Domestic politics and other inuences,
moreover, frequently lead powerful donor agencies to develop priorities in
faraway headquarters oces that are not the priorities of youth majorities.
Often funds and activities are funneled into sectoral “stovepipes” or “silos”
that determine in advance what will be done. People making policies that
will aect youth may have little or no direct interaction with them. Elemental
concerns like class separation, gender dierence, and police behavior may be
sidestepped. Rationales for programs available to tiny minorities of youth
populations may be questionable or unclear. And once initiatives get to the
eld, a pronounced orientation toward results usually ensues: countable
indicators, outputs, and outcomes determine, to a large degree, what will
constitute success. e insular process may make it dicult to gure out
whether or not the initiatives left a positive, negative, or negligible impact
on the people known as beneciaries and the many more who didn’t make
the cut.
e presence of unprecedented numbers of young people in developing
countries is not the most signicant challenge to governments and interna-
tional development agencies. eir alienation is. Exclusion is structured into
education and cultural systems: most youth in many countries are unlikely to
get to secondary school or gain acceptance as adults. Wars exacerbate their
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xii PREFACE
sense of separation, and not just by distancing them from traditional mores,
customs, and practices. ey also accelerate change. In many ways, youth
in war and postwar Africa are learning new skills, assuming new identities,
shifting to urban areas in large numbers, and shedding, when they can, tra-
ditional cultural mandates that are conning or seem passé. Conjuring male
youth as dangerous and overlooking female youth doesn’t square with realities
in which young people, among many other things, resist engagement in vio-
lence, develop remarkable talents, and experience inclusion within excluded
worlds. e world of war is terrible and transformative, inviting realizations
and providing opportunities to rework what it means to be young in Africa
today: how you become an adult and relate to the opposite sex, who you
listen to, how you deal with your past, what you do, where you hope to go.
e Outcast Majority aims to shed penetrating light on the lives of war-
aected African youth and the workings of international development. e
eort begins with a discussion of the conditions, experiences, abilities, and
forces that shape and propel the lives of African youth today, particularly
those undergoing or emerging from war. ey are contrasted with forces that
inuence and constrain today’s international development aid enterprise. It
ends by addressing the gap that lies between, proposing a framework for
transforming established practice and empowering severely underestimated
young people in a way that promises to make aid signicantly more relevant,
eective, and inclusive generally and specically with regard to youth in
war-aected Africa and elsewhere.
is book’s broad scope integrates two main sources of material. e
rst is interview data with youth in many war-aected African countries,
African government and international agency ocials, and development,
youth, and evaluation experts. e second is archival research into the many
subjects and concerns that make up the book’s coverage. e collective result
is complementary: a series of passages featuring in-depth, rsthand analysis
drawn from eldwork in an array of countries and contexts interwoven into
a narrative that covers a wide range of critical concerns.
e Outcast Majority invites policy makers, practitioners, academics, stu-
dents, and others to think about three commanding contemporary issues—
war, development, and youth—in new ways. It encourages thoughtful re-
ection on what should be done for booming populations of youth, and not
just those in nations aected by conict in sub-Saharan Africa. In today’s
increasingly youth-dominated world, the issues and proposed reforms detailed
here are relevant to other places where vast and vibrant youth cohorts reside.
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... The second body of literature, which is rooted in anthropology and critical development studies, emphasises that youth is a social category that takes on different meanings in different contexts (Aime and Pietropolli Charmet, 2014;Blum, 2007;Butler and Kebba, 2014;Christiansen et al., 2006;Honwana and De Boeck, 2005;Ighobor, 2013;Sommers, 2015;Sumberg et al., 2012;Van Dijk et al., 2011). For these scholars who primarily use ethnographic methodologies, youth and adulthood are more than one's age. ...
... Consistent with the anthropological literature on youth (i.e. Christiansen et al., 2006;Sommers, 2015;Ungruhe, 2010), for the majority of Ugandan "youth" we interviewed, the passage from youth to adulthood was not bound to age, but rather dependent on personal and material achievements. Moreover, the ambition to exit the social category "youth" into adulthood drove youth ambitions in and beyond agribusiness. ...
... Importantly, the category of youth also has political leverage in Uganda. As youth constitute a significant share of the economically-active population and the electorate, they are targeted by both politicians and the international development sector (Sommers, 2012(Sommers, , 2015Sumberg and Hunt, 2019;Van Dijk et al., 2011). As a strategy to tackle unemployment, investment in youth often targets the agricultural sector, in particular youth agripreneurs. ...
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The African "youth" population is growing at a fast and steady pace, attracting attention from scholars, policymakers, and politicians. Yet, we know relatively little about this large and heterogeneous segment of the population. This paper presents data from 110 interviews and ten focus groups with youth engaged in commercial agriculture across all four regions of Uganda. Capitalising on this ethnographic data, we provide an analytical framework for studying complexity among the heterogeneous social category of youth agripreneurs. The aim of the paper is twofold: First, to reconcile anthropological studies that highlight the heterogeneity of African youth with demographic understandings of youth as a statistical category defined by an age bracket. Second, to advance an operational definition of youth that allows for more context-sensitive and tailored programmes. Our results suggest that while "youth" is an important category demographically, the opportunities and challenges faced by youths are often not related to age.
... Culturally, this may also differ according to gender, where marital status and maternity are particularly prominent in defining young women. In this sense, many describe youth as a socially constructed and contextualised category (Honwana, 2012;Sommers, 2015;Simpson, 2018: 12). ...
... It therefore requires identifying the unique barriers youth face in peacebuilding. These include ageist biases and stereotypes (including gendered stereotypes), access to resources, and their exclusion from formal structures (see Pruitt, 2013;Sommers, 2015;Simpson, 2018;Altiok et al, 2020;Osner, 2021). It is precisely this 'youth lens' that is missing from the WPS literature. ...
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This article demonstrates the absence of young women in the formal global architecture of the United Nations Security Council’s Women, Peace and Security agenda. It shows that there is little meaningful engagement with young women in the ten Women, Peace and Security resolutions and subsequently in the Women, Peace and Security national action plans designed by United Nations member states to implement the agenda. This article argues that the failure to explicitly consider young women undermines the intergenerational sustainability of the agenda, misses an opportunity to align Women, Peace and Security with the more recent Youth, Peace and Security agenda, and discourages inclusive thinking regarding the unique ways in which young women experience conflict and contribute to peace. In doing so, the article contributes to the growing voices advocating for a more inclusive approach to Women, Peace and Security, and makes a case for how young women’s explicit inclusion can strengthen the agenda.
... For example, 18 years of age confers the right to vote in several countries, including Mozambique; thus its importance in our definition of youth regarding electoral participation. The concept of youth has been associated with concepts of 'radical' and 'rebel', directly related to the age of the students (Sommers 2015). The international scientific community has long been engaged in a debate to define the age range of youth. ...
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This article discusses the political participation of youth in Mozambique’s electoral processes, specifically the 2019 general elections. The study finds that Mozambican political parties do not have a clear vision of young people’s aspirations, since the definition of the ‘youth problem’ is dominated by adults. In addition, young people’s issues have been generalised without considering the specific concept of what it means to be young. However, in order to maintain the social and economic benefits provided by their political parties, the same young people assume that adults continue to be an example to follow in guiding the destiny of the country.
... For example, 18 years of age confers the right to vote in several countries, including Mozambique; thus its importance in our definition of youth regarding electoral participation. The concept of youth has been associated with concepts of 'radical' and 'rebel', directly related to the age of the students (Sommers 2015). The international scientific community has long been engaged in a debate to define the age range of youth. ...
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Making up 65 percent of Africa's population, young people between the ages of 18 and 35 play a key role in politics, yet they live in an environment of rapid urbanization, high unemployment rates and poor state services. Drawing from extensive fieldwork in Ghana, Uganda and Tanzania, this book investigates how Africa's urban youth cultivate a sense of citizenship in this challenging environment, and what it means to them to be a 'good citizen'. In interviews and focus group discussions, African youth, activists, and community leaders vividly explain how income, religion, and gender intertwine with their sense of citizenship and belonging. Though Africa's urban youth face economic and political marginalization as well as generational tensions, they craft a creative citizenship identity that is rooted in their relationships and obligations both to each other and the state. Privileging above all the voice and agency of Africa's young people, this is a vital, systematic examination of youth and youth citizenship in urban environments across Africa.
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Youth-led movements have been important features of Nigeria’s colonial and post-colonial histories and have become essential in discourses of policy and social change. Throughout the post-colonial period, youth have consistently opposed neoliberal policy provisioning that are inconsistent with their aspirations. However, there are no systematic analyses that attempt to draw the relationship between youth movements and policy change in Nigeria. Drawing primarily on the literature on youth movements, activism and participation, and applying a generational lens, this chapter explores the historical and contemporary contributions of youth-led movements to policy change in Nigeria. Specifically, it explores two movements from the last decade (2012–2020), the #OccupyNigeria and #EndSARS protests, and discusses the nature of policy outcomes from these movements. The chapter concludes that while youth-led movements contribute to some symbolic policy outcomes, these outcomes have had a limited impact on shifting the systemic challenges they set out to address.
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Cities as elusive, invisible, yet to come. '[T]he city is no-man's land' (Grace Khunou, p. 240 in Mbembe and Nuttall). 'Lagos is no man's land' (heard in Lagos by the present writer, August 2010). A picture of a strangely empty and disrupted man-made landscape (William Kentridge, pp. 349-350 in Mbembe and Nuttall), balanced by a dense but also personless urban scene (by the same author, pp. 35-6 in the same text). . . . The slippage between conventional social scientific terms of runaway urbanization, the teeming human vitality of African cities, and the elusiveness of the titles, sayings and images of these three books, opens up the rich vein for research and writing into which these authors work their ways. Johannesburg. Kinshasa. Pikine (Dakar).Winterveld (a South African urban area outside Pretoria). Douala. Jeddah. The books reviewed here are based on detailed field research in six particular cities. They all juxtapose the categories of 'metropolis' and 'modernity' to the category of 'Africa', all positing the anomaly this move may represent in the categorical social scientific mind. The subtitles immediately indicate a different starting point from the analytics of population, geography and governance. With an approach through 'tales' (De Boeck and Plissart) and 'reading the city' (Mbembe and Nuttall), the authors indicate an alternative intellectual reach. They start from visual imagery, the language arts and the social mediations through which the lives lived in urban 'modern' Africa are expressed, communicated, understood, configured and conserved. Their aims evoked in my mind the modern art - rather than the analytics - of other cities. So here we have 'circulation' and vehicles as symbols and sounds without too much attention to traffic (the Lagos 'go slow'; the accidents); 'bodies' without much attention to food or toilet needs or aging; 'authority' evaded or permeating rather than personified in mayors, town councils and multitudes of other officials and employees. In the ether of the invisible, what circulates are symbols and expressions; what emanates from bodies is sexual tension, aesthetic sensibility and physical vulnerability ('bodies in danger', De Boeck and Plissart, p. 117); what bears down oppressively is constraint and neglect of all kinds. In brief, what strikes the perceptive mind is precisely what bursts out of the conventional forms and has not yet taken a newly conventionalized shape. Through this orientation, all three books bring the humanities and artistic sensibilities to the question of the spirits, souls, inspirations, dangers, images and memories that inhabit the crowded spaces between buildings and people, insects and people, people and people. If there is a single social science theorist whose work all these authors are in conversation with - explicitly or implicitly - it is Georg Simmel on the Metropolis, with his attentiveness to an emergent modernity and his encompassing of the subjective as well as objective cultures of the city over time and space. Unlike Simmel, however, these three books evoke the specificity of particular cities rather than the metropolitan form more generally. Mbembe and Nuttall go the furthest in depicting a single city, Johannesburg, as 'the premier African metropolis, the symbol par excellence of the "African modern" ' (opening sentence, p. 1). The main grounding, however, of all three works is in each city, as its own platform for experience. The authors do deal with infrastructure, but in the tellingly original forms of each place: 'people as infrastructure' in Johannesburg and elsewhere (Simone in Mbembe and Nuttall); 'infrastructural fragments' (De Boeck and Plissart) left from erosion and neglect and 'the strength of the imagined place (that) renders the real place invisible' (De Boeck and Plissart) in Kinshasa; slag heaps and prisons in central Johannesburg and gated communities in its suburbs, juxtaposed to the sprawling ruralization of Kinshasa. Such 'objective cultures' of African urban modernity might share some features with others, but their urban cultures are presented as quite distinct. The introductory collage of landscape photos of Kinshasa could be several cities I know, as seen from higher ground. And yet people the world over, like the Kinois depicted in the rest of the photographs, can identify the specific cultural dynamics of the cities they have lived in. A driver knows the very different styles of driving in Lagos and...
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