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Journal of Park
and Recreation
Administration
The Journal of
PARK AND
RECREATION
ADMINISTRATION
Journal of Park and Recreation Administration • ISSN 0735-1968
A publication of the American Academy for Park and Recreation Administration
Sagamore–Venture Publishing
1807 N. Federal Drive
Urbana, IL 61801
Volume 36 • Number 4 • Winter 2018
Print ISSN: 2327-0179, Online ISSN: 2327-0187
Journal homepage: https://js.sagamorepub.com/jpra/index
The Changing Dynamic of Latinx Outdoor Recreation on
National and State Public Lands
David Flores and José J. Sánchez
To cite this article: Flores, D., & Sánchez, J. J. (2020). The changing dynamic of Latinx
outdoor recreation on national and state public lands. Journal of Park and Recreation
Administration. doi: 10.18666/JPRA-2020-9807
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.18666/JPRA-2020-9807
Published online: 3/16/2020
2
David Flores is a research social scientist with the USDA Forest Service, Rocky
Mountain Research Station, Fort Collins, CO USA.
José J. Sánchez is a Research Economist with the USDA Forest Service, Pacic
Southwest Research Station, Riverside, CA USA.
Acknowledgments: e authors would like to thank the USDA Forest Service Na-
tional Center for Natural Resources Economic Research for generous research fund-
ing. We also want to thank John Loomis and Armando González-Cabán for assistance
and guidance in survey design and Michelle Haefele for providing some of the tables
Please send correspondence to david.ores2@usda.gov
Regular Paper
Journal of Park and Recreation Administration https://doi.org/10.18666/JPRA-2020-9807
The Changing Dynamic of Latinx
Outdoor Recreation on National and
State Public Lands
David Flores
José J. Sánchez
Executive Summary
e Latinx population is the largest growing minority population in the United States
and is estimated to comprise 28% of the U.S. population by 2050. is continued
growth is no longer due to foreign-born immigration, which accounted for 34% of
all Latinx people in 2015, but rather to those born in the U.S., who comprised 66% of
all Latinxs that year. erefore, the current and future Latinx population consists of
second-, third-, and fourth-generation Americans who report being uent in English
and Spanish, have higher levels of education, and earn higher incomes. As the Latinx
population becomes larger and more complex, their outdoor recreation preferences
and perceptions are also changing. Our survey ndings reveal three signicant ways
that this is happening. First, Latinxs are expanding their recreation activities beyond
day-use activities to engage in overnight backpacking and camping—activities that en-
able participants to explore a broader array of forests and natural resources. Second,
despite earlier research that found signicant gaps in environmental awareness among
“Hispanics,” recent polling data and this study show that today’s Latinxs overwhelm-
ingly support protecting public lands. ird, while prior research identied overt ra-
cial discrimination as a signicant barrier to public land use, our ndings show that
Latinx Outdoor Recreation
3
the Latinx population feels welcome on federal and state public lands. Sta and other
visitors are generally perceived to be friendly, which suggests a shi in a Latinx sense
of belonging when visiting national forests and parks. Nonetheless, there continue to
be institutional barriers and low visitation rates to public lands amongst racial and
ethnic minorities. Future research on Latinx outdoor recreation on public lands could
examine how new generations draw meaning from their outdoor experiences and how
they are combining traditional cultural traits with more diverse and active outdoor
recreation activities.
Keywords
Latinx, outdoor recreation, race, ethnicity, public land
Introduction
In 2015, the U.S. Census Bureau reported that over half of children under age 5
in the United States were racial or ethnic minorities (Cohn, 2016), with the Latinx1
population comprising the largest minority group in the country (Krogstad, 2017).
e continued growth in the Latinx population is no longer due to foreign-born im-
migration, which accounted for 34% of Latinxs in 2015, but now traces to those born
in the U.S., who comprised 66% of all Latinxs in the same year (Flores, 2017). A record
number of Latinx people also reported having gone to college, being uent in English,
and speaking Spanish at home (Flores, 2017). As the current and future growth of the
Latinx population is signicant and becoming more complex, there is a need to bet-
ter understand how Latinx outdoor recreation on federal and state public lands might
be changing. e most recent U.S. Forest Service National Visitor Use Monitoring
(NVUM) Program survey results show that 6% of all national forest visitors are from
persons of Hispanic, Latino, or Spanish descent (USDA Forest Service, 2016). Simi-
larly, the Outdoor Industry Association (2018) found that Hispanics consist of 10% of
all outdoor participants. However, previous research on Hispanic outdoor recreation
in federal and state public lands focused on rst-generation immigrants who were less
assimilated to Anglo culture and primarily engaged in day-use activities such as pic-
nicking, swimming, being near water, and recreating in large family groups (Chavez,
2012; Chavez & Olsen, 2009). Meanwhile, constraints on outdoor recreation have been
historically found to include a lack of time to participate, being uncomfortable in the
outdoors, distances required to travel to recreation sites and natural areas, lack of in-
formation, racial discrimination, and perceived similarities between the uniforms of
the USDA Forest Service and U.S. Border Patrol (Blahna & Black, 1993; Chavez, 2012;
Sharaievska et al., 2010).
1“Latinx” is an inclusive term used to describe all people from Latin American decent and used as a
gender-neutral or non-binary alternative to Latino or Latina. e authors use the term “Latinx” when refer-
ring to the current research. “Hispanic” is a term used by the U.S. Census Bureau to identify people relating
to Spain or to Spanish-speaking countries and Latin America. In this article, we use the term “Hispanic”
when referring to earlier research that uses the term. “Latino” and/or “Latina” are gender-specic terms used
to describe a person of Latin American descent and are used by the organization Latino Outdoors and most
survey participants.
Flores and Sánchez
4
In this study we worked with the outdoor organization Latino Outdoors to iden-
tify the social, economic, and cultural barriers faced by Latinxs to participate in recre-
ational activities on national and state public lands. e ndings from this study show
that day-use activities, such as picnicking, remain important to Latinx recreationists;
however, the ndings also indicate dierences in more recent Latinx recreation activity
trends on federal and state public lands. For example, cultural practices such as pic-
nicking in large groups with extended family and friends continues to remain popular
among Latinxs, but they are also interested in hiking, overnight camping, and back-
packing. Moreover, while constraints such as a lack of time for recreation and distance
from national parks and forests remain, signicant changes include Latinxs’ higher
education and income levels, and fewer Latinxs reporting discrimination when visit-
ing federal and state public lands. Increasingly, Latinxs report feeling welcome by sta,
who are described as “friendly” and “informative.” Nonetheless, according to Flores et
al. (2018), there continue to be institutional barriers and low visitation rates to public
lands amongst minority groups.
Despite relatively low national rates of Latinx visitation to public lands (Flores
et al., 2018), and the perception that racial and ethnic minorities are less interested
in underdeveloped nature-based settings (Cordell, Green, & Betz, 2002; Elmendorf et
al., 2005; Kellert, 1984; Shinew, Floyd, & Parry, 2004), Latinxs across the United States
share a strong sense of responsibility for the protection of public lands and natural,
undeveloped environments, according to recent polling data (Sanchez, 2014; Vargas,
2016), research on connectedness to nature (Roberts & Suren, 2010; Taylor, 2018), and
the ndings from this study. Moreover, Latinx outdoor recreationists are increasingly
aware of, and participate in, an array of outdoor recreation activities beyond day-use,
are uent in English and Spanish, and learn about recreation opportunities via social
media outlets such as Facebook, Twitter, Snapchat, and Instagram. In sum, the dynam-
ics of Latinx outdoor recreation and their perceptions toward public lands are chang-
ing and becoming increasingly diverse. At the same time, traditional cultural values
and meanings that Latinxs derive from participating in outdoor recreation—such as a
strong desire to share their outdoor experiences with family and friends, recreating in
large groups, and communicating their experiences in both English and Spanish—re-
main.
Changes in Latinx outdoor recreation suggest unique opportunities for recreation
managers who want to engage Latinx groups through social media and share informa-
tion about the multiple recreation activities public lands have to oer. e goal of this
study is to identify current social, economic, and cultural barriers to outdoor recre-
ation on public lands via a survey to determine shis in Latinx outdoor recreation
patterns. is study provides a glimpse into the changing prole and activity trends of
the modern-day Latinx recreationist.
Assimilation and Acculturation
Earlier studies of the Latinx population and their outdoor recreation patterns on
federal and state public lands were informed by theories of assimilation and accul-
turation. According to the “straight-line” assimilation hypothesis, the more time immi-
grants in the United States spent in the host country, the more socially, culturally, and
economically similar they would become to the Anglo population (Park, 1928). How-
ever, for non-white immigrants from Latin America and Asia, assimilation appeared to
Latinx Outdoor Recreation
5
be “segmented” rather than “linear,” and it varied according to demographics including
age, language preferences, and education level (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001). Early studies
of Latinx outdoor recreation used these concepts to reveal group dierences in use pat-
terns between Anglos and Mexican-Americans (Floyd & Gramann, 1993), and with-
in-group dierences among Mexican-American and Central-American recreationists
(Carr & Williams, 1993). eir ndings revealed signicant dierences in attitudes,
behaviors, and recreation activities vis-à-vis the outdoors. For example, less assimilated
racial and ethnic minorities tended to recreate in larger groups and were more likely to
participate in day-use activities compared to more-assimilated minority groups.
However, as Alba and Nee (1997) found, patterns of assimilation and accultura-
tion varied. Multiple “assimilation outcomes” exist, as immigrants navigate their host
countries and retain some cultural values while adopting new ones (Portes & Zhou,
1993; Portes & Rumbaut, 1996; Stodolska & Alexandris, 2004). In other words, de-
pending on their nancial resources, family structure, and racial background, immi-
grants are continuously shiing back and forth between retaining their cultural values
and complete assimilation.
Research on Latinx leisure activities has traditionally found that Latinx prefer-
ences and participation in outdoor recreation are isolated around day-use activities
such as recreating in large groups, relaxing, picnicking, being with family, and play-
ing with children (Chavez, 1993; Cronan, Shinew, & Stodolska, 2008; Gobster, 2002;
Stodolska, Shinew, & Li, 2010). Moreover, research has shown that Latinx recreation-
ists tend to engage less frequently in physically active leisure pursuits when compared
to other groups (Crespo et al., 2000; Gobster, 2002). However, the ndings from this
study indicate that, for the modern-day Latinx outdoor recreationist, preferences and
participation in outdoor recreation activities are more complex. Culturally distinctive
preferences, such as recreating in large groups with family and friends, are combined
with non-traditional outdoor activities, such as hiking, overnight backpacking, sight-
seeing and birdwatching. us, assimilation and acculturation in outdoor recreation
activities and patterns are more dynamic, as Latinx recreationists are combining cul-
turally distinctive preferences with more physically demanding activities to explore a
broader array of forest resources.
Methods
is survey was administered by the nonprot organization Latino Outdoors to
volunteer organizers and participants of recreation outings. e mission of Latino Out-
doors is to “inspire, connect, and engage Latino communities in the outdoors and em-
brace cultura y familia as part of the outdoor narrative, ensuring our history, heritage,
and leadership are valued and represented” (Latino Outdoors, 2019 p. 1). Its organi-
zational structure consists of an Executive Director, an Outings Program Manager, six
board of directors, and over 50 volunteer organizers across the United States. Volunteer
organizers plan, coordinate, and lead outdoor excursions on public lands, with the
organizational goal to “provide Latino families with transformational experiences in
nature” (Latino Outdoors, 2019, p. 1).
e sample consists of 95 unique respondents who answered both closed- and
open-ended survey questions. e survey was administered at recreation outings
throughout the United States, including California (48 survey participants; 51%), Tex-
Flores and Sánchez
6
as (22 survey participants; 23%), New York (11 survey participants; 12%), Washington,
D.C. (11 survey participants; 12%), and Florida (three survey participants; 3%). Figure
1 oers maps with recreation site locations and survey participants’ home zip codes;
as seen in the maps, most of the recreation sites are relatively close to participants’
homes. Sixty-eight percent of respondents identied themselves as Latino (21% did
not answer this question), and one-third of the respondents completed the survey in
English. We decided to include the 21% who did not identify as Latino in the analysis
because Latino Outdoors targeted families and individuals of Latino descent for the
excursions. erefore, there is high probability that these participants are in fact from
Latino descent, even though they do not answer the survey question.
An onsite survey was developed based on previous surveys initially created by
Latino Outdoors. ese surveys were revised with consultation from researchers at
Colorado State University and the USDA Forest Service, with the goal of assessing
Latinos’ perceptions of the outdoors and outdoor experiences. A pre- and post-survey
was administered to participants at the start and end of excursions (see appendix).
e post-survey included additional questions on sociodemographics. e survey col-
lected recreational information about the types of outdoor recreation trips they took
and the number of activities they engaged in. A section of the survey with open-ended
Figure 1
Recreation Sites and Survey Participants Home Zip Code for California, Texas, and New
York.
29
Figure 1
Recreation sites and survey participants home zip code for California, Texas, and New
York.
Latinx Outdoor Recreation
7
questions captured their diverse perceptions toward outdoor recreation. Survey partic-
ipants also answered sociodemographic questions such as education level, household
income, and family immigrant generation. ey also provided information on how
they learned about outdoor events sponsored by Latino Outdoors.
Latino Outdoors provided transportation to the excursions, which consisted of
day trips to local recreation sites within a 2-hour driving distance. Latino Outdoors
administered the survey (see appendix) to adults who participated in their outdoor
excursions beginning in the summer of 2015 and ending in September 2016. Survey
responses were completed using paper and pencil. e survey asked respondents both
closed and open-ended questions about their experiences visiting a national or state
park, forest, or other public lands. If they had not previously visited a national or state
forest, park, or public lands, they were asked why. If they had, then they were asked
questions about their previous outdoor recreation experiences. Several questions asked
respondents what characteristics of national or state parks or forests or public lands
were important to them, such as opportunities for recreation or viewing natural scen-
ery, spending time with family, and providing a source of inspiration. Respondents
were also asked qualitative open-ended survey questions to assess their sense of re-
sponsibility toward protecting public lands, their expectations regarding the outdoors,
their most memorable outdoor experiences, and what meanings outdoor experiences
had for them.
e authors of this study are uent in Spanish and English, which facilitated the
translation of participant responses from Spanish to English for nal reporting. Bilin-
gual Latino Outdoors organization members also checked each translation for consis-
tency. e open-ended qualitative responses were reformatted into Microso Word
and responses were downloaded into NVivo 10 qualitative data analysis soware. NVi-
vo 10 soware provides a tool for developing a qualitative database that can be format-
ted to identify separate cases, attributes, and values for sorting and comparing items
across dierent subgroups in the data (Bazeley & Jackson, 2013). We then conducted
issue-focused coding using NVivo 10 across open-ended responses to develop logically
connected issues related to respondents’ perceptions of being Latinx and recreating on
public lands (Weiss, 1994). We searched for issues related to previous studies of His-
panic/Latino/Latinx outdoor recreation, Latino Outdoors program development, and
emerging issues that could be compared across cases. Once we identied a patterned
set of codes, we sorted codes into coherent thematic categories based on responsibil-
ity, expectations, and meanings given to outdoor experiences on public lands. emes
were then integrated in order to summarize the main lines of inquiry and identify vari-
ations in responses. e nal analysis and reporting include conclusions that emerged
from the participants’ open-ended responses.
Results
Closed-ended responses include the social and demographic information of sur-
vey participants, which can be compared to both general population and Latinx de-
mographics in the United States. Open-ended responses, meanwhile, reveal qualita-
tive perceptions and experiences, including how participants draw meaning from their
outdoor experiences and their sense of belonging on federal and state public lands.
Flores and Sánchez
8
People who participated in the outdoor events where surveys were administered
ranged from pre-school aged to over 50 years old—though no child under age 18 was
administered a survey. Fiy-ve percent of the survey respondents were female (al-
though 18% did not answer this question). Survey respondents were also highly edu-
cated. Seventy-one percent of respondents had at least a high school degree, and 65%
attended at least some college, which is substantially higher than the percentage of the
general U.S. population with at least some college (19%, U.S. Census Bureau, 2019).
In our sample, Table 1 shows the percentage of education level by categories, college
degree having the highest number of participants. Moreover, we calculated the average
household income by using the midpoint of each range and taking the average. Partici-
pants reported an average annual household income of $71,600 (Table 2), compared
to the overall U.S. average annual household income of $77,866 (U.S. Census Bureau,
2019) and the U.S. Latino average annual household income of $45,148 (Krogstad &
Flores, 2016).
Table 1
What is the Highest Level of Education
You Have Completed?
25
Table 1
Table 1. What is the highest level of
education you have completed?
Less than high school
9%
High school graduate or GED
6%
Some college or technical
school 24%
College degree (BA, BS)
32%
Postgraduate (MA, PhD, Law,
MD) 9%
Note: 20% of respondents did not answer this
question.
Table 2
What is Your Total Household Income
Before Taxes and Other Deductions?
26
Table 2
Table 2. What is your total household
income before taxes and other deductions?
Under $9,999
8%
$10,000 – $19,999
2%
$20,000 – $29,999
6%
$30,000 – $39,999
8%
$40,000 - $49,999
12%
$50,000 - $59,999
5%
$60,000 - $69,999
6%
$70,000 - $79,999
8%
$80,000 - $89,999
2%
$90,000 and over
20%
Note: 26% of respondents did not answer this question.
Latinx Outdoor Recreation
9
irty-seven percent (35 participants) indicated that they were the rst generation
of their family to live in the U.S., while 25% (24 participants) indicated that at least four
generations of their family had lived in this country (Table 3). is is consistent with
the overall trend of declining immigration from Latin America to the United States
in the last decade and the continued growth of second-, third-, and fourth-genera-
tion Latinxs. When asked who they preferred to take on an outdoor trip, most people
ranked family or friends highest. e least preferred option, meanwhile, was going
on an outdoor outing with “people who I do not know” (Table 4)—a nding that cor-
relates with research on how younger generations in general feel about outdoor recre-
ation (Weiler et al., 2018). e responses also indicated that spending time with family
and friends was the most memorable experience during outings.
Table 3
Place a Check Mark Next to the Statement that Best Describes the
History of Your Family in the United States
27
Table 3
Table 3. Place a check mark next to the statement that best
describes the history of your family in the United States
I am the first generation of my family to live in the United States.
37%
My parents were the first generation in our family to live in the
United States. 18%
My grandparents were the first generation in our family to live in the
United States. 12%
At least four generations of my family have lived in the United States.
25%
Other / I don’t know.
0%
Note: 21% did not answer this question (percentages reflect only those who did answer).
28
Table 4
Table 4. Rank from 1 to 6, with 1 being most important, who you most
prefer taking another outdoor trip with?
Average Rank 1
With family
1.58
With friends
1.96
Latino Outdoors
2.35
Other outdoor group
3.82
On my own
3.74
People who I do not know
4.93
1 Of the 66 post-trip survey respondents, ten did not respond to the question at all, of the 40 who did
respond 15 did not rank all of the options, and/or appear to have treated the question as a rating. These
responses were treated as rankings for the average calculation which results in some having “ties.”
Table 4
Rank from 1 to 6, with 1 Being Most Important, Who You Most
Prefer Taking Another Outdoor Trip With?
e survey also asked respondents about the types of activities they engaged in
when visiting public lands. While previous studies have noted a preference for day-use
activities such as picnicking and swimming, over half (57%) of respondents indicated
that they hiked or walked, while 31% reported having camped and 20% picnicked (Fig-
ure 2). Additional activities such as sightseeing, boating, birdwatching, and bicycling
were noted.
Flores and Sánchez
10
Figure 2
What Types of Activities Have You Engaged in During Your Visits? (For Example:
Bird Watching, Camping, Hiking, Picnicking, Sightseeing, etc.)
30
Figure 2
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
Figure2.Whattypesofactivitieshaveyouengagedinduringyourvisits?
(forexample:birdwatching,camping,hiking,picnicking,sightseeing,etc.)
Survey participants were asked open-ended qualitative questions related to their
sense of responsibility for public lands, expectations for outdoor activities, meanings
attributed to the outdoors, and most memorable outdoor experiences. While many re-
spondents stated that time and money were signicant barriers, they also reported that
the location they recreated in with Latino Outdoors was easy to get to, and people in
their community did not realize how close, easily accessible, and beautiful public lands
are. Study participants expressed a strong sense of responsibility for public lands and
stated that they were taught by their parents to care for the outdoors. ey expressed
feeling “a symbolic relationship” with the land, an enjoyment of the outdoors “because
nature is beautiful,” and a sense of responsibility for “where we go to have fun.”
Respondents ascribed powerful meanings to being in the outdoors, such as devel-
oping a sense of connection to nature and stepping away from city life. ey expressed
that the outdoors provided them with an opportunity to disengage from technology
and “enjoy nature and wildlife and be one with the planet that gives us so much.” Par-
ticipants enjoyed having the opportunity to relax, hike, slowly take in the sounds of
birds, breathe fresh air, and generally be at peace. roughout the survey, respondents
cited working long hours as a barrier to recreation, and when they were asked about
what being in the outdoors meant to them, being away from regular work routines
emerged as a dominant theme. Relatedly, enjoying quality time and reconnecting with
family and friends were discussed as important aspects of enjoying time in nature.
Expectations regarding outdoor experiences included spending quality time with
family and friends. While respondents expected their experiences to be enjoyable and
valued the opportunity to get exercise and stay healthy, they also expected to share
their experiences with family members and communities. Participants valued learning
about the outdoors, nding out how to get involved, and educating their communities
on how to participate in outdoor experiences. For example, one respondent stated that
Latinx Outdoor Recreation
11
a major expectation was “for Latino Outdoors to oer experiences to the people in our
community so they can enjoy the parks as well as protecting and becoming an advocate
for our parks and our rights to recreate on these lands.” Moreover, respondents placed
similar importance on learning how to conserve public lands, citing a desire to “learn
more about protecting the environment, and how we can protect these areas.”
e most memorable outdoor experiences for participants arose when they were
able to participate in outdoor activities with family and friends. While participants
discussed the personal exhilaration of swimming, climbing, hiking, and bird-watching,
they found sharing the experience with others to be particularly fullling and were
happy when “everyone had an opportunity to enjoy themselves.” Simply having the
experience was one thing, but respondents also described “seeing family members love
the experience” as the “most memorable” part. In short, “spending time with family
and making memories” was part of enjoying their overall experience of being in the
outdoors.
Limitations
e survey was administered by Latino Outdoors outing leaders. Challenges dur-
ing survey administration included a lack of survey experience; for example, some of
the outing leaders forgot to distribute the survey at the beginning or at the conclusion
of the outdoor excursions, and others forgot to take the survey instrument with them
at all. Other issues occurred due to adverse climate conditions, such as wind blowing
away paper surveys or making it dicult for participants to complete the survey. Due
to the non-random sampling design and small sample size, the survey results are not
representative of the entire U.S. Latinx population. While surveys of outdoor recre-
ation in urban parks do have larger Latinx sample sizes, sample sizes of Latinx recre-
ation on national parks, forests, and other public lands are limited and thus a neces-
sary challenge for conducting research on underrepresented groups not captured in
large quantitative systematic surveys. us, in order to conduct survey research on the
Latinx population and outdoor recreation on public lands, the limitations described
are a necessary part of the research process.
A majority of survey participants were recruited and learned about Latino Out-
doors excursions through friends (62%) and relatives (21%). While these network re-
lationships are important, they may not include individuals and groups from diverse
Latinx communities. However, we believe closed and open-ended survey responses
provide several valuable insights into the changing dynamics of Latinx recreation on
public lands. Finally, these results should be interpreted carefully. As shown above, the
survey respondents are highly educated and have higher than average annual house-
hold income, compared to both overall U.S. and Latinx households. Furthermore,
about half of the participants had been to the recreation sites before. Additional re-
search should focus on the general Latinx population and individuals who have never
visited public lands for outdoor recreation.
Discussion
While Latinx recreationists continue to enjoy day-use activities and picnicking
near water, we also learned that the Latinx community is increasingly interested and
participating in outdoor activities such as hiking, camping, backpacking, and tubing
Flores and Sánchez
12
(Figure 2). us, we nd that Latinxs are moving beyond traditional day-use activi-
ties to explore the outdoors in more diverse and adventurous ways than reported in
previous studies (Chavez, 2012; Chavez & Olsen, 2009). ese ndings parallel recent
upward trends in Latinx assimilation and education across the country (Flores, 2017),
along with generational shis in millennial recreation patterns (Penington-Grey &
Blair, 2010). Our research shows that social and cultural factors such as participating
in outdoor recreation in large groups with family and friends, and describing their ex-
periences in Spanish, are important to Latinxs’ sense of belonging on public lands. For
the Latinx community, a meaningful outdoor experience is not isolated to their own
individual experience or motivated by self-interest (Weaver, 2015), but is rather based
on communal experiences and meanings that fellow participants derive.
Furthermore, participants valued being able to have new experiences even with-
out extensive travel. Most of the outings that Latino Outdoors organizes are within a
reasonably close driving distance (within 60 miles from home), but they still aorded
participants the opportunity to see the “views from mountain tops,” “natural beauty,”
“dierent types of bugs,” and animals like moose for the rst time. ese ndings sug-
gest that Latinxs are increasingly overcoming barriers such as distance, cost, assimila-
tion, and fear of the outdoors identied in previous studies of how racial and ethnic
minority groups recreate on public lands (Chavez, 2012; Elmendorf et al., 2005; Floyd
& Nicholas, 2008).
While Latino Outdoors organizers and participants are not representative of the
entire Latinx population, being 34 years of age on average, they include community
members of the Latinx, generation X (born between 1965–1980), and the “millennial”
generation (born between 1981–1996). Meanwhile, most studies on millennials’ out-
door recreation patterns do not explain racial, ethnic, or cultural dierences in public
land use (Weiler et al., 2018). e participants in this study are strongly grounded in the
Latinx community and are incredibly social media savvy, which is one reason that they
are highly eective at spreading the word about opportunities for recreation on public
lands and the importance of recreation for health and conservation. is group of new
Latinx recreationists is building the platform for future generations of recreationists
from generations Z (born between 1997–2010) and Alpha (born between 2011–2025),
which is especially signicant because generation Alpha will be the rst generation to
experience a non-white majority in the United States (Fry & Parker, 2018).
In contrast to Richard Louv’s (2008) o-cited concept of “nature decit disorder”
and the increasing alienation of young people from the outdoors, 85% of the partici-
pants in this study reported feeling a strong sense of responsibility toward protecting
public lands. In addition to describing their own individual responsibility for taking
care of nature and public lands, open-ended responses invoked taking care of the land
as a communal responsibility because “it’s a world that we all share” and “because in
the eye of human encroachment of natural land it’s imperative that we leave space for
plants and animals to inhabit.” While participants reported limited outdoor recreation
opportunities, they also reported having “a strong connection to land” and a “need to
preserve common lands” for future generations. ese results also provide important
context for the nding that Latinx voters nationally tend to be very strong support-
ers of protecting the environment (Sanchez, 2014; Vargas, 2016). Hence, while polling
data identies immigration and the economy as the most important issues for Latinx
voters (Guillen-Woods, 2016; Pantoja, 2018), our ndings suggest Latinxs are also pay-
Latinx Outdoor Recreation
13
ing close attention to the environment, conserving natural areas, and access to public
lands.
In a study of urban proximate day-use recreation sites in southern California,
Chavez (1993) found that Hispanics reported acts of discrimination while recreating
on national forests. Hispanics also reported interactions with law enforcement being
more frequent than interactions with regular sta while recreating, and Hispanics
tended to recreate in larger groups compared to Anglos for safety purposes. Similar
ndings from research on discrimination in recreational areas has received attention
for decades (Blahna & Black, 1993; Chavez, 1993; Flood & McAvoy, 2007; Floyd &
Gramann, 1995; Sharaievska et al., 2010) and remains a serious concern for national,
state, and municipal park managers across the country (Gobster, 2002; Staneld et al.,
2005; Stodolska, 2018). However, study participants indicated that earlier ndings of
overt discrimination on public lands could be changing. When asked if they felt “wel-
comed” by other races, only one survey respondent answered “no,” and in open-ended
responses, nearly all respondents reported that they felt “welcome” and that park sta
and other recreationists were “friendly.” One respondent stated, “If I have any questions
about the trails people generally help me,” and those that reported previously partici-
pating in outdoor recreation activities stated that they “never had an issue or confron-
tation.” ese ndings reveal that the perceived barriers based on overt discrimination
found in previous studies may not be as prevalent for younger generations of Latinx
recreationists.
Nonetheless, while Latinxs report less overt discrimination while recreating on
federal and state public lands, racial and ethnic minority groups remain underrepre-
sented (Flores et al., 2018). As with housing and the economy, people of color remain
separate and unequal in many other areas of social life (Massey & Denton, 1993), in-
cluding outdoor recreation. Systemic racial and ethnic inequality is still structurally
produced, but is no longer overt and can seem almost invisible (Bonilla-Silva, 2015).
us, recreation settings continue to be places for the “creation and reinforcement of
racist practices in contemporary society” (Floyd, 2007, p. 249). Practices of historical
racism, eects of past economic discrimination, as well as housing and educational
segregation continue to produce institutional racism and exclusion from recreation
opportunities (Blahna & Black, 1993; Roberts & Rodriguez, 2008; Taylor, 2018). ere-
fore, while in this study fewer Latinxs reported overt acts of discrimination against
them while participating in outdoor recreation activities, the structural mechanisms
that lead to low minority group visitation rates to federal and state public lands remain
relatively stable.
Conclusion
While research on Latinx outdoor recreation in urban areas and city parks has
increased over the past twenty years (Tandon et al., 2018), research on federal and state
public lands such as national forests and parks has waned. e results from this study
show a shi in Latinx use of federal and state public lands. Previous studies from the
1990s and 2000s (Chavez, 1993; Chavez & Olsen, 2009; Floyd & Gramann, 1993) found
day-use activities such as picnicking and swimming to be the primary recreational
activities and typically focused on rst-generation, less assimilated Latinx immigrants.
However, the demographics and assimilation processes of the Latinx community are
Flores and Sánchez
14
changing, as the number of rst-generation immigrants are decreasing and second-,
third-, and fourth-generation U.S.-born Latinxs are increasing (Lopez et al., 2018).
Accordingly, Latinx preferences and perceptions of outdoor recreation on federal
and state public lands are changing in three signicant ways. First, Latinxs are expand-
ing their recreation activities beyond day-use to engage in activities like overnight
backpacking and camping, which enable participants to explore a broader array of for-
est resources. At the same time, cultural practices such as recreating in large groups
with family and friends remain important to their outdoor experiences. Second, de-
spite earlier research nding signicant gaps in environmental awareness among ra-
cial and ethnic minority groups and millennials (Cordell et al., 2002; Kellert, 1984;
O’Dell, 2016; Shinew, Floyd, & Parry, 2004), recent polling data and research shows
their overwhelming support for protecting public lands (Sanchez, 2014; Weiler et al.,
2018). e ndings in this study also show signicant support and a strong sense of
responsibility for protecting national and state parks for public use. ird, while prior
research identied overt racial discrimination as a signicant barrier to public land use
(Chavez, 1993; Floyd & Gramann, 1995), our ndings show that Latinxs now tend to
feel welcome on federal and state public lands, and sta and other visitors are generally
perceived as friendly, which may increase the Latinx community’s sense of belonging
when visiting national forests and parks.
While this study’s ndings reveal shiing processes of assimilation and accultura-
tion, and show that perceptions of overt discrimination may be changing on federal
and state public lands, racial and ethnic minority groups remain underrepresented in
outdoor recreation. Institutional barriers such as “policies, practices, and procedures
[that] favor some ethnic groups over others” lead to institutional racism and less vis-
ible forms of exclusion (Haas, 1992, p. 2). While discrimination may not be overt, in-
stitutional racism can “develop without any conscious racist intent” or may also be a
result of past discrimination (Farley, 1988, p. 10; Haas, 1992). Systemic exclusion and
persistent inequalities without overt racial discrimination reproduces a system of “rac-
ism without racists” (Bonilla-Silva, 2015). In other words, without using overt racial
discrimination, ignoring the historical causes of racial inequality can justify racial and
ethnic minority underrepresentation in politics, as well as exclusion from quality hous-
ing, higher education, access to health care, professional opportunities—and in this
case access to public lands. Instead, these are blamed on individualistic characteristics
such as cultural attributes, morality, values, work ethic, or simply lack of interest.
Generation Alpha will be the rst minority-majority generation in the United
States, and the Latinx population is the largest minority group within this generation.
e ndings in this study show that Latinx recreationists are breaking away from more
traditional recreation patterns and building new recreation opportunities for younger
generations, which includes diverse outdoor experiences combined with memorable
family experiences. Future research on the growing Latinx population and outdoor
recreation could examine how new generations of Latinxs draw meaning from their
outdoor experiences, and how they are combining traditional cultural traits with more
diverse and active outdoor recreation activities. In addition, within-group dierences
that consider diverse backgrounds, such as country of origin, age, income, education,
and gender identity, will reveal further opportunities for delivering services and gain-
ing political support from a new wave of public land users who hold onto their cultural
Latinx Outdoor Recreation
15
identities while at the same time are assimilating and acculturating to U.S. norms of
outdoor recreation on public lands.
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